HERODOTUS OF HALICARNASSUS
IN NINE WEB PAGE PARTS - WEBPAGE ONE
THE HISTORY THE FIRST BOOK - CLIO
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Herodotus
of Halicarnassus
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The Greek researcher and storyteller Herodotus
of Halicarnassus (fifth century BCE) was
the world's first historian. In The Histories,
he describes the expansion of the Achaemenid
empire under its kings Cyrus the Great, Cambyses
and Darius I the Great, culminating in king
Xerxes' expedition in 480 BCE against the
Greeks, which met with disaster in the naval
engagement at Salamis and the battles at
Plataea and Mycale. Herodotus' remarkable
book also contains excellent ethnographic
descriptions of the peoples that the Persians
have conquered, fairy tales, gossip, legends,
and a very humanitarian morale.
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THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS
By Herodotus
Translated into English by G. C. Macaulay
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME I.
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{e Herodotou diathesis en apasin epieikes,
kai tois men agathois sunedomene, tois de
kakois sunalgousa}. Dion. Halic. {monos
'Erodotos 'Omerikhotatos egeneto}. Longinus.
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PREPARER'S NOTE
This text was prepared from an edition dated
1890, published by MacMillan and Co., London
and New York.
Greek text has been transliterated and marked
with brackets, as in the opening citation
above.
PREFACE
If a new translation of Herodotus does not
justify itself, it will hardly be justified
in a preface; therefore the question whether
it was needed may be left here without discussion.
The aim of the translator has been above
all things faithfulness? faithfulness to
the manner of expression and to the structure
of sentences, as well as to the meaning of
the Author. At the same time it is conceived
that the freedom and variety of Herodotus
is not always best reproduced by such severe
consistency of rendering as is perhaps desirable
in the case of the Epic writers before and
the philosophical writers after his time:
nor again must his simplicity of thought
and occasional quaintness be reproduced in
the form of archaisms of language; and that
not only because the affectation of an archaic
style would necessarily be offensive to the
reader, but also because in language Herodotus
is not archaic. His style is the "best
canon of the Ionic speech," marked,
however, not so much by primitive purity
as by eclectic variety. At the same time
it is characterised largely by the poetic
diction of the Epic and Tragic writers; and
while the translator is free to employ all
the resources of modern English, so far as
he has them at his command, he must carefully
retain this poetical colouring and by all
means avoid the courtier phrase by which
the style of Herodotus has too often been
made "more noble." 331
As regards the text from which this translation
has been made, it is based upon that of Stein's
critical edition (Berlin, 1869-1871), that
is to say the estimate there made of the
comparative value of the authorities has
been on the whole accepted as a just one,
rather than that which depreciates the value
of the Medicean MS. and of the class to which
it belongs. On the other hand the conjectural
emendations proposed by Stein have very seldom
been adopted, and his text has been departed
from in a large number of other instances
also, which will for the most part be found
recorded in the notes.
As it seemed that even after Stein's re-collation
of the Medicean MS. there were doubts felt
by some scholars 332 as to the true reading
in some places of this MS., which is very
generally acknowledged to be the most important,
I thought it right to examine it myself in
all those passages where questions about
text arise which concern a translator, that
is in nearly five hundred places altogether;
and the results, when they are worth observing,
are recorded in the notes. At the same time,
by the suggestion of Dr. Stein, I re-collated
a large part of the third book in the MS.
which is commonly referred to as F (i. e.
Florentinus), called by Stein C, and I examined
this MS. also in a certain number of other
places. It should be understood that wherever
in the notes I mention the reading of any
particular MS. by name, I do so on my own
authority.
The notes have been confined to a tolerably
small compass. Their purpose is, first, in
cases where the text is doubtful, to indicate
the reading adopted by the translator and
any other which may seem to have reasonable
probability, but without discussion of the
authorities; secondly, where the rendering
is not quite literal (and in other cases
where it seemed desirable), to quote the
words of the original or to give a more literal
version; thirdly, to add an alternative version
in cases where there seems to be a doubt
as to the true meaning; and lastly, to give
occasionally a short explanation, or a reference
from one passage of the author to another.
For the orthography of proper names reference
may be made to the note prefixed to the index.
No consistent system has been adopted, and
the result will therefore be open to criticism
in many details; but the aim has been to
avoid on the one hand the pedantry of seriously
altering the form of those names which are
fairly established in the English language
of literature, as distinguished from that
of scholarship, and on the other hand the
absurdity of looking to Latin rather than
to Greek for the orthography of the names
which are not so established. There is no
intention to put forward any theory about
pronunciation.
The index of proper names will, it is hoped,
be found more complete and accurate than
those hitherto published. The best with which
I was acquainted I found to have so many
errors and omissions 333 that I was compelled
to do the work again from the beginning.
In a collection of more than ten thousand
references there must in all probability
be mistakes, but I trust they will be found
to be few.
My acknowledgments of obligation are due
first to Dr. Stein, both for his critical
work and also for his most excellent commentary,
which I have had always by me. After this
I have made most use of the editions of Krüger,
Bähr, Abicht, and (in the first two books)
Mr. Woods. As to translations, I have had
Rawlinson's before me while revising my own
work, and I have referred also occasionally
to the translations of Littlebury (perhaps
the best English version as regards style,
but full of gross errors), Taylor, and Larcher.
In the second book I have also used the version
of B. R. reprinted by Mr. Lang: of the first
book of this translation I have access only
to a fragment written out some years ago,
when the British Museum was within my reach.
Other particular obligations are acknowledged
in the notes.
NOTES TO PREFACE
331 [ See the remarks of P.-L. Courier (on
Larcher's version) in the preface to his
specimens of a new translation of Herodotus
(OEuvres complètes de P.-L. Courier, Bruxelles,
1828).]
332 [ Mr. Woods, for example, in his edition
of the first book
(published in 1873) gives a list of readings
for the first and second books, in which
he almost invariably prefers the authority
of Gronovius to that of Stein, where their
reports differ. In so doing he is wrong in
all cases (I think) except one, namely i.
134 {to degomeno}. He is wrong, for examine,
in i. 189, where the MS. has {touto}, i.
196 {an agesthai}, i. 199 {odon}, ii. 15
{te de}, ii. 95 {up auto}, ii. 103 {kai prosotata},
ii. 124 {to addo} (without {dao}), ii. 181
{no}. Abicht also has made several inaccurate
statements, e. g. i. 185, where the MS. has
{es ton Euphreten}, and vii. 133 {Xerxes}.]
333 [ For example in the index of proper
names attached to Stein's annotated edition
(Berlin, 1882), to which I am under obligation,
having checked my own by it, I find that
I have marked upwards of two hundred mistakes
or oversights: no doubt I have been saved
by it from at least as many.]
THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS
BOOK I. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORIES,
CALLED CLIO
This is the Showing forth of the Inquiry
of Herodotus of Halicarnassos, to the end
that 1 neither the deeds of men may be forgotten
by lapse of time, nor the works 2 great and
marvellous, which have been produced some
by Hellenes and some by Barbarians, may lose
their renown; and especially that the causes
may be remembered for which these waged war
with one another.
1. Those of the Persians who have knowledge
of history declare that the Phenicians first
began the quarrel. These, they say, came
from that which is called the Erythraian
Sea to this of ours; and having settled in
the land where they continue even now to
dwell, set themselves forthwith to make long
voyages by sea. And conveying merchandise
of Egypt and of Assyria they arrived at other
places and also at Argos; now Argos was at
that time in all points the first of the
States within that land which is now called
Hellas;? the Phenicians arrived then at this
land of Argos, and began to dispose of their
ship's cargo: and on the fifth or sixth day
after they had arrived, when their goods
had been almost all sold, there came down
to the sea a great company of women, and
among them the daughter of the king; and
her name, as the Hellenes also agree, was
Io the daughter of Inachos. These standing
near to the stern of the ship were buying
of the wares such as pleased them most, when
of a sudden the Phenicians, passing the word
from one to another, made a rush upon them;
and the greater part of the women escaped
by flight, but Io and certain others were
carried off. So they put them on board their
ship, and forthwith departed, sailing away
to Egypt.
2. In this manner the Persians report that
Io came to Egypt, not agreeing therein with
the Hellenes, 3 and this they say was the
first beginning of wrongs. Then after this,
they say, certain Hellenes (but the name
of the people they are not able to report)
put in to the city of Tyre in Phenicia and
carried off the king's daughter Europa;?
these would doubtless be Cretans;? and so
they were quits for the former injury. After
this however the Hellenes, they say, were
the authors of the second wrong; for they
sailed in to Aia of Colchis and to the river
Phasis with a ship of war, and from thence,
after they had done the other business for
which they came, they carried off the king's
daughter Medea: and the king of Colchis sent
a herald to the land of Hellas and demanded
satisfaction for the rape and to have his
daughter back; but they answered that, as
the Barbarians had given them no satisfaction
for the rape of Io the Argive, so neither
would they give satisfaction to the Barbarians
for this.
3. In the next generation after this, they
say, Alexander the son of Priam, having heard
of these things, desired to get a wife for
himself by violence 4 from Hellas, being
fully assured that he would not be compelled
to give any satisfaction for this wrong,
inasmuch as the Hellenes gave none for theirs.
So he carried off Helen, and the Hellenes
resolved to send messengers first and to
demand her back with satisfaction for the
rape; and when they put forth this demand,
the others alleged to them the rape of Medea,
saying that the Hellenes were now desiring
satisfaction to be given to them by others,
though they had given none themselves nor
had surrendered the person when demand was
made.
4. Up to this point, they say, nothing more
happened than the carrying away of women
on both sides; but after this the Hellenes
were very greatly to blame; for they set
the first example of war, making an expedition
into Asia before the Barbarians made any
into Europe. Now they say that in their judgment,
though it is an act of wrong to carry away
women by force, it is a folly to set one's
heart on taking vengeance for their rape,
and the wise course is to pay no regard when
they have been carried away; for it is evident
that they would never be carried away if
they were not themselves willing to go. And
the Persians say that they, namely the people
of Asia, when their women were carried away
by force, had made it a matter of no account,
but the Hellenes on account of a woman of
Lacedemon gathered together a great armament,
and then came to Asia and destroyed the dominion
of Priam; and that from this time forward
they had always considered the Hellenic race
to be their enemy: for Asia and the Barbarian
races which dwell there the Persians claim
as belonging to them; but Europe and the
Hellenic race they consider to be parted
off from them.
5. The Persians for their part say that things
happened thus; and they conclude that the
beginning of their quarrel with the Hellenes
was on account of the taking of Ilion: but
as regards Io the Phenicians do not agree
with the Persians in telling the tale thus;
for they deny that they carried her off to
Egypt by violent means, and they say on the
other hand that when they were in Argos she
was intimate with the master of their ship,
and perceiving that she was with child, she
was ashamed to confess it to her parents,
and therefore sailed away with the Phenicians
of her own will, for fear of being found
out. These are the tales told by the Persians
and the Phenicians severally: and concerning
these things I am not going to say that they
happened thus or thus, 401 but when I have
pointed to the man who first within my own
knowledge began to commit wrong against the
Hellenes, I shall go forward further with
the story, giving an account of the cities
of men, small as well as great: for those
which in old times were great have for the
most part become small, while those that
were in my own time great used in former
times to be small: so then, since I know
that human prosperity never continues steadfast,
I shall make mention of both indifferently.
6. Croesus was Lydian by race, the son of
Alyattes and ruler of the nations which dwell
on this side of the river Halys; which river,
flowing from the South between the Syrians
5 and the Paphlagonians, runs out towards
the North Wind into that Sea which is called
the Euxine. This Croesus, first of all the
Barbarians of whom we have knowledge, subdued
certain of the Hellenes and forced them to
pay tribute, while others he gained over
and made them his friends. Those whom he
subdued were the Ionians, the Aiolians, and
the Dorians who dwell in Asia; and those
whom he made his friends were the Lacedemonians.
But before the reign of Croesus all the Hellenes
were free; for the expedition of the Kimmerians,
which came upon Ionia before the time of
Croesus, was not a conquest of the cities
but a plundering incursion only. 6
7. Now the supremacy which had belonged to
the Heracleidai came to the family of Croesus,
called Mermnadai, in the following manner:?
Candaules, whom the Hellenes call Myrsilos,
was ruler of Sardis and a descendant of Alcaios,
son of Heracles: for Agron, the son of Ninos,
the son of Belos, the son of Alcaios, was
the first of the Heracleidai who became king
of Sardis, and Candaules the son of Myrsos
was the last; but those who were kings over
this land before Agrond, were descendants
of Lydos the son of Atys, whence this whole
nation was called Lydian, having been before
called Meonian. From these the Heracleidai,
descended from Heracles and the slave-girl
of Iardanos, obtained the government, being
charged with it by reason of an oracle; and
they reigned for two-and-twenty generations
of men, five hundred and five years, handing
on the power from father to son, till the
time of Clandaules the son of Myrsos.
8. This Candaules then of whom I speak had
become passionately in love with his own
wife; and having become so, he deemed that
his wife was fairer by far than all other
women; and thus deeming, to Gyges the son
of Daskylos (for he of all his spearmen was
the most pleasing to him), to this Gyges,
I say, he used to impart as well the more
weighty of his affairs as also the beauty
of his wife, praising it above measure: and
after no long time, since it was destined
that evil should happen to Candaules, he
said to Gyges as follows: "Gyges, I
think that thou dost not believe me when
I tell thee of the beauty of my wife, for
it happens that men's ears are less apt of
belief than their eyes: contrive therefore
means by which thou mayest look upon her
naked." But he cried aloud and said:
"Master, what word of unwisdom is this
which thou dost utter, bidding me look upon
my mistress naked? When a woman puts off
her tunic she puts off her modesty also.
Moreover of old time those fair sayings have
been found out by men, from which we ought
to learn wisdom; and of these one is this,?
that each man should look on his own: but
I believe indeed that she is of all women
the fairest and I entreat thee not to ask
of me that which it is not lawful for me
to do."
9. With such words as these he resisted,
fearing lest some evil might come to him
from this; but the king answered him thus:
"Be of good courage, Gyges, and have
no fear, either of me, that I am saying these
words to try thee, or of my wife, lest any
harm may happen to thee from her. For I will
contrive it so from the first that she shall
not even perceive that she has been seen
by thee. I will place thee in the room where
we sleep, behind the open door; 7 and after
I have gone in, my wife also will come to
lie down. Now there is a seat near the entrance
of the room, and upon this she will lay her
garments as she takes them off one by one;
and so thou wilt be able to gaze upon her
at full leisure. And when she goes from the
chair to the bed and thou shalt be behind
her back, then let it be thy part to take
care that she sees thee not as thou goest
through the door."
10. He then, since he might not avoid it,
gave consent: and Candaules, when he considered
that it was time to rest, led Gyges to the
chamber; and straightway after this the woman
also appeared: and Gyges looked upon her
after she came in and as she laid down her
garments; and when she had her back turned
towards him, as she went to the bed, then
he slipped away from his hiding-place and
was going forth. And as he went out, the
woman caught sight of him, and perceiving
that which had been done by her husband she
did not cry out, though struck with shame,
8 but she made as though she had not perceived
the matter, meaning to avenge herself upon
Candaules: for among the Lydians as also
among most other Barbarians it is a shame
even for a man to be seen naked.
11. At the time then she kept silence, as
I say, and made no outward sign; but as soon
as day had dawned, and she made ready those
of the servants whom she perceived to be
the most attached to herself, and after that
she sent to summon Gyges. He then, not supposing
that anything of that which had been done
was known to her, came upon her summons;
for he had been accustomed before to go 9
whenever the queen summoned him. And when
Gyges was come, the woman said to him these
words: "There are now two ways open
to thee, Gyges, and I give thee the choice
which of the two thou wilt prefer to take.
Either thou must slay Candaules and possess
both me and the kingdom of Lydia, or thou
must thyself here on the spot be slain, so
that thou mayest not in future, by obeying
Candaules in all things, see that which thou
shouldest not. Either he must die who formed
this design, or thou who hast looked upon
me naked and done that which is not accounted
lawful." For a time then Gyges was amazed
at these words, and afterwards he began to
entreat her that she would not bind him by
necessity to make such a choice: then however,
as he could not prevail with her, but saw
that necessity was in truth set before him
either to slay his master or to be himself
slain by others, he made the choice to live
himself; and he inquired further as follows:
"Since thou dost compel me to take my
master's life against my own will, let me
hear from thee also what is the manner in
which we shall lay hands upon him."
And she answering said: "From that same
place shall the attempt be, where he displayed
me naked; and we will lay hands upon him
as he sleeps."
12. So after they had prepared the plot,
when night came on, (for Gyges was not let
go nor was there any way of escape for him,
but he must either be slain himself or slay
Candaules), he followed the woman to the
bedchamber; and she gave him a dagger and
concealed him behind that very same door.
Then afterwards, while Candaules was sleeping,
Gyges came privily up to him 10 and slew
him, and he obtained both his wife and his
kingdom: of him moreover Archilochos the
Parian, who lived about that time, made mention
in a trimeter iambic verse. 11
13. He obtained the kingdom however and was
strengthened in it by means of the Oracle
at Delphi; for when the Lydians were angry
because of the fate of Candaules, and had
risen in arms, a treaty was made between
the followers of Gyges and the other Lydians
to this effect, that if the Oracle should
give answer that he was to be king of the
Lydians, he should be king, and if not, he
should give back the power to the sons of
Heracles. So the Oracle gave answer, and
Gyges accordingly became king: yet the Pythian
prophetess said this also, that vengeance
for the Heracleidai should come upon the
descendants of Gyges in the fifth generation.
Of this oracle the Lydians and their kings
made no account until it was in fact fulfilled.
14. Thus the Mermnadai obtained the government
having driven out from it the Heracleidai:
and Gyges when he became ruler sent votive
offerings to Delphi not a few, for of all
the silver offerings at Delphi his are more
in number than those of any other man; and
besides the silver he offered a vast quantity
of gold, and especially one offering which
is more worthy of mention than the rest,
namely six golden mixing-bowls, which are
dedicated there as his gift: of these the
weight is thirty talents, and they stand
in the treasury of the Corinthians, (though
in truth this treasury does not belong to
the State of the Corinthians, but is that
of Kypselos the son of Aëtion). 12 This Gyges
was the first of the Barbarians within our
knowledge who dedicated votive offerings
at Delphi, except only Midas the son of Gordias
king of Phrygia, who dedicated for an offering
the royal throne on which he sat before all
to decide causes; and this throne, a sight
worth seeing, stands in the same place with
the bowls of Gyges. This gold and silver
which Gyges dedicated is called Gygian by
the people of Delphi, after the name of him
who offered it.
Now Gyges also, 13 as soon as he became king,
led an army against Miletos and Smyrna, and
he took the lower town of Colophon: 14 but
no other great deed did he do in his reign,
which lasted eight-and-thirty years, therefore
we will pass him by with no more mention
than has already been made,
15, and I will speak now of Ardys the son
of Gyges, who became king after Gyges. He
took Priene and made an invasion against
Miletos; and while he was ruling over Sardis,
the Kimmerians driven from their abodes by
the nomad Scythians came to Asia and took
Sardis except the citadel.
16. Now when Ardys had been king for nine-and-forty
years, Sadyattes his son succeeded to his
kingdom, and reigned twelve years; and after
him Alyattes. This last made war against
Kyaxares the descendant of Deïokes and against
the Medes, 15 and he drove the Kimmerians
forth out of Asia, and he took Smyrna which
had been founded from Colophon, and made
an invasion against Clazomenai. From this
he ed not as he desired, but with great loss:
during his reign however he performed other
deeds very worthy of mention as follows:?
17. He made war with those of Miletos, having
received this war as an inheritance from
his father: for he used to invade their land
and besiege Miletos in the following manner:?
whenever there were ripe crops upon the land,
then he led an army into their confines,
making his march to the sound of pipes and
harps and flutes both of male and female
tone: and when he came to the Milesian land,
he neither pulled down the houses that were
in the fields, nor set fire to them nor tore
off their doors, but let them stand as they
were; the trees however and the crops that
were upon the land he destroyed, and then
departed by the way he came: for the men
of Miletos had command of the sea, so that
it was of no use for his army to blockade
them: and he abstained from pulling down
the houses to the end that the Milesians
might have places to dwell in while they
sowed and tilled the land, and by the means
of their labour he might have somewhat to
destroy when he made his invasion.
18. Thus he continued to war with them for
eleven years; and in the course of these
years the Milesians suffered two great defeats,
once when they fought a battle in the district
of Limenion in their own land, and again
in the plain of Maiander. Now for six of
the eleven years Sadyattes the son of Ardys
was still ruler of the Lydians, the same
who was wont to invade the land of Miletos
at the times mentioned; 16 for this Sadyattes
was he who first began the war: but for the
five years which followed these first six
the war was carried on by Alyattes the son
of Sadyattes, who received it as an inheritance
from his father (as I have already said)
and applied himself to it earnestly. And
none of the Ionians helped those of Miletos
bear the burden of this war except only the
men of Chios. These came to their aid to
pay back like with like, for the Milesians
had formerly assisted the Chians throughout
their war with the people of Erythrai.
19. Then in the twelfth year of the war,
when standing corn was being burnt by the
army of the Lydians, it happened as follows:?
as soon as the corn was kindled, it was driven
by a violent wind and set fire to the temple
of Athene surnamed of Assessos; and the temple
being set on fire was burnt down to the ground.
Of this no account was made then; but afterwards
when the army had ed to Sardis, Alyattes
fell sick, and as his sickness lasted long,
he sent messengers to inquire of the Oracle
at Delphi, either being advised to do so
by some one, or because he himself thought
it best to send and inquire of the god concerning
his sickness. But when these arrived at Delphi,
the Pythian prophetess said that she would
give them no answer, until they should have
built up again the temple of Athene which
they had burnt at Assessos in the land of
Miletos.
20. Thus much I know by the report of the
people of Delphi; but the Milesians add to
this that Periander the son of Kypselos,
being a special guest-friend of Thrasybulos
the then despot of Miletos, heard of the
oracle which had been given to Alyattes,
and sending a messenger told Thrasybulos,
in order that he might have knowledge of
it beforehand and take such counsel as the
case required. This is the story told by
the Milesians.
21. And Alyattes, when this answer was reported
to him, sent a herald forthwith to Miletos,
desiring to make a truce with Thrasybulos
and the Milesians for so long a time as he
should be building the temple. He then was
being sent as envoy to Miletos; and Thrasybulos
in the meantime being informed beforehand
of the whole matter and knowing what Alyattes
was meaning to do, contrived this device:?
he gathered together in the market-place
all the store of provisions which was found
in the city, both his own and that which
belonged to private persons; and he proclaimed
to the Milesians that on a signal given by
him they should all begin to drink and make
merry with one another.
22. This Thrasybulos did and thus proclaimed
to the end that the herald from Sardis, seeing
a vast quantity of provisions carelessly
piled up, and the people feasting, might
report this to Alyattes: and so on fact it
happened; for when the herald ed to Sardis
after seeing this and delivering to Thrasybulos
the charge which was given to him by the
king of Lydia, the peace which was made,
came about, as I am informed, merely because
of this. For Alyattes, who thought that there
was a great famine in Miletos and that the
people had been worn down to the extreme
of misery, heard from the herald, when he
ed from Miletos, the opposite to that which
he himself supposed. And after this the peace
was made between them on condition of being
guest-friends and allies to one another,
and Alyattes built two temples to Athene
at Assessos in place of one, and himself
recovered from his sickness. With regard
then to the war waged by Alyattes with the
Milesians and Thrasybulos things went thus.
23. As for Periander, the man who gave information
about the oracle to Thrasybulos, he was the
son of Kypselos, and despot of Corinth. In
his life, say the Corinthians, (and with
them agree the Lesbians), there happened
to him a very great marvel, namely that Arion
of Methymna was carried ashore at Tainaron
upon a dolphin's back. This man was a harper
second to none of those who then lived, and
the first, so far as we know, who composed
a dithyramb, naming it so and teaching it
to a chorus
17 at Corinth.
24. This Arion, they say, who for the most
part of his time stayed with Periander, conceived
a desire to sail to Italy 18 and Sicily;
and after he had there acquired large sums
of money, he wished to again to Corinth.
He set forth therefore from Taras, 19 and
as he had faith in Corinthians more than
in other men, he hired a ship with a crew
of Corinthians. These, the story says, when
out in open sea, formed a plot to cast Arion
overboard and so possess his wealth; and
he having obtained knowledge of this made
entreaties to them, offering them his wealth
and asking them to grant him his life. With
this however he did not prevail upon them,
but the men who were conveying him bade him
either slay himself there, that he might
receive burial on the land, or leap straightway
into the sea. So Arion being driven to a
strait entreated them that, since they were
so minded, they would allow him to take his
stand in full minstrel's garb upon the deck
20 of the ship and sing; and he promised
to put himself to death after he had sung.
They then, well pleased to think that they
should hear the best of all minstrels upon
earth, drew back from the stern towards the
middle of the ship; and he put on the full
minstrel's garb and took his lyre, and standing
on the deck performed the Orthian measure.
Then as the measure ended, he threw himself
into the sea just as he was, in his full
minstrel's garb; and they went on sailing
away to Corinth, but him, they say, a dolphin
supported on its back and brought him to
shore at Tainaron: and when he had come to
land he proceeded to Corinth with his minstrel's
garb. Thither having arrived he related all
that had been done; and Periander doubting
of his story kept Arion in guard and would
let him go nowhere, while he kept careful
watch for those who had conveyed him. When
these came, he called them and inquired of
them if they had any report to make of Arion;
and when they said that he was safe in Italy
and that they had left him at Taras faring
well, Arion suddenly appeared before them
in the same guise as when he made his leap
from the ship; and they being struck with
amazement were no longer able to deny when
they were questioned. This is the tale told
by the Corinthians and Lesbians alike, and
there is at Tainaron a votive offering of
Arion of no great size, 21 namely a bronze
figure of a man upon a dolphin's back.
25. Alyattes the Lydian, when he had thus
waged war against the Milesians, afterwards
died, having reigned seven-and-fifty years.
This king, when he recovered from his sickness,
dedicated a votive offering at Delphi (being
the second of his house who had so done),
namely a great mixing-bowl of silver with
a stand for it of iron welded together, which
last is a sight worth seeing above all the
offerings at Delphi and the work of Glaucos
the Chian, who of all men first found out
the art of welding iron.
26. After Alyattes was dead Croesus the son
of Alyattes received the kingdom in succession,
being five-and-thirty years of age. He (as
I said) fought against the Hellenes and of
them he attacked the Ephesians first. The
Ephesians then, being besieged by him, dedicated
their city to Artemis and tied a rope from
the temple to the wall of the city: now the
distance between the ancient city, which
was then being besieged, and the temple is
seven furlongs. 22 These, I say, where the
first upon whom Croesus laid hands, but afterwards
he did the same to the other Ionian and Aiolian
cities one by one, alleging against them
various causes of complaint, and making serious
charges against those in whose cases he could
find serious grounds, while against others
of them he charged merely trifling offences.
27. Then when the Hellenes in Asia had been
conquered and forced to pay tribute, he designed
next to build for himself ships and to lay
hands upon those who dwelt in the islands;
and when all was prepared for his building
of ships, they say that Bias of Priene (or,
according to another account, Pittacos of
Mytilene) came to Sardis, and being asked
by Croesus whether there was any new thing
doing in Hellas, brought to an end his building
of ships by this saying: "O king,"
said he, "the men of the islands are
hiring a troop of ten thousand horse, and
with this they mean to march to Sardis and
fight against thee." And Croesus, supposing
that what he reported was true, said: "May
the gods put it into the minds of the dwellers
of the islands to come with horses against
the sons of the Lydians!" And he answered
and said: "O king, I perceive that thou
dost earnestly desire to catch the men of
the islands on the mainland riding upon horses;
and it is not unreasonable that thou shouldest
wish for this: what else however thinkest
thou the men of the islands desire and have
been praying for ever since the time they
heard that thou wert about to build ships
against them, than that they might catch
the Lydians upon the sea, so as to take vengeance
upon thee for the Hellenes who dwell upon
the mainland, whom thou dost hold enslaved?"
Croesus, they say, was greatly pleased with
this conclusion, 23 and obeying his suggestion,
for he judged him to speak suitably, he stopped
his building of ships; and upon that he formed
a friendship with the Ionians dwelling in
the islands.
28. As time went on, when nearly all those
dwelling on this side the river Halys had
been subdued, (for except the Kilikians and
Lykians Croesus subdued and kept under his
rule all the nations, that is to say Lydians,
Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynoi, Chalybians,
Paphlagonians, Thracians both Thynian and
Bithynian, Carians, Ionians, Dorians, Aiolians,
and Pamphylians), 24
29, when these, I say, had been subdued,
and while he was still adding to his Lydian
dominions, there came to Sardis, then at
the height of its wealth, all the wise men
25 of the Hellas who chanced to be alive
at that time, brought thither severally by
various occasions; and of them one was Solon
the Athenian, who after he had made laws
for the Athenians at their bidding, left
his native country for ten years and sailed
away saying that he desired to visit various
lands, in order that he might not be compelled
to repeal any of the laws which he had proposed.
26 For of themselves the Athenians were not
competent to do this, having bound themselves
by solemn oaths to submit for ten years to
the laws which Solon should propose for them.
30. So Solon, having left his native country
for this reason and for the sake of seeing
various lands, came to Amasis in Egypt, and
also to Croesus at Sardis. Having there arrived
he was entertained as a guest by Croesus
in the king's palace; and afterwards, on
the third or fourth day, at the bidding of
Croesus his servants led Solon round to see
his treasuries; and they showed him all things,
how great and magnificent they were: and
after he had looked upon them all and examined
them as he had occasion, Croesus asked him
as follows: "Athenian guest, much report
of thee has come to us, both in regard to
thy wisdom and thy wanderings, how that in
thy search for wisdom thou hast traversed
many lands to see them; now therefore a desire
has come upon me to ask thee whether thou
hast seen any whom thou deemest to be of
all men the most happy." 27 This he
asked supposing that he himself was the happiest
of men; but Solon, using no flattery but
the truth only, said: "Yes, O king,
Tellos the Athenian." And Croesus, marvelling
at that which he said, asked him earnestly:
"In what respect dost thou judge Tellos
to be the most happy?" And he said:
"Tellos, in the first place, living
while his native State was prosperous, had
sons fair and good and saw from all of them
children begotten and living to grow up;
and secondly he had what with us is accounted
wealth, and after his life a most glorious
end: for when a battle was fought by the
Athenians at Eleusis against the neighbouring
people, he brought up supports and routed
the foe and there died by a most fair death;
and the Athenians buried him publicly where
he fell, and honoured him greatly."
31. So when Solon had moved Croesus to inquire
further by the story of Tellos, recounting
how many points of happiness he had, the
king asked again whom he had seen proper
to be placed next after this man, supposing
that he himself would certainly obtain at
least the second place; but he replied: "Cleobis
and Biton: for these, who were of Argos by
race, possessed a sufficiency of wealth and,
in addition to this, strength of body such
as I shall tell. Both equally had won prizes
in the games, and moreover the following
tale is told of them:? There was a feast
of Hera among the Argives and it was by all
means necessary that their mother should
be borne in a car to the temple. But since
their oxen were not brought up in time from
the field, the young men, barred from all
else by lack of time, submitted themselves
to the yoke and drew the wain, their mother
being borne by them upon it; and so they
brought it on for five-and-forty furlongs,
28 and came to the temple. Then after they
had done this and had been seen by the assembled
crowd, there came to their life a most excellent
ending; and in this the deity declared that
it was better for man to die than to continue
to live. For the Argive men were standing
round and extolling the strength 29 of the
young men, while the Argive women were extolling
the mother to whose lot it had fallen to
have such sons; and the mother being exceedingly
rejoiced both by the deed itself and by the
report made of it, took her stand in front
of the image of the goddess and prayed that
she would give to Cleobis and Biton her sons,
who had honoured her 30 greatly, that gift
which is best for man to receive: and after
this prayer, when they had sacrificed and
feasted, the young men lay down to sleep
within the temple itself, and never rose
again, but were held bound in this last end.
31 And the Argives made statues in the likeness
of them and dedicated them as offerings at
Delphi, thinking that they had proved themselves
most excellent."
32. Thus Solon assigned the second place
in respect of happiness to these: and Croesus
was moved to anger and said: "Athenian
guest, hast thou then so cast aside our prosperous
state as worth nothing, that thou dost prefer
to us even men of private station?"
And he said: "Croesus, thou art inquiring
about human fortunes of one who well knows
that the Deity is altogether envious and
apt to disturb our lot. For in the course
of long time a man may see many things which
he would not desire to see, and suffer also
many things which he would not desire to
suffer. The limit of life for a man I lay
down at seventy years: and these seventy
years give twenty-five thousand and two hundred
days, not reckoning for any intercalated
month. Then if every other one of these years
shall be made longer by one month, that the
seasons may be caused to come round at the
due time of the year, the intercalated months
will be in number five-and-thirty besides
the seventy years; and of these months the
days will be one thousand and fifty. Of all
these days, being in number twenty-six thousand
two hundred and fifty, which go to the seventy
years, one day produces nothing at all which
resembles what another brings with it. Thus
then, O Croesus, man is altogether a creature
of accident. As for thee, I perceive that
thou art both great in wealth and king of
many men, but that of which thou didst ask
me I cannot call thee yet, until I learn
that thou hast brought thy life to a fair
ending: for the very rich man is not at all
to be accounted more happy than he who has
but his subsistence from day to day, unless
also the fortune go with him of ending his
life well in possession of all things fair.
For many very wealthy men are not happy,
32 while many who have but a moderate living
are fortunate; 33 and in truth the very rich
man who is not happy has two advantages only
as compared with the poor man who is fortunate,
whereas this latter has many as compared
with the rich man who is not happy. The rich
man is able better to fulfil his desire,
and also to endure a great calamity if it
fall upon him; whereas the other has advantage
over him in these things which follow:? he
is not indeed able equally with the rich
man to endure a calamity or to fulfil his
desire, but these his good fortune keeps
away from him, while he is sound of limb,
34 free from disease, untouched by suffering,
the father of fair children and himself of
comely form; and if in addition to this he
shall end his life well, he is worthy to
be called that which thou seekest, namely
a happy man; but before he comes to his end
it is well to hold back and not to call him
yet happy but only fortunate. Now to possess
all these things together is impossible for
one who is mere man, just as no single land
suffices to supply all tings for itself,
but one thing it has and another it lacks,
and the land that has the greatest number
of things is the best: so also in the case
of a man, no single person is complete in
himself, for one thing he has and another
he lacks; but whosoever of men continues
to the end in possession of the greatest
number of these things and then has a gracious
ending of his life, he is by me accounted
worthy, O king, to receive this name. But
we must of every thing examine the end and
how it will turn out at the last, for to
many God shows but a glimpse of happiness
and then plucks them up by the roots and
overturns them."
33. Thus saying he refused to gratify Croesus,
who sent him away from his presence holding
him in no esteem, and thinking him utterly
senseless in that he passed over present
good things and bade men look to the end
of every matter.
34. After Solon had departed, a great retribution
from God came upon Croesus, probably because
he judged himself to be the happiest of all
men. First there came and stood by him a
dream, which showed to him the truth of the
evils that were about to come to pass in
respect of his son. Now Croesus had two sons,
of whom one was deficient, seeing that he
was deaf and dumb, while the other far surpassed
his companions of the same age in all things:
and the name of this last was Atys. As regards
this Atys then, the dream signified to Croesus
that he should lose him by the blow of an
iron spear-point: 35 and when he rose up
from sleep and considered the matter with
himself, he was struck with fear on account
of the dream; and first he took for his son
a wife; and whereas his son had been wont
to lead the armies of the Lydians, he now
no longer sent him forth anywhere on any
such business; and the javelins and lances
and all such things which men use for fighting
he conveyed out of the men's apartments and
piled them up in the inner bed-chambers,
for fear lest something hanging up might
fall down upon his son.
35. Then while he was engaged about the marriage
of his son, there came to Sardis a man under
a misfortune and with hands not clean, a
Phrygian by birth and of the royal house.
This man came to the house of Croesus, and
according to the customs which prevail in
that land made request that he might have
cleansing; and Croesus gave him cleansing:
now the manner of cleansing among the Lydians
is the same almost as that which the Hellenes
use. So when Croesus had done that which
was customary, he asked of him whence he
came and who he was, saying as follows: "Man,
who art thou, and from what region of Phrygia
didst thou come to sit upon my hearth? And
whom of men or women didst thou slay?"
And he replied: "O king, I am the son
of Gordias, the son of Midas, and I am called
Adrastos; and I slew my own brother against
my will, and therefore am I here, having
been driven forth by my father and deprived
of all that I had." And Croesus answered
thus: "Thou art, as it chances, the
offshoot of men who are our friends and thou
hast come to friends, among whom thou shalt
want of nothing so long as thou shalt remain
in our land: and thou wilt find it most for
thy profit to bear this misfortune as lightly
as may be." So he had his abode with
Croesus. 36
36. During this time there was produced in
the Mysian Olympos a boar of monstrous size.
This, coming down from the mountain aforesaid,
ravaged the fields of the Mysians, and although
the Mysians went out against it often, yet
they could do it no hurt, but rather received
hurt themselves from it; so at length messengers
came from the Mysians to Croesus and said:
"O king, there has appeared in our land
a boar of monstrous size, which lays waste
our fields; and we, desiring eagerly to take
it, are not able: now therefore we ask of
thee to send with us thy son and also a chosen
band of young men with dogs, that we may
destroy it out of our land." Thus they
made request, and Croesus calling to mind
the words of the dream spoke to them as follows:
"As touching my son, make no further
mention of him in this matter; for I will
not send him with you, seeing that he is
newly married and is concerned now with the
affairs of his marriage: but I will send
with you chosen men of the Lydians and the
whole number of my hunting dogs, and I will
give command to those who go, to be as zealous
as may be in helping you to destroy the wild
beast out of your land."
37. Thus he made reply, and while the Mysians
were being contented with this answer, there
came in also the son of Croesus, having heard
of the request made by the Mysians: and when
Croesus said that he would not send his son
with them, the young man spoke as follows:
"My father, in times past the fairest
and most noble part was allotted to us, to
go out continually to wars and to the chase
and so have good repute; but now thou hast
debarred me from both of these, although
thou hast not observed in me any cowardly
or faint-hearted spirit. And now with what
face must I appear when I go to and from
the market-place of the city? What kind of
a man shall I be esteemed by the citizens,
and what kind of a man shall I be esteemed
by my newly-married wife? With what kind
of a husband will she think that she is mated?
Therefore either let me go to the hunt, or
persuade me by reason that these things are
better for me done as now they are."
38. And Croesus made answer thus: "My
son, not because I have observed in thee
any spirit of cowardice or any other ungracious
thing, do I act thus; but a vision of a dream
came and stood by me in my sleep and told
me that thou shouldest be short-lived, and
that thou shouldest perish by a spear-point
of iron. With thought of this vision therefore
I both urged on this marriage for thee, and
I refuse now to send thee upon the matter
which is being taken in hand, having a care
of thee that I may steal thee from thy fate
at least for the period of my own life, if
by any means possible for me to do so. For
thou art, as it chances, my only son: the
other I do not reckon as one, seeing that
he is deficient in hearing."
39. The young man made answer thus: "It
may well be forgiven in thee, O my father,
that thou shouldest have a care of me after
having seen such a vision; but that which
thou dost not understand, and in which the
meaning of the dream has escaped thee, it
is right that I should expound to thee. Thou
sayest the dream declared that I should end
my life by means of a spear-point of iron:
but what hands has a boar, or what spear-point
of iron, of which thou art afraid? If the
dream had told thee that I should end my
life by a tusk, or any other thing which
resembles that, it would be right for thee
doubtless to do as thou art doing; but it
said 'by a spear-point.' Since therefore
our fight will not be with men, let me now
go."
40. Croesus made answer: "My son, thou
dost partly prevail with me by declaring
thy judgment about the dream; therefore,
having been prevailed upon by thee, I change
my resolution and allow thee to go to the
chase."
41. Having thus said Croesus went to summon
Adrastos the Phrygian; and when he came,
he addressed him thus: "Adrastos, when
thou wast struck with a grievous misfortune
(with which I reproach thee not), I cleansed
thee, and I have received thee into my house
supplying all thy costs. Now therefore, since
having first received kindness from me thou
art bound to requite me with kindness, I
ask of thee to be the protector of my son
who goes forth to the chase, lest any evil
robbers come upon you by the way to do you
harm; and besides this thou too oughtest
to go where thou mayest become famous by
thy deeds, for it belongs to thee as an inheritance
from thy fathers so to do, and moreover thou
hast strength for it."
42. Adrastos made answer: "O king, but
for this I should not have been going to
any such contest of valour; for first it
is not fitting that one who is suffering
such a great misfortune as mine should seek
the company of his fellows who are in prosperity,
and secondly I have no desire for it; and
for many reasons I should have kept myself
away. But now, since thou art urgent with
me, and I ought to gratify thee (for I am
bound to requite thee with kindness), I am
ready to do this: expect therefore that thy
son, whom thou commandest me to protect,
will home to thee unhurt, so far as his protector
may avail to keep him safe."
43. When he had made answer to Croesus in
words like these, they afterwards set forth
provided with chosen young men and with dogs.
And when they were come to Mount Olympos,
they tracked the animal; and having found
it and taken their stand round in a circle,
they were hurling against it their spears.
Then the guest, he who had been cleansed
of manslaughter, whose name was Adrastos,
hurling a spear at it missed the boar and
struck the son of Croesus. So he being struck
by the spear-point fulfilled the saying of
the dream. And one ran to report to Croesus
that which had come to pass, and having come
to Sardis he signified to him of the combat
and of the fate of his son. And Croesus was
very greatly disturbed by the death of his
son, and was much the more moved to complaining
by this, namely that his son was slain by
the man whom he had himself cleansed of manslaughter.
And being grievously troubled by the misfortune
he called upon Zeus the Cleanser, protesting
to him that which he had suffered from his
guest, and he called moreover upon the Protector
of Suppliants 37 and the Guardian of Friendship,
38 naming still the same god, and calling
upon him as the Protector of Suppliants because
when he received the guest into his house
he had been fostering ignorantly the slayer
of his son, and as the Guardian of Friendship
because having sent him as a protector he
had found him the worst of foes.
45. After this the Lydians came bearing the
corpse, and behind it followed the slayer:
and he taking his stand before the corpse
delivered himself up to Croesus, holding
forth his hands and bidding the king slay
him over the corpse, speaking of his former
misfortune and saying that in addition to
this he had now been the destroyer of the
man who had cleansed him of it; and that
life for him was no more worth living. But
Croesus hearing this pitied Adrastos, although
he was himself suffering so great an evil
of his own, and said to him: "Guest,
I have already received from thee all the
satisfaction that is due, seeing that thou
dost condemn thyself to suffer death; and
not thou alone art the cause of this evil,
except in so far as thou wert the instrument
of it against thine own will, but some one,
as I suppose, of the gods, who also long
ago signified to me that which was about
to be." So Croesus buried his son as
was fitting: but Adrastos the son of Gordias,
the son of Midas, he who had been the slayer
of his own brother and the slayer also of
the man who had cleansed him, when silence
came of all men round about the tomb, recognising
that he was more grievously burdened by misfortune
than all men of whom he knew, slew himself
upon the grave.
46. For two years then Croesus remained quiet
in his mourning, because he was deprived
of his son: but after this period of time
the overthrowing of the rule of Astyages
the son of Kyaxares by Cyrus the son of Cambyses,
and the growing greatness of the Persians
caused Croesus to cease from his mourning,
and led him to a care of cutting short the
power of the Persians, if by any means he
might, while yet it was in growth and before
they should have become great.
So having formed this design he began forthwith
to make trial of the Oracles, both those
of the Hellenes and that in Libya, sending
messengers some to one place and some to
another, some to go to Delphi, others to
Abai of the Phokians, and others to Dodona;
and some were sent to the shrine of Amphiaraos
and to that of Trophonios, others to Branchidai
in the land of Miletos: these are the Oracles
of the Hellenes to which Croesus sent messengers
to seek divination; and others he sent to
the shrine of Ammon in Libya to inquire there.
Now he was sending the messengers abroad
to the end that he might try the Oracles
and find out what knowledge they had, so
that if they should be found to have knowledge
of the truth, he might send and ask them
secondly whether he should attempt to march
against the Persians.
47. And to the Lydians whom he sent to make
trial of the Oracles he gave charge as follows,?
that from the day on which they set out from
Sardis they should reckon up the number of
the days following and on the hundredth day
they should consult the Oracles, asking what
Croesus the son of Alyattes king of the Lydians
chanced then to be doing: and whatever the
Oracles severally should prophesy, this they
should cause to be written down 39 and bear
it back to him. Now what the other Oracles
prophesied is not by any reported, but at
Delphi, so soon as the Lydians entered the
sanctuary of the temple 40 to consult the
god and asked that which they were commanded
to ask, the Pythian prophetess spoke thus
in hexameter measure:
"But the number of sand I know, 41 and
the measure of drops in the ocean; The dumb
man I understand, and I hear the speech of
the speechless: And there hath come to my
soul the smell of a strong-shelled tortoise
Boiling in caldron of bronze, and the flesh
of a lamb mingled with it; Under it bronze
is laid, it hath bronze as a clothing upon
it."
48. When the Pythian prophetess had uttered
this oracle, the Lydians caused the prophecy
to be written down, and went away at once
to Sardis. And when the rest also who had
been sent round were there arrived with the
answers of the Oracles, then Croesus unfolded
the writings one by one and looked upon them:
and at first none of them pleased him, but
when he heard that from Delphi, forthwith
he did worship to the god and accepted the
answer, 42 judging that the Oracle at Delphi
was the only true one, because it had found
out what he himself had done. For when he
had sent to the several Oracles his messengers
to consult the gods, keeping well in mind
the appointed day he contrived the following
device,? he thought of something which it
would be impossible to discover or to conceive
of, and cutting up a tortoise and a lamb
he boiled them together himself in a caldron
of bronze, laying a cover of bronze over
them.
49. This then was the answer given to Croesus
from Delphi; and as regards the answer of
Amphiaraos, I cannot tell what he replied
to the Lydians after they had done the things
customary in his temple, 43 for there is
no record of this any more than of the others,
except only that Croesus thought that he
also 44 possessed a true Oracle.
50. After this with great sacrifices he endeavoured
to win the favour of the god at Delphi: for
of all the animals that are fit for sacrifice
he offered three thousand of each kind, and
he heaped up couches overlaid with gold and
overlaid with silver, and cups of gold, and
robes of purple, and tunics, making of them
a great pyre, and this he burnt up, hoping
by these means the more to win over the god
to the side of the Lydians: and he proclaimed
to all the Lydians that every one of them
should make sacrifice with that which each
man had. And when he had finished the sacrifice,
he melted down a vast quantity of gold, and
of it he wrought half-plinths 45 making them
six palms 46 in length and three in breadth,
and in height one palm; and their number
was one hundred and seventeen. Of these four
were of pure gold 47 weighing two talents
and a half 48 each, and others of gold alloyed
with silver 49 weighing two talents. And
he caused to be made also an image of a lion
of pure gold weighing ten talents; which
lion, when the temple of Delphi was being
burnt down, fell from off the half-plinths,
for upon these it was set, 50 and is placed
now in the treasury of the Corinthians, weighing
six talents and a half, for three talents
and a half were melted away from it.
51. So Croesus having finished all these
things sent them to Delphi, and with them
these besides:? two mixing bowls of great
size, one of gold and the other of silver,
of which the golden bowl was placed on the
right hand as one enters the temple, and
the silver on the left, but the places of
these also were changed after the temple
was burnt down, and the golden bowl is now
placed in the treasury of the people of Clazomenai,
weighing eight and a half talents and twelve
pounds over,
51 while the silver one is placed in the
corner of the vestibule 52 and holds six
hundred amphors 53 (being filled with wine
by the Delphians on the feast of the Theophania):
this the people of Delphi say is the work
of Theodoros the Samian, 54 and, as I think,
rightly, for it is evident to me that the
workmanship is of no common kind: moreover
Croesus sent four silver wine-jars, which
stand in the treasury of the Corinthians,
and two vessels for lustral water, 55 one
of gold and the other of silver, of which
the gold one is inscribed "from the
Lacedemonians," who say that it is their
offering: therein however they do not speak
rightly; for this also is from Croesus, but
one of the Delphians wrote the inscription
upon it, desiring to gratify the Lacedemonians;
and his name I know but will not make mention
of it. The boy through whose hand the water
flows is from the Lacedemonians, but neither
of the vessels for lustral water. And many
other votive offerings Croesus sent with
these, not specially distinguished, among
which are certain castings 56 of silver of
a round shape, and also a golden figure of
a woman three cubits high, which the Delphians
say is a statue of the baker of Croesus.
Moreover Croesus dedicated the ornaments
from his wife's neck and her girdles.
52. These are the things which he sent to
Delphi; and to Amphiaraos, having heard of
his valour and of his evil fate, he dedicated
a shield made altogether of gold throughout,
and a spear all of solid gold, the shaft
being of gold also as well as the two points,
which offerings were both remaining even
to my time at Thebes in the temple of Ismenian
Apollo.
53. To the Lydians who were to carry these
gifts to the temples Croesus gave charge
that they should ask the Oracles this question
also,? whether Croesus should march against
the Persians, and if so, whether he should
join with himself any army of men as his
friends. And when the Lydians had arrived
at the places to which they had been sent
and had dedicated the votive offerings, they
inquired of the Oracles and said: "Croesus,
king of the Lydians and of other nations,
considering that these are the only true
Oracles among men, presents to you 57 gifts
such as your revelations deserve, and asks
you again now whether he shall march against
the Persians, and if so, whether he shall
join with himself any army of men as allies."
They inquired thus, and the answers of both
the Oracles agreed in one, declaring to Croesus
that if he should march against the Persians
he should destroy a great empire: and they
counselled him to find out the most powerful
of the Hellenes and join these with himself
as friends.
54. So when the answers were brought back
and Croesus heard them, he was delighted
with the oracles, and expecting that he would
certainly destroy the kingdom of Cyrus, he
sent again to Pytho, 58 and presented to
the men of Delphi, having ascertained the
number of them, two staters of gold for each
man: and in for this the Delphians gave to
Croesus and to the Lydians precedence in
consulting the Oracle and freedom from all
payments, and the right to front seats at
the games, with this privilege also for all
time, that any one of them who wished should
be allowed to become a citizen of Delphi.
55. And having made presents to the men of
Delphi, Croesus consulted the Oracle the
third time; for from the time when he learnt
the truth of the Oracle, he made abundant
use of it. 59 And consulting the Oracle he
inquired whether his monarchy would endure
for a long time. And the Pythian prophetess
answered him thus:
"But when it cometh to pass that a mule
of the Medes shall be monarch Then by the
pebbly Hermos, O Lydian delicate-footed,
Flee and stay not, and be not ashamed to
be callèd a coward."
56. By these lines when they came to him
Croesus was pleased more than by all the
rest, for he supposed that a mule would never
be ruler of the Medes instead of a man, and
accordingly that he himself and his heirs
would never cease from their rule. Then after
this he gave thought to inquire which people
of the Hellenes he should esteem the most
powerful and gain over to himself as friends.
And inquiring he found that the Lacedemonians
and the Athenians had the pre-eminence, the
first of the Dorian and the others of the
Ionian race. For these were the most eminent
races in ancient time, the second being a
Pelasgian and the first a Hellenic race:
and the one never migrated from its place
in any direction, while the other was very
exceedingly given to wanderings; for in the
reign of Deucalion this race dwelt in Pthiotis,
and in the time of Doros the son of Hellen
in the land lying below Ossa and Olympos,
which is called Histiaiotis; and when it
was driven from Histiaiotis by the sons of
Cadmos, it dwelt in Pindos and was called
Makednian; and thence it moved afterwards
to Dryopis, and from Dryopis it came finally
to Peloponnesus, and began to be called Dorian.
57. What language however the Pelasgians
used to speak I am not able with certainty
to say. But if one must pronounce judging
by those that still remain of the Pelasgians
who dwelt in the city of Creston 60 above
the Tyrsenians, and who were once neighbours
of the race now called Dorian, dwelling then
in the land which is now called Thessaliotis,
and also by those that remain of the Pelasgians
who settled at Plakia and Skylake in the
region of the Hellespont, who before that
had been settlers with the Athenians, 61
and of the natives of the various other towns
which are really Pelasgian, though they have
lost the name,? if one must pronounce judging
by these, the Pelasgians used to speak a
Barbarian language. If therefore all the
Pelasgian race was such as these, then the
Attic race, being Pelasgian, at the same
time when it changed and became Hellenic,
unlearnt also its language. For the people
of Creston do not speak the same language
with any of those who dwell about them, nor
yet do the people of Phakia, but they speak
the same language one as the other: and by
this it is proved that they still keep unchanged
the form of language which they brought with
them when they migrated to these places.
58. As for the Hellenic race, it has used
ever the same language, as I clearly perceive,
since it first took its rise; but since the
time when it parted off feeble at first from
the Pelasgian race, setting forth from a
small beginning it has increased to that
great number of races which we see, 62 and
chiefly because many Barbarian races have
been added to it besides. Moreover it is
true, as I think, 6201 of the Pelasgian race
also, 63 that so far as it remained Barbarian
it never made any great increase.
59. Of these races then Croesus was informed
that the Athenian was held subject and torn
with faction by Peisistratos 64 the son of
Hippocrates, who then was despot of the Athenians.
For to Hippocrates, when as a private citizen
he went to view the Olympic games, a great
marvel had occurred. After he had offered
the sacrifice, the caldrons which were standing
upon the hearth, full of pieces of flesh
and of water, boiled without fire under them
and ran over. And Chilon the Lacedemonian,
who chanced to have been present and to have
seen the marvel, advised Hippocrates first
not to bring into his house a wife to bear
him children, and secondly, if he happened
to have one already, to dismiss her, and
if he chanced to have a son, to disown him.
When Chilon had thus recommended, Hippocrates,
they say, was not willing to be persuaded,
and so there was born to him afterwards this
Peisistratos; who, when the Athenians of
the shore 65 were at feud with those of the
plain, Megacles the son of Alcmaion being
leader of the first faction, and Lycurgos
the son of Aristolaïdes of that of the plain,
aimed at the despotism for himself and gathered
a third party. So then, after having collected
supporters and called himself leader of the
men of the mountain-lands, 66 he contrived
a device as follows:? he inflicted wounds
upon himself and upon his mules, and then
drove his car into the market-place, as if
he had just escaped from his opponents, who,
as he alleged, had desired to kill him when
he was driving into the country: and he asked
the commons that he might obtain some protection
from them, for before this he had gained
reputation in his command against the Megarians,
during which he took Nisaia and performed
other signal service. And the commons of
the Athenians being deceived gave him those
67 men chosen from the dwellers in the city
who became not indeed the spear-men 68 of
Peisistratos but his club-men; for they followed
behind him bearing wooden clubs. And these
made insurrection with Peisistratos and obtained
possession of the Acropolis. Then Peisistratos
was ruler of the Athenians, not having disturbed
the existing magistrates nor changed the
ancient laws; but he administered the State
under that constitution of things which was
already established, ordering it fairly and
well.
60. However, no long time after this the
followers of Megacles and those of Lycurgos
joined together and drove him forth. Thus
Peisistratos had obtained possession of Athens
for the first time, and thus he lost the
power before he had it firmly rooted. But
those who had driven out Peisistratos became
afterwards at feud with one another again.
And Megacles, harassed by the party strife,
69 sent a message to Peisistratos asking
whether he was willing to have his daughter
to wife on condition of becoming despot.
And Peisistratos having accepted the proposal
and made an agreement on these terms, they
contrived with a view to his a device the
most simple by far, as I think, that ever
was practised, considering at least that
it was devised at a time when the Hellenic
race had been long marked off from the Barbarian
as more skilful and further removed from
foolish simplicity, and among the Athenians
who are accounted the first of the Hellenes
in ability. 70 In the deme of Paiania there
was a woman whose name was Phya, in height
four cubits all but three fingers, 71 and
also fair of form. This woman they dressed
in full armour and caused her to ascend a
chariot and showed her the bearing in which
she might best beseem her part, 72 and so
they drove to the city, having sent on heralds
to run before them, who, when they arrived
at the city, spoke that which had been commanded
them, saying as follows: "O Athenians,
receive with favour Peisistratos, whom Athene
herself, honouring him most of all men, brings
back to her Acropolis." So the heralds
went about hither and thither saying this,
and straightway there came to the demes in
the country round a report that Athene was
bringing Peisistratos back, while at the
same time the men of the city, persuaded
that the woman was the very goddess herself,
were paying worship to the human creature
and receiving Peisistratos.
61. So having received back the despotism
in the manner which has been said, Peisistratos
according to the agreement made with Megacles
married the daughter of Megacles; but as
he had already sons who were young men, and
as the descendants of Alcmaion were said
to be under a curse, 73 therefore not desiring
that children should be born to him from
his newly-married wife, he had commerce with
her not in the accustomed manner. And at
first the woman kept this secret, but afterwards
she told her mother, whether in answer to
her inquiry or not I cannot tell; and the
mother told her husband Megacles. He then
was very indignant that he should be dishonoured
by Peisistratos; and in his anger straightway
he proceeded to compose his quarrel with
the men of his faction. And when Peisistratos
heard of that which was being done against
himself, he departed wholly from the land
and came to Eretria, where he took counsel
together with his sons: and the advice of
Hippias having prevailed, that they should
endeavour to win back the despotism, they
began to gather gifts of money from those
States which owed them obligations for favours
received: and many contributed great sums,
but the Thebans surpassed the rest in the
giving of money. Then, not to make the story
long, time elapsed and at last everything
was prepared for their . For certain Argives
came as mercenaries from the Peloponnesus,
and a man of Naxos had come to them of his
own motion, whose name was Lygdamis, and
showed very great zeal in providing both
money and men.
62. So starting from Eretria after the lapse
of ten years 74 they ed back; and in Attica
the first place of which they took possession
was Marathon. While they were encamping here,
their partisans from the city came to them,
and also others flowed in from the various
demes, to whom despotic rule was more welcome
than freedom. So these were gathering themselves
together; but the Athenians in the city,
so long as Peisistratos was collecting the
money, and afterwards when he took possession
of Marathon, made no account of it; but when
they heard that he was marching from Marathon
towards the city, then they went to the rescue
against him. These then were going in full
force to fight against the ing exiles, and
the forces of Peisistratos, as they went
towards the city starting from Marathon,
met them just when they came to the temple
of Athene Pallenis, and there encamped opposite
to them. Then moved by divine guidance 75
there came into the presence of Peisistratos
Amphilytos the Arcarnanian, 76 a soothsayer,
who approaching him uttered an oracle in
hexameter verse, saying thus:
"But now the cast hath been made and
the net hath been widely extended, And in
the night the tunnies will dart through the
moon-lighted waters."
63. This oracle he uttered to him being divinely
inspired, and Peisistratos, having understood
the oracle and having said that he accepted
the prophecy which was uttered, led his army
against the enemy. Now the Athenians from
the city were just at that time occupied
with the morning meal, and some of them after
their meal with games of dice or with sleep;
and the forces of Peisistratos fell upon
the Athenians and put them to flight. Then
as they fled, Peisistratos devised a very
skilful counsel, to the end that the Athenians
might not gather again into one body but
might remain scattered abroad. He mounted
his sons on horseback and sent them before
him; and overtaking the fugitives they said
that which was commanded them by Peisistratos,
bidding them be of good cheer and that each
man should depart to his own home.
64. Thus then the Athenians did, and so Peisistratos
for the third time obtained possession of
Athens, and he firmly rooted his despotism
by many foreign mercenaries and by much revenue
of money, coming partly from the land itself
and partly from about the river Strymon,
and also by taking as hostages the sons of
those Athenians who had remained in the land
and had not at once fled, and placing them
in the hands of Naxos; for this also Peisistratos
conquered by war and delivered into the charge
of Lygdamis. Moreover besides this he cleansed
the island of Delos in obedience to the oracles;
and his cleansing was of the following kind:?
so far as the view from the temple extended
77 he dug up all the dead bodies which were
buried in this part and removed them to another
part of Delos. So Peisistratos was despot
of the Athenians; but of the Athenians some
had fallen in the battle, and others of them
with the sons of Alcmaion were exiles from
their native land.
65. Such was the condition of things which
Croesus heard was prevailing among the Athenians
during this time; but as to the Lacedemonians
he heard that they had escaped from great
evils and had now got the better of the Tegeans
in the war. For when Leon and Hegesicles
were kings of Sparta, the Lacedemonians,
who had good success in all their other wars,
suffered disaster in that alone which they
waged against the men of Tegea. Moreover
in the times before this they had the worst
laws of almost all the Hellenes, both in
matters which concerned themselves alone
and also in that they had no dealings with
strangers. And they made their change to
a good constitution of laws thus:? Lycurgos,
a man of the Spartans who was held in high
repute, came to the Oracle at Delphi, and
as he entered the sanctuary of the temple,
straightway the Pythian prophetess said as
follows:
"Lo, thou art come, O Lycurgos, to this
rich shrine of my temple, Loved thou by Zeus
and by all who possess the abodes of Olympos.
Whether to call thee a god, I doubt, in my
voices prophetic, God or a man, but rather
a god I think, O Lycurgos."
66. Some say in addition to this that the
Pythian prophetess also set forth to him
the order of things which is now established
for the Spartans; but the Lacedemonians themselves
say that Lycurgos having become guardian
of Leobotes his brother's son, who was king
of the Spartans, brought in these things
from Crete. For as soon as he became guardian,
he changed all the prevailing laws, and took
measures that they should not transgress
his institutions: and after this Lycurgos
established that which appertained to war,
namely Enomoties and Triecads and Common
Meals, 7701 and in addition to this the Ephors
and the Senate. Having changed thus, the
Spartans had good laws; and to Lycurgos after
he was dead they erected a temple, and they
pay him great worship. So then, as might
be supposed, with a fertile land and with
no small number of men dwelling in it, they
straightway shot up and became prosperous:
and it was no longer sufficient for them
to keep still; but presuming that they were
superior in strength to the Arcadians, they
consulted the Oracle at Delphi respecting
conquest of the whole of Arcadia; and the
Pythian prophetess gave answer thus:
"The land of Arcadia thou askest; thou
askest me much; I refuse it; Many there are
in Arcadian land, stout men, eating acorns;
These will prevent thee from this: but I
am not grudging towards thee; Tegea beaten
with sounding feet I will give thee to dance
in, And a fair plain I will give thee to
measure with line and divide it."
When the Lacedemonians heard report of this,
they held off from the other Arcadians, and
marched against the Tegeans with fetters
in their hands, trusting to a deceitful 78
oracle and expecting that they would make
slaves of the men of Tegea. But having been
worsted in the encounter, those of them who
were taken alive worked wearing the fetters
which they themselves brought with them and
having "measured with line and divided"
79 the plain of the Tegeans. And these fetters
with which they had been bound were preserved
even to my own time at Tegea, hanging about
the temple of Athene Alea. 80
67. In the former war then I say they struggled
against the Tegeans continually with ill
success; but in the time of Croesus and in
the reign of Anaxandrides and Ariston at
Lacedemon the Spartans had at length become
victors in the war; and they became so in
the following manner:? As they continued
to be always worsted in the war by the men
of Tegea, they sent messengers to consult
the Oracle at Delphi and inquired what god
they should propitiate in order to get the
better of the men of Tegea in the war: and
the Pythian prophetess made answer to them
that they should bring into their land the
bones of Orestes the son of Agamemnon. Then
as they were not able to find the grave of
Orestes, they sent men again to go to the
god and to inquire about the spot where Orestes
was laid: and when the messengers who were
sent asked this, the prophetess said as follows:
"Tegea there is, in Arcadian land, in
a smooth place founded; Where there do blow
two blasts by strong compulsion together;
Stroke too there is and stroke in , and trouble
on trouble. There Agamemnon's son in the
life-giving earth is reposing; Him if thou
bring with thee home, of Tegea thou shalt
be master." 81
When the Lacedemonians had heard this they
were none the less far from finding it out,
though they searched all places; until the
time that Lichas, one of those Spartans who
are called "Well-doers," 82 discovered
it. Now the "Well-doers" are of
the citizens the eldest who are passing from
the ranks of the "Horsemen," in
each year five; and these are bound during
that year in which they pass out from the
"Horsemen," to allow themselves
to be sent without ceasing to various places
by the Spartan State.
68. Lichas then, being one of these, discovered
it in Tegea by means both of fortune and
ability. For as there were at that time dealings
under truce with the men of Tegea, he had
come to a forge there and was looking at
iron being wrought; and he was in wonder
as he saw that which was being done. The
smith therefore, perceiving that he marvelled
at it, ceased from his work and said: "Surely,
thou stranger of Lacedemon, if thou hadst
seen that which I once saw, thou wouldst
have marvelled much, since now it falls out
that thou dost marvel so greatly at the working
of this iron; for I, desiring in this enclosure
to make a well, lighted in my digging upon
a coffin of seven cubits in length; and not
believing that ever there had been men larger
than those of the present day, I opened it,
and I saw that the dead body was equal in
length to the coffin: then after I had measured
it, I filled in the earth over it again."
He then thus told him of that which he had
seen; and the other, having thought upon
that which was told, conjectured that this
was Orestes according to the saying of the
Oracle, forming his conjecture in the following
manner:? whereas he saw that the smith had
two pairs of bellows, he concluded that these
were the winds spoken of, and that the anvil
and the hammer were the stroke and the stroke
in , and that the iron which was being wrought
was the trouble laid upon trouble, making
comparison by the thought that iron has been
discovered for the evil of mankind. Having
thus conjectured he came back to Sparta and
declared the whole matter to the Lacedemonians;
and they brought a charge against him on
a fictitious pretext and drove him out into
exile. 83 So having come to Tegea, he told
the smith of his evil fortune and endeavoured
to hire from him the enclosure, but at first
he would not allow him to have it: at length
however Lichas persuaded him and he took
up his abode there; and he dug up the grave
and gathered together the bones and went
with them away to Sparta. From that time,
whenever they made trial of one another,
the Lacedemonians had much the advantage
in the war; and by now they had subdued to
themselves the greater part of Peloponnesus
besides.
69. Croesus accordingly being informed of
all these things was sending messengers to
Sparta with gifts in their hands to ask for
an alliance, having commanded them what they
ought to say: and they when they came said:
"Croesus king of the Lydians and also
of other nations sent us hither and saith
as follows: O Lacedemonians, whereas the
god by an oracle bade me join with myself
the Hellene as a friend, therefore, since
I am informed that ye are the chiefs of Hellas,
I invite you according to the oracle, desiring
to be your friend and your ally apart from
all guile and deceit." Thus did Croesus
announce to the Lacedemonians through his
messengers; and the Lacedemonians, who themselves
also had heard of the oracle given to Croesus,
were pleased at the coming of the Lydians
and exchanged oaths of friendship and alliance:
for they were bound to Croesus also by some
services rendered to them even before this
time; since the Lacedemonians had sent to
Sardis and were buying gold there with purpose
of using it for the image of Apollo which
is now set up on Mount Thornax in the Lacedemonian
land; and Croesus, when they desired to buy
it, gave it them as a gift.
70. For this reason therefore the Lacedemonians
accepted the alliance, and also because he
chose them as his friends, preferring them
to all the other Hellenes. And not only were
they ready themselves when he made his offer,
but they caused a mixing-bowl to be made
of bronze, covered outside with figures round
the rim and of such a size as to hold three
hundred amphors, 84 and this they conveyed,
desiring to give it as a gift in to Croesus.
This bowl never came to Sardis for reasons
of which two accounts are given as follows:?
The Lacedemonians say that when the bowl
was on its way to Sardis and came opposite
the land of Samos, the men of Samos having
heard of it sailed out with ships of war
and took it away; but the Samians themselves
say that the Lacedemonians who were conveying
the bowl, finding that they were too late
and hearing that Sardis had been taken and
Croesus was a prisoner, sold the bowl in
Samos, and certain private persons bought
it and dedicated it as a votive offering
in the temple of Hera; and probably those
who had sold it would say when they ed to
Sparta that it had been taken from them by
the Samians.
71. Thus then it happened about the mixing-bowl:
but meanwhile Croesus, mistaking the meaning
of the oracle, was making a march into Cappadokia,
expecting to overthrow Cyrus and the power
of the Persians: and while Croesus was preparing
to march against the Persians, one of the
Lydians, who even before this time was thought
to be a wise man but in consequence of this
opinion got a very great name for wisdom
among the Lydians, had advised Croesus as
follows (the name of the man was Sandanis):?"O
king, thou art preparing to march against
men who wear breeches of leather, and the
rest of their clothing is of leather also;
and they eat food not such as they desire
but such as they can obtain, dwelling in
a land which is rugged; and moreover they
make no use of wine but drink water; and
no figs have they for dessert, nor any other
good thing. On the one hand, if thou shalt
overcome them, what wilt thou take away from
them, seeing they have nothing? and on the
other hand, if thou shalt be overcome, consider
how many good things thou wilt lose; for
once having tasted our good things, they
will cling to them fast and it will not be
possible to drive them away. I for my own
part feel gratitude to the gods that they
do not put it into the minds of the Persians
to march against the Lydians." Thus
he spoke not persuading Croesus: for it is
true indeed that the Persians before they
subdued the Lydians had no luxury nor any
good thing.
72. Now the Cappadokians are called by the
Hellenes Syrians; 85 and these Syrians, before
the Persians had rule, were subjects of the
Medes, but at this time they were subjects
of Cyrus. For the boundary between the Median
empire and the Lydian was the river Halys;
and this flows from the mountain-land of
Armenia through the Kilikians, and afterwards,
as it flows, it has the Matienians on the
right hand and the Phrygians on the other
side; then passing by these and flowing up
towards the North Wind, it bounds on the
one side the Cappadokian Syrians and on the
left hand the Paphlagonians. Thus the river
Halys cuts off from the rest almost all the
lower parts of Asia by a line extending from
the sea that is opposite Cyprus to the Euxine.
And this tract is the neck of the whole peninsula,
the distance of the journey being such that
five days are spent on the way by a man without
encumbrance. 86
73. Now for the following reasons Croesus
was marching into Cappadokia:? first because
he desired to acquire the land in addition
to his own possessions, and then especially
because he had confidence in the oracle and
wished to take vengeance on Cyrus for Astyages.
For Cyrus the son of Cambyses had conquered
Astyages and was keeping him in captivity,
who was brother by marriage to Croesus and
king of the Medes: and he had become the
brother by marriage of Croesus in this manner:?
A horde of the nomad Scythians at feud with
the rest withdrew and sought refuge in the
land of the Medes: and at this time the ruler
of the Medes was Kyaxares the son of Phraortes,
the son of Deïokes, who at first dealt well
with these Scythians, being suppliants for
his protection; and esteeming them very highly
he delivered boys to them to learn their
speech and the art of shooting with the bow.
Then time went by, and the Scythians used
to go out continually to the chase and always
brought back something; till once it happened
that they took nothing, and when they ed
with empty hands Kyaxares (being, as he showed
on this occasion, not of an eminently good
disposition 87) dealt with them very harshly
and used insult towards them. And they, when
they had received this treatment from Kyaxares,
considering that they had suffered indignity,
planned to kill and to cut up one of the
boys who were being instructed among them,
and having dressed his flesh as they had
been wont to dress the wild animals, to bear
it to Kyaxares and give it to him, pretending
that it was game taken in hunting; and when
they had given it, their design was to make
their way as quickly as possible to Alyattes
the son of Sadyattes at Sardis. This then
was done; and Kyaxares with the guests who
ate at his table tasted of that meat, and
the Scythians having so done became suppliants
for the protection of Alyattes.
74. After this, seeing that Alyattes would
not give up the Scythians when Kyaxares demanded
them, there had arisen war between the Lydians
and the Medes lasting five years; in which
years the Medes often discomfited the Lydians
and the Lydians often discomfited the Medes
(and among others they fought also a battle
by night): 88 and as they still carried on
the war with equally balanced fortune, in
the sixth year a battle took place in which
it happened, when the fight had begun, that
suddenly the day became night. And this change
of the day Thales the Milesian had foretold
to the Ionians laying down as a limit this
very year in which the change took place.
The Lydians however and the Medes, when they
saw that it had become night instead of day,
ceased from their fighting and were much
more eager both of them that peace should
be made between them. And they who brought
about the peace between them were Syennesis
the Kilikian and Labynetos the Babylonian:
89 these were they who urged also the taking
of the oath by them, and they brought about
an interchange of marriages; for they decided
that Alyattes should give his daughter Aryenis
to Astyages the son of Kyaxares, seeing that
without the compulsion of a strong tie agreements
are apt not to hold strongly together. Now
these nations observe the same ceremonies
in taking oaths as the Hellenes, and in addition
to them they make incision into the skin
of their arms, and then lick up the blood
each of the other.
75. This Astyages then, being his mother's
father, Cyrus had conquered and made prisoner
for a reason which I shall declare in the
history which comes after. 90 This then was
the complaint which Croesus had against Cyrus
when he sent to the Oracles to ask if he
should march against the Persians; and when
a deceitful answer had come back to him,
he marched into the dominion of the Persians,
supposing that the answer was favourable
to himself. And when Croesus came to the
river Halys, then, according to my account,
he passed his army across by the bridges
which there were; but, according to the account
which prevails among the Hellenes, Thales
the Milesian enabled him to pass his army
across. For, say they, when Croesus was at
a loss how his army should pass over the
river (since, they add, there were not yet
at that time the bridges which now there
are), Thales being present in the army caused
the river, which flowed then on the left
hand of the army, to flow partly also on
the right; and he did it thus:? beginning
above the camp he proceeded to dig a deep
channel, directing it in the form of a crescent
moon, so that the river might take the camp
there pitched in the rear, being turned aside
from its ancient course by this way along
the channel, and afterwards passing by the
camp might fall again into its ancient course;
so that as soon as the river was thus parted
in two it became fordable by both branches:
and some say even that the ancient course
of the river was altogether dried up. But
this tale I do not admit as true, for how
then did they pass over the river as they
went back?
76. And Croesus, when he had passed over
with his army, came to that place in Cappadokia
which is called Pteria (now Pteria is the
strongest place in this country, and is situated
somewhere about in a line with the city of
Sinope 91 on the Euxine). Here he encamped
and ravaged the fields of the Syrians. Moreover
he took the city of the Pterians, and sold
the people into slavery, and he took also
all the towns that lay about it; and the
Syrians, who were not guilty of any wrong,
he forced to remove from their homes. 92
Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered his own
forces and having taken up in addition to
them all who dwelt in the region between,
was coming to meet Croesus. Before he began
however to lead forth his army, he had sent
heralds to the Ionians and tried to induce
them to revolt from Croesus; but the Ionians
would not do as he said. Then when Cyrus
was come and had encamped over against Croesus,
they made trial of one another by force of
arms in the land of Pteria: and after hard
fighting, when many had fallen on both sides,
at length, night having come on, they parted
from one the other with no victory on either
side.
77. Thus the two armies contended with one
another: and Croesus being ill satisfied
with his own army in respect of number (for
the army which he had when he fought was
far smaller than that of Cyrus), being dissatisfied
with it I say on this account, as Cyrus did
not attempt to advance against him on the
following day, marched back to Sardis, having
it in his mind to call the Egyptians to his
help according to the oath which they had
taken (for he had made an alliance with Amasis
king of Egypt before he made the alliance
with the Lacedemonians), and to summon the
Babylonians as well (for with these also
an alliance had been concluded by him, Labynetos
93 being at that time ruler of the Babylonians),
and moreover to send a message to the Lacedemonians
bidding them appear at a fixed time: and
then after he had got all these together
and had gathered his own army, his design
was to let the winter go by and at the coming
of spring to march against the Persians.
So with these thoughts in his mind, as soon
as he came to Sardis he proceeded to send
heralds to his several allies to give them
notice that by the fifth month from that
time they should assemble at Sardis: but
the army which he had with him and which
had fought with the Persians, an army which
consisted of mercenary troops, 94 he let
go and disbanded altogether, never expecting
that Cyrus, after having contended against
him with such even fortune, would after all
march upon Sardis.
78. When Croesus had these plans in his mind,
the suburb of the city became of a sudden
all full of serpents; and when these had
appeared, the horses leaving off to feed
in their pastures came constantly thither
and devoured them. When Croesus saw this
he deemed it to be a portent, as indeed it
was: and forthwith he despatched messengers
to the dwelling of the Telmessians, who interpret
omens: and the messengers who were sent to
consult arrived there and learnt from the
Telmessians what the portent meant to signify,
but they did not succeed in reporting the
answer to Croesus, for before they sailed
back to Sardis Croesus had been taken prisoner.
The Telmessians however gave decision thus:
that an army speaking a foreign tongue was
to be looked for by Croesus to invade his
land, and that this when it came would subdue
the native inhabitants; for they said that
the serpent was born of the soil, while the
horse was an enemy and a stranger. The men
of Telmessos thus made answer to Croesus
after he was already taken prisoner, not
knowing as yet anything of the things which
had happened to Sardis and to Croesus himself.
79. Cyrus, however, so soon as Croesus marched
away after the battle which had been fought
in Pteria, having learnt that Croesus meant
after he had marched away to disband his
army, took counsel with himself and concluded
that it was good for him to march as quickly
as possible to Sardis, before the power of
the Lydians should be again gathered together.
So when he had resolved upon this, he did
it without delay: for he marched his army
into Lydia with such speed that he was himself
the first to announce his coming to Croesus.
Then Croesus, although he had come to a great
strait, since his affairs had fallen out
altogether contrary to his own expectation,
yet proceeded to lead forth the Lydians into
battle. Now there was at this time no nation
in Asia more courageous or more stout in
battle than the Lydian; and they fought on
horseback carrying long spears, the men being
excellent in horsemanship.
80. So when the armies had met in that plain
which is in front of the city of Sardis,?
a plain wide and open, through which flow
rivers (and especially the river Hyllos)
all rushing down to join the largest called
Hermos, which flows from the mountain sacred
to the Mother surnamed "of Dindymos"
95 and runs out into the sea by the city
of Phocaia,? then Cyrus, when he saw the
Lydians being arrayed for battle, fearing
their horsemen, did on the suggestion of
Harpagos a Mede as follows:? all the camels
which were in the train of his army carrying
provisions and baggage he gathered together,
and he took off their burdens and set men
upon them provided with the equipment of
cavalry: and having thus furnished them forth
he appointed them to go in front of the rest
of the army towards the horsemen of Croesus;
and after the camel-troop he ordered the
infantry to follow; and behind the infantry
he placed his whole force of cavalry. Then
when all his men had been placed in their
several positions, he charged them to spare
none of the other Lydians, slaying all who
might come in their way, but Croesus himself
they were not to slay, not even if he should
make resistance when he was captured. Such
was his charge: and he set the camels opposite
the horsemen for this reason,? because the
horse has a fear of the camel and cannot
endure either to see his form or to scent
his smell: for this reason then the trick
had been devised, in order that the cavalry
of Croesus might be useless, that very force
wherewith the Lydian king was expecting most
to shine. And as they were coming together
to the battle, so soon as the horses scented
the camels and saw them they turned away
back, and the hopes of Croesus were at once
brought to nought. The Lydians however for
their part did not upon that act as cowards,
but when they perceived what was coming to
pass they leapt from their horses and fought
with the Persians on foot. At length, however,
when many had fallen on either side, the
Lydians turned to flight; and having been
driven within the wall of their fortress
they were besieged by the Persians.
81. By these then a siege had been established:
but Croesus, supposing that the siege would
last a long time, proceeded to send from
the fortress other messengers to his allies.
For the former messengers were sent round
to give notice that they should assemble
at Sardis by the fifth month, but these he
was sending out to ask them to come to his
assistance as quickly as possible, because
Croesus was being besieged.
82. So then in sending to his other allies
he sent also to Lacedemon. But these too,
the Spartans I mean, had themselves at this
very time
(for so it had fallen out) a quarrel in hand
with the Argives about the district called
Thyrea. For this Thyrea, being part of the
Argive possessions, the Lacedemonians had
cut off and taken for themselves. Now the
whole region towards the west extending as
far down as Malea 96 was then possessed by
the Argives, both the parts situated on the
mainland and also the island of Kythera with
the other islands. And when the Argives had
come to the rescue to save their territory
from being cut off from them, then the two
sides came to a parley together and agreed
that three hundred should fight of each side,
and whichever side had the better in the
fight that nation should possess the disputed
land: they agreed moreover that the main
body of each army should withdraw to their
own country, and not stand by while the contest
was fought, for fear lest, if the armies
were present, one side seeing their countrymen
suffering defeat should come up to their
support. Having made this agreement they
withdrew; and chosen men of both sides were
left behind and engaged in fight with one
another. So they fought and proved themselves
to be equally matched; and there were left
at last of six hundred men three, on the
side of the Argives Alkenor and Chromios,
and on the side of the Lacedemonians Othryades:
these were left alive when night came on.
So then the two men of the Argives, supposing
that they were the victors, set off to run
to Argos, but the Lacedemonian Othryades,
after having stripped the corpses of the
Argives and carried their arms to his own
camp, remained in his place. On the next
day both the two sides came thither to inquire
about the result; and for some time both
claimed the victory for themselves, the one
side saying that of them more had remained
alive, and the others declaring that these
had fled away, whereas their own man had
stood his ground and had stripped the corpses
of the other party: and at length by reason
of this dispute they fell upon one another
and began to fight; and after many had fallen
on both sides, the Lacedemonians were the
victors. The Argives then cut their hair
short, whereas formerly they were compelled
by law to wear it long, and they made a law
with a curse attached to it, that from that
time forth no man of the Argives should grow
the hair long nor their women wear ornaments
of gold, until they should have won back
Thyrea. The Lacedemonians however laid down
for themselves the opposite law to this,
namely that they should wear long hair from
that time forward, whereas before that time
they had not their hair long. And they say
that the one man who was left alive of the
three hundred, namely Othryades, being ashamed
to to Sparta when all his comrades had been
slain, slew himself there in Thyrea.
83. Such was the condition of things at Sparta
when the herald from Sardis arrived asking
them to come to the assistance of Croesus,
who was being besieged. And they notwithstanding
their own difficulties, as soon as they heard
the news from the herald, were eager to go
to his assistance; but when they had completed
their preparations and their ships were ready,
there came another message reporting that
the fortress of the Lydians had been taken
and that Croesus had been made prisoner.
Then (and not before) they ceased from their
efforts, being grieved at the event as at
a great calamity.
84. Now the taking of Sardis came about as
follows:? When the fourteenth day came after
Croesus began to be besieged, Cyrus made
proclamation to his army, sending horsemen
round to the several parts of it, that he
would give gifts to the man who should first
scale the wall. After this the army made
an attempt; and when it failed, then after
all the rest had ceased from the attack,
a certain Mardian whose name was Hyroiades
made an attempt to approach on that side
of the citadel where no guard had been set;
for they had no fear that it would ever be
taken from that side, seeing that here the
citadel is precipitous and unassailable.
To this part of the wall alone Meles also,
who formerly was king of Sardis, did not
carry round the lion which his concubine
bore to him, the Telmessians having given
decision that if the lion should be carried
round the wall, Sardis should be safe from
capture: and Meles having carried it round
the rest of the wall, that is to say those
parts of the citadel where the fortress was
open to attack, passed over this part as
being unassailable and precipitous: now this
is a part of the city which is turned towards
Tmolos. So then this 97 Mardian Hyroiades,
having seen on the day before how one of
the Lydians had descended on that side of
the citadel to recover his helmet which had
rolled down from above, and had picked it
up, took thought and cast the matter about
in his own mind. Then he himself 98 ascended
first, and after him came up others of the
Persians, and many having thus made approach,
Sardis was finally taken and the whole city
was given up to plunder.
85. Meanwhile to Croesus himself it happened
thus:? He had a son, of whom I made mention
before, who was of good disposition enough
but deprived of speech. Now in his former
time of prosperity Croesus had done everything
that was possible for him, and besides other
things which he devised he had also sent
messengers to Delphi to inquire concerning
him. And the Pythian prophetess spoke to
him thus:
"Lydian, master of many, much blind
to destiny, Croesus, Do not desire to hear
in thy halls that voice which is prayed for,
Voice of thy son; much better if this from
thee were removèd, Since he shall first utter
speech in an evil day of misfortune."
Now when the fortress was being taken, one
of the Persians was about to slay Croesus
taking him for another; and Croesus for his
part, seeing him coming on, cared nothing
for it because of the misfortune which was
upon him, and to him it was indifferent that
he should be slain by the stroke; but this
voiceless son, when he saw the Persian coming
on, by reason of terror and affliction burst
the bonds of his utterance and said: "Man,
slay not Croesus." This son, I say,
uttered voice then first of all, but after
this he continued to use speech for the whole
time of his life.
86. The Persians then had obtained possession
of Sardis and had taken Croesus himself prisoner,
after he had reigned fourteen years and had
been besieged fourteen days, having fulfilled
the oracle in that he had brought to an end
his own great empire. So the Persians having
taken him brought him into the presence of
Cyrus: and he piled up a great pyre and caused
Croesus to go up upon it bound in fetters,
and along with him twice seven sons of Lydians,
whether it was that he meant to dedicate
this offering as first-fruits of his victory
to some god, or whether he desired to fulfil
a vow, or else had heard that Croesus was
a god-fearing man and so caused him to go
up on the pyre because he wished to know
if any one of the divine powers would save
him, so that he should not be burnt alive.
He, they say, did this; but to Croesus as
he stood upon the pyre there came, although
he was in such evil case, a memory of the
saying of Solon, how he had said with divine
inspiration that no one of the living might
be called happy. And when this thought came
into his mind, they say that he sighed deeply
99 and groaned aloud, having been for long
silent, and three times he uttered the name
of Solon. Hearing this, Cyrus bade the interpreters
ask Croesus who was this person on whom he
called; and they came near and asked. And
Croesus for a time, it is said, kept silence
when he was asked this, but afterwards being
pressed he said: "One whom more than
much wealth I should have desired to have
speech with all monarchs." Then, since
his words were of doubtful import, they asked
again of that which he said; and as they
were urgent with him and gave him no peace,
he told how once Solon an Athenian had come,
and having inspected all his wealth had made
light of it, with such and such words; and
how all had turned out for him according
as Solon had said, not speaking at all especially
with a view to Croesus himself, but with
a view to the whole human race and especially
those who seem to themselves to be happy
men. And while Croesus related these things,
already the pyre was lighted and the edges
of it round about were burning. Then they
say that Cyrus, hearing from the interpreters
what Croesus had said, changed his purpose
and considered that he himself also was but
a man, and that he was delivering another
man, who had been not inferior to himself
in felicity, alive to the fire; and moreover
he feared the requital, and reflected that
there was nothing of that which men possessed
which was secure; therefore, they say, he
ordered them to extinguish as quickly as
possible the fire that was burning, and to
bring down Croesus and those who were with
him from the pyre; and they using endeavours
were not able now to get the mastery of the
flames.
87. Then it is related by the Lydians that
Croesus, having learned how Cyrus had changed
his mind, and seeing that every one was trying
to put out the fire but that they were no
longer able to check it, cried aloud entreating
Apollo that if any gift had ever been given
by him which had been acceptable to the god,
he would come to his aid and rescue him from
the evil which was now upon him. So he with
tears entreated the god, and suddenly, they
say, after clear sky and calm weather clouds
gathered and a storm burst, and it rained
with a very violent shower, and the pyre
was extinguished. Then Cyrus, having perceived
that Croesus was a lover of the gods and
a good man, caused him to be brought down
from the pyre and asked him as follows: "Croesus,
tell me who of all men was it who persuaded
thee to march upon my land and so to become
an enemy to me instead of a friend?"
and he said: "O king, I did this to
thy felicity and to my own misfortune, and
the causer of this was the god of the Hellenes,
who incited me to march with my army. For
no one is so senseless as to choose of his
own will war rather peace, since in peace
the sons bury their fathers, but in war the
fathers bury their sons. But it was pleasing,
I suppose, to the divine powers that these
things should come to pass thus."
88. So he spoke, and Cyrus loosed his bonds
and caused him to sit near himself and paid
to him much regard, and he marvelled both
himself and all who were about him at the
sight of Croesus. And Croesus wrapt in thought
was silent; but after a time, turning round
and seeing the Persians plundering the city
of the Lydians, he said: "O king, must
I say to thee that which I chance to have
in my thought, or must I keep silent in this
my present fortune?" Then Cyrus bade
him say boldly whatsoever he desired; and
he asked him saying: "What is the business
that this great multitude of men is doing
with so much eagerness?" and he said:
"They are plundering thy city and carrying
away thy wealth." And Croesus answered:
"Neither is it my city that they are
plundering nor my wealth which they are carrying
away; for I have no longer any property in
these things: but it is thy wealth that they
are carrying and driving away."
89. And Cyrus was concerned by that which
Croesus had said, and he caused all the rest
to withdraw and asked Croesus what he discerned
for his advantage as regards that which was
being done; and he said: "Since the
gods gave me to thee as a slave, I think
it right if I discern anything more than
others to signify it to thee. The Persians,
who are by nature unruly, 100 are without
wealth: if therefore thou shalt suffer them
to carry off in plunder great wealth and
to take possession of it, then it is to be
looked for that thou wilt experience this
result, thou must expect namely that whosoever
gets possession of the largest share will
make insurrection against thee. Now therefore,
if that which I say is pleasing to thee,
do this:? set spearmen of thy guard to watch
at all the gates, and let these take away
the things, and say to the men who were bearing
them out of the city that they must first
be tithed for Zeus: and thus thou on the
one hand wilt not be hated by them for taking
away the things by force, and they on the
other will willingly let the things go, 101
acknowledging within themselves that thou
art doing that which is just."
90. Hearing this, Cyrus was above measure
pleased, because he thought that Croesus
advised well; and he commended him much and
enjoined the spearmen of his guard to perform
that which Croesus had advised: and after
that he spoke to Croesus thus: "Croesus,
since thou art prepared, like a king as thou
art, to do good deeds and speak good words,
therefore ask me for a gift, whatsoever thou
desirest to be given thee forthwith."
And he said: "Master, thou wilt most
do me a pleasure if thou wilt permit me to
send to the god of the Hellenes, whom I honoured
most of all gods, these fetters, and to ask
him whether it is accounted by him right
to deceive those who do well to him."
Then Cyrus asked him what accusation he made
against the god, that he thus requested;
and Croesus repeated to him all that had
been in his mind, and the answers of the
Oracles, and especially the votive offerings,
and how he had been incited by the prophecy
to march upon the Persians: and thus speaking
he came back again to the request that it
might be permitted to him to make this reproach
102 against the god. And Cyrus laughed and
said: "Not this only shalt thou obtain
from me, Croesus, but also whatsoever thou
mayst desire of me at any time." Hearing
this Croesus sent certain of the Lydians
to Delphi, enjoining them to lay the fetters
upon the threshold of the temple and to ask
the god whether he felt no shame that he
had incited Croesus by his prophecies to
march upon the Persians, persuading him that
he should bring to an end the empire of Cyrus,
seeing that these were the first-fruits of
spoil which he had won from it,? at the same
time displaying the fetters. This they were
to ask, and moreover also whether it was
thought right by the gods of the Hellenes
to practice ingratitude.
91. When the Lydians came and repeated that
which they were enjoined to say, it is related
that the Pythian prophetess spoke as follows:
"The fated destiny it is impossible
even for a god to escape. And Croesus paid
the debt due for the sin of his fifth ancestor,
who being one of the spearmen of the Heracleidai
followed the treacherous device of a woman,
and having slain his master took possession
of his royal dignity, which belonged not
to him of right. And although Loxias eagerly
desired that the calamity of Sardis might
come upon the sons of Croesus and not upon
Croesus himself, it was not possible for
him to draw the Destinies aside from their
course; but so much as these granted he brought
to pass, and gave it as a gift to Croesus:
for he put off the taking of Sardis by three
years; and let Croesus be assured that he
was taken prisoner later by these years than
the fated time: moreover secondly, he assisted
him when he was about to be burnt. And as
to the oracle which was given, Croesus finds
fault with good ground: for Loxias told him
beforehand that if he should march upon the
Persians he should destroy a great empire:
and he upon hearing this, if he wished to
take counsel well, ought to have sent and
asked further whether the god meant his own
empire or that of Cyrus: but as he did not
comprehend that which was uttered and did
not ask again, let him pronounce himself
to be the cause of that which followed. To
him also 103 when he consulted the Oracle
for the last time Loxias said that which
he said concerning a mule; but this also
he failed to comprehend: for Cyrus was in
fact this mule, seeing that he was born of
parents who were of two different races,
his mother being of nobler descent and his
father of less noble: for she was a Median
woman, daughter of Astyages and king of the
Medes, but he was a Persian, one of a race
subject to the Medes, and being inferior
in all respects he was the husband of one
who was his royal mistress." Thus the
Pythian prophetess replied to the Lydians,
and they brought the answer back to Sardis
and repeated it to Croesus; and he, when
he heard it, acknowledged that the fault
was his own and not that of the god. With
regard then to the empire of Croesus and
the first conquest of Ionia, it happened
thus.
92. Now there are in Hellas many other votive
offerings made by Croesus and not only those
which have been mentioned: for first at Thebes
of the Boeotians there is a tripod of gold,
which he dedicated to the Ismenian Apollo;
then at Ephesos there are the golden cows
and the greater number of the pillars of
the temple; and in the temple of Athene Pronaia
at Delphi a large golden shield. These were
still remaining down to my own time, but
others of his votive offerings have perished:
and the votive offerings of Croesus at Branchidai
of the Milesians were, as I am told, equal
in weight and similar to those at Delphi.
Now those which he sent to Delphi and to
the temple of Amphiaraos he dedicated of
his own goods and as first-fruits of the
wealth inherited from his father; but the
other offerings were made of the substance
of a man who was his foe, who before Croesus
became king had been factious against him
and had joined in endeavouring to make Pantaleon
ruler of the Lydians. Now Pantaleon was a
son of Alyattes and a brother of Croesus,
but not by the same mother, for Croesus was
born to Alyattes of a Carian woman, but Pantaleon
of an Ionian. And when Croesus had gained
possession of the kingdom by the gift of
his father, he put to death the man who opposed
him, drawing him upon the carding-comb; and
his property, which even before that time
he had vowed to dedicate, he then offered
in the manner mentioned to those shrines
which have been named. About his votive offerings
let it suffice to have said so much.
93. Of marvels to be recorded the land of
Lydia has no great store as compared with
other lands, 104 excepting the gold-dust
which is carried down from Tmolos; but one
work it has to show which is larger far than
any other except only those in Egypt and
Babylon: for there is there the sepulchral
monument of Alyattes the father of Croesus,
of which the base is made of larger stones
and the rest of the monument is of earth
piled up. And this was built by contributions
of those who practised trade and of the artisans
and the girls who plied their traffic there;
and still there existed to my own time boundary-stones
five in number erected upon the monument
above, on which were carved inscriptions
telling how much of the work was done by
each class; and upon measurement it was found
that the work of the girls was the greatest
in amount. For the daughters of the common
people in Lydia practice prostitution one
and all, to gather for themselves dowries,
continuing this until the time when they
marry; and the girls give themselves away
in marriage. Now the circuit of the monument
is six furlongs and two hundred feet, 105
and the breadth is thirteen hundred feet.
106 And adjoining the monument is a great
lake, which the Lydians say has a never-failing
supply of water, and it is called the lake
of Gyges. 107 Such is the nature of this
monument.
94. Now the Lydians have very nearly the
same customs as the Hellenes, with the exception
that they prostitute their female children;
and they were the first of men, so far as
we know, who struck and used coin of gold
or silver; and also they were the first retail-traders.
And the Lydians themselves say that the games
which are now in use among them and among
the Hellenes were also their invention. These
they say were invented among them at the
same time as they colonised Tyrsenia, 108
and this is the account they give of them:?
In the reign of Atys the son of Manes their
king there came to be a grievous dearth over
the whole of Lydia; and the Lydians for a
time continued to endure it, but afterwards,
as it did not cease, they sought for remedies;
and one devised one thing and another of
them devised another thing. And then were
discovered, they say, the ways of playing
with the dice and the knucklebones and the
ball, and all the other games excepting draughts
(for the discovery of this last is not claimed
by the Lydians). These games they invented
as a resource against the famine, and thus
they used to do:? on one of the days they
would play games all the time in order that
they might not feel the want of food, and
on the next they ceased from their games
and had food: and thus they went on for eighteen
years. As however the evil did not slacken
but pressed upon them ever more and more,
therefore their king divided the whole Lydian
people into two parts, and he appointed by
lot one part to remain and the other to go
forth from the land; and the king appointed
himself to be over that one of the parts
which had the lot to stay in the land, and
his son to be over that which was departing;
and the name of his son was Tyrsenos. So
the one party of them, having obtained the
lot to go forth from the land, went down
to the sea at Smyrna and built ships for
themselves, wherein they placed all the movable
goods which they had and sailed away to seek
for means of living and a land to dwell in;
until after passing by many nations they
came at last to the land of the Ombricans,
109 and there they founded cities and dwell
up to the present time: and changing their
name they were called after the king's son
who led them out from home, not Lydians but
Tyrsenians, taking the name from him.
The Lydians then had been made subject to
the Persians as I say:
95, and after this our history proceeds to
inquire about Cyrus, who he was that destroyed
the empire of Croesus, and about the Persians,
in what manner they obtained the lead of
Asia. Following then the report of some of
the Persians,? those I mean who do not desire
to glorify the history of Cyrus but to speak
that which is in fact true,? according to
their report, I say, I shall write; but I
could set forth also the other forms of the
story in three several ways.
The Assyrians ruled Upper Asia 110 for five
hundred and twenty years, and from them the
Medes were the first who made revolt. These
having fought for their freedom with the
Assyrians proved themselves good men, and
thus they pushed off the yoke of slavery
from themselves and were set free; and after
them the other nations also did the same
as the Medes: and when all on the continent
were thus independent, they ed again to despotic
rule as follows:?
96. There appeared among the Medes a man
of great ability whose name was Deïokes,
and this man was the son of Phraortes. This
Deïokes, having formed a desire for despotic
power, did thus:? whereas the Medes dwelt
in separate villages, he, being even before
that time of great repute in his own village,
set himself to practise just dealing much
more and with greater zeal than before; and
this he did although there was much lawlessness
throughout the whole of Media, and although
he knew that injustice is ever at feud with
justice. And the Medes of the same village,
seeing his manners, chose him for their judge.
So he, since he was aiming at power, was
upright and just, and doing thus he had no
little praise from his fellow-citizens, insomuch
that those of the other villages learning
that Deïokes was a man who more than all
others gave decision rightly, whereas before
this they had been wont to suffer from unjust
judgments, themselves also when they heard
it came gladly to Deïokes to have their causes
determined, and at last they trusted the
business to no one else.
97. Then, as more and more continually kept
coming to him, because men learnt that his
decisions proved to be according to the truth,
Deïokes perceiving that everything was referred
to himself would no longer sit in the place
where he used formerly to sit in public to
determine causes, and said that he would
determine causes no more, for it was not
profitable for him to neglect his own affairs
and to determine causes for his neighbours
all through the day. So then, since robbery
and lawlessness prevailed even much more
in the villages than they did before, the
Medes having assembled together in one place
considered with one another and spoke about
the state in which they were: and I suppose
the friends of Deïokes spoke much to this
effect: "Seeing that we are not able
to dwell in the land under the present order
of things, let us set up a king from among
ourselves, and thus the land will be well
governed and we ourselves shall turn to labour,
and shall not be ruined by lawlessness."
By some such words as these they persuaded
themselves to have a king.
98. And when they straightway proposed the
question whom they should set up to be king,
Deïokes was much put forward and commended
by every one, until at last they agreed that
he should be their king. And he bade them
build for him a palace worthy of the royal
dignity and strengthen him with a guard of
spearmen. And the Medes did so: for they
built him a large and strong palace in that
part of the land which he told them, and
they allowed him to select spearmen from
all the Medes. And when he had obtained the
rule over them, he compelled the Medes to
make one fortified city and pay chief attention
to this, having less regard to the other
cities. And as the Medes obeyed him in this
also, he built large and strong walls, those
which are now called Agbatana, standing in
circles one within the other. And this wall
is so contrived that one circle is higher
than the next by the height of the battlements
alone. And to some extent, I suppose, the
nature of the ground, seeing that it is on
a hill, assists towards this end; but much
more was it produced by art, since the circles
are in all seven in number. 111 And within
the last circle are the royal palace and
the treasure-houses. The largest of these
walls is in size about equal to the circuit
of the wall round Athens; and of the first
circle the battlements are white, of the
second black, of the third crimson, of the
fourth blue, of the fifth red: thus are the
battlements of all the circles coloured with
various tints, and the two last have their
battlements one of them overlaid with silver
and the other with gold.
99. These walls then Deïokes built for himself
and round his own palace, and the people
he commanded to dwell round about the wall.
And after all was built, Deïokes established
the rule, which he was the first to establish,
ordaining that none should enter into the
presence of the king, but that they deal
with him always through messengers; and that
the king should be seen by no one; and moreover
that to laugh or to spit in presence is unseemly,
and this last for every one without exception.
112 Now he surrounded himself with this state
113 to the end that his fellows, who had
been brought up with him and were of no meaner
family nor behind him in manly virtue, might
not be grieved by seeing him and make plots
against him, but that being unseen by them
he might be thought to be of different mould.
100. Having set these things in order and
strengthened himself in his despotism, he
was severe in preserving justice; and the
people used to write down their causes and
send them in to his presence, and he determined
the questions which were brought in to him
and sent them out again. Thus he used to
do about the judgment of causes; and he also
took order for this, that is to say, if he
heard that any one was behaving in an unruly
manner, he sent for him and punished him
according as each act of wrong deserved,
and he had watchers and listeners about all
the land over which he ruled.
101. Deïokes then united the Median race
alone, and was ruler of this: and of the
Medes there are the tribes which here follow,
namely, Busai, Paretakenians, Struchates,
Arizantians, Budians, Magians: the tribes
of the Medes are so many in number.
102. Now the son of Deïokes was Phraortes,
who when Deïokes was dead, having been king
for three-and-fifty years, received the power
in succession; and having received it he
was not satisfied to be ruler of the Medes
alone, but marched upon the Persians; and
attacking them first before others, he made
these first subject to the Medes. After this,
being ruler of these two nations and both
of them strong, he proceeded to subdue Asia
going from one nation to another, until at
last he marched against the Assyrians, those
Assyrians I mean who dwelt at Nineveh, and
who formerly had been rulers of the whole,
but at that time they were left without support
their allies having revolted from them, though
at home they were prosperous enough. 114
Phraortes marched, I say, against these,
and was both himself slain, after he had
reigned two-and-twenty years, and the greater
part of his army was destroyed.
103. When Phraortes had brought his life
to an end, Kyaxares the son of Phraortes,
the son of Deïokes, received the power. This
king is said to have been yet much more warlike
than his forefathers; and he first banded
the men of Asia into separate divisions,
that is to say, he first arrayed apart from
one another the spearmen and the archers
and the horsemen, for before that time they
were all mingled together without distinction.
This was he who fought with the Lydians when
the day became night as they fought, and
who also united under his rule the whole
of Asia above the river Halys. 115 And having
gathered together all his subjects he marched
upon Nineveh to avenge his father, and also
because he desired to conquer that city.
And when he had fought a battle with the
Assyrians and had defeated them, while he
was sitting down before Nineveh there came
upon him a great army of Scythians, 116 and
the leader of them was Madyas the son of
Protohyas, king of the Scythians. These had
invaded Asia after driving the Kimmerians
out of Europe, and in pursuit of them as
they fled they had come to the land of Media.
104. Now from the Maiotian lake to the river
Phasis and to the land of the Colchians is
a journey of thirty days for one without
encumbrance;
117 and from Colchis it is not far to pass
over to Media, for there is only one nation
between them, the Saspeirians, and passing
by this nation you are in Media. However
the Scythians did not make their invasion
by this way, but turned aside from it to
go by the upper road
118 which is much longer, keeping Mount Caucasus
on their right hand. Then the Medes fought
with the Scythians, and having been worsted
in the battle they lost their power, and
the Scythians obtained rule over all Asia.
105. Thence they went on to invade Egypt;
and when they were in Syria which is called
Palestine, Psammetichos king of Egypt met
them; and by gifts and entreaties he turned
them from their purpose, so that they should
not advance any further: and as they retreated,
when they came to the city of Ascalon in
Syria, most of the Scythians passed through
without doing any damage, but a few of them
who had stayed behind plundered the temple
of Aphrodite Urania. Now this temple, as
I find by inquiry, is the most ancient of
all the temples which belong to this goddess;
for the temple in Cyprus was founded from
this, as the people of Cyprus themselves
report, and it was the Phenicians who founded
the temple in Kythera, coming from this land
of Syria. So these Scythians who had plundered
the temple at Ascalon, and their descendants
for ever, were smitten by the divinity 119
with a disease which made them women instead
of men: and the Scythians say that it was
for this reason that they were diseased,
and that for this reason travellers who visit
Scythia now, see among them the affection
of those who by the Scythians are called
Enareës.
106. For eight-and-twenty years then the
Scythians were rulers of Asia, and by their
unruliness and reckless behaviour everything
was ruined; for on the one hand they exacted
that in tribute from each people which they
laid upon them, 120 and apart from the tribute
they rode about and carried off by force
the possessions of each tribe. Then Kyaxares
with the Medes, having invited the greater
number of them to a banquet, made them drunk
and slew them; and thus the Medes recovered
their power, and had rule over the same nations
as before; and they also took Nineveh,? the
manner how it was taken I shall set forth
in another history, 121? and made the Assyrians
subject to them excepting only the land of
Babylon.
107. After this Kyaxares died, having reigned
forty years including those years during
which the Scythians had rule, and Astyages
son of Kyaxares received from him the kingdom.
To him was born a daughter whom he named
Mandane; and in his sleep it seemed to him
that there passed from her so much water
as to fill his city and also to flood the
whole of Asia. This dream he delivered over
122 to the Magian interpreters of dreams,
and when he heard from them the truth at
each point he became afraid. And afterwards
when this Mandane was of an age to have a
husband, he did not give her in marriage
to any one of the Medes who were his peers,
because he feared the vision; but he gave
her to a Persian named Cambyses, whom he
found to be of a good descent and of a quiet
disposition, counting him to be in station
much below a Mede of middle rank.
108. And when Mandane was married to Cambyses,
in the first year Astyages saw another vision.
It seemed to him that from the womb of this
daughter a vine grew, and this vine overspread
the whole of Asia. Having seen this vision
and delivered it to the interpreters of dreams,
he sent for his daughter, being then with
child, to come from the land of the Persians.
And when she had come he kept watch over
her, desiring to destroy that which should
be born of her; for the Magian interpreters
of dreams signified to him that the offspring
of his daughter should be king in his room.
Astyages then desiring to guard against this,
when Cyrus was born, called Harpagos, a man
who was of kin near him and whom he trusted
above all the other Medes, and had made him
manager of all his affairs; and to him he
said as follows: "Neglect not by any
means, Harpagos, the matter which I shall
lay upon thee to do, and beware lest thou
set me aside, 123 and choosing the advantage
of others instead, bring thyself afterwards
to destruction. Take the child which Mandane
bore, and carry it to thy house and slay
it; and afterwards bury it in whatsoever
manner thou thyself desirest." To this
he made answer: "O king, never yet in
any past time didst thou discern in me an
offence against thee, and I keep watch over
myself also with a view to the time that
comes after, that I may not commit any error
towards thee. If it is indeed thy pleasure
that this should so be done, my service at
least must be fitly rendered."
109. Thus he made answer, and when the child
had been delivered to him adorned as for
death, Harpagos went weeping to his wife
all the words which had been spoken by Astyages.
And she said to him: "Now, therefore,
what is it in thy mind to do?" and he
made answer: "Not according as Astyages
enjoined: for not even if he shall come to
be yet more out of his senses and more mad
than he now is, will I agree to his will
or serve him in such a murder as this. And
for many reasons I will not slay the child;
first because he is a kin to me, and then
because Astyages is old and without male
issue, and if after he is dead the power
shall come through me, does not the greatest
of dangers then await me? To secure me, this
child must die; but one of the servants of
Astyages must be the slayer of it, and not
one of mine."
110. Thus he spoke, and straightway sent
a messenger to that one of the herdsmen of
Astyages who he knew fed his herds on the
pastures which were most suitable for his
purpose, and on the mountains most haunted
by wild beasts. The name of this man was
Mitradates, and he was married to one who
was his fellow-slave; and the name of the
woman to whom he was married was Kyno in
the tongue of the Hellenes and in the Median
tongue Spaco, for what the Hellenes call
kyna (bitch) the Medes call spaca. Now, it
was on the skirts of the mountains that this
herdsman had his cattle-pastures, from Agbatana
towards the North Wind and towards the Euxine
Sea. For here in the direction of the Saspeirians
the Median land is very mountainous and lofty
and thickly covered with forests; but the
rest of the land of Media is all level plain.
So when this herdsman came, being summoned
with much urgency, Harpagos said these words:
"Astyages bids thee take this child
and place it on the most desolate part of
the mountains, so that it may perish as quickly
as possible. And he bade me to say that if
thou do not kill it, but in any way shalt
preserve it from death, he will slay thee
by the most evil kind of destruction: 124
and I have been appointed to see that the
child is laid forth."
111. Having heard this and having taken up
the child, the herdsman went back by the
way he came, and arrived at his dwelling.
And his wife also, as it seems, having been
every day on the point of bearing a child,
by a providential chance brought her child
to birth just at that time, when the herdsman
was gone to the city. And both were in anxiety,
each for the other, the man having fear about
the child-bearing of his wife, and the woman
about the cause why Harpagos had sent to
summon her husband, not having been wont
to do so aforetime. So as soon as he ed and
stood before her, the woman seeing him again
beyond her hopes was the first to speak,
and asked him for what purpose Harpagos had
sent for him so urgently. And he said: "Wife,
when I came to the city I saw and heard that
which I would I had not seen, and which I
should wish had never chanced to those whom
we serve. For the house of Harpagos was all
full of mourning, and I being astonished
thereat went within: and as soon as I entered
I saw laid out to view an infant child gasping
for breath and screaming, which was adorned
with gold ornaments and embroidered clothing:
and when Harpagos saw me he bade me forthwith
to take up the child and carry it away and
lay it on that part of the mountains which
is most haunted by wild beasts, saying that
it was Astyages who laid this task upon me,
and using to me many threats, if I should
fail to do this. And I took it up and bore
it away, supposing that it was the child
of some one of the servants of the house,
for never could I have supposed whence it
really was; but I marvelled to see it adorned
with gold and raiment, and I marvelled also
because mourning was made for it openly in
the house of Harpagos. And straightway as
we went by the road, I learnt the whole of
the matter from the servant who went with
me out of the city and placed in my hands
the babe, namely that it was in truth the
son of Mandane the daughter of Astyages,
and of Cambyses the son of Cyrus, and that
Astyages bade slay it. And now here it is."
112. And as he said this the herdsman uncovered
it and showed it to her. And she, seeing
that the child was large and of fair form,
wept and clung to the knees of her husband,
beseeching him by no means to lay it forth.
But he said that he could not do otherwise
than so, for watchers would come backwards
and forwards sent by Harpagos to see that
this was done, and he would perish by a miserable
death if he should fail to do this. And as
she could not after all persuade her husband,
the wife next said as follows: "Since
then I am unable to persuade thee not to
lay it forth, do thou this which I shall
tell thee, if indeed it needs must be seen
laid forth. I also have borne a child, but
I have borne it dead. Take this and expose
it, and let us rear the child of the daughter
of Astyages as if it were our own. Thus thou
wilt not be found out doing a wrong to those
whom we serve, nor shall we have taken ill
counsel for ourselves; for the dead child
will obtain a royal burial and the surviving
one will not lose his life."
113. To the herdsman it seemed that, the
case standing thus, his wife spoke well,
and forthwith he did so. The child which
he was bearing to put to death, this he delivered
to his wife, and his own, which was dead,
he took and placed in the chest in which
he had been bearing the other; and having
adorned it with all the adornment of the
other child, he bore it to the most desolate
part of the mountains and placed it there.
And when the third day came after the child
had been laid forth, the herdsman went to
the city, leaving one of his under-herdsmen
to watch there, and when he came to the house
of Harpagos he said that he was ready to
display the dead body of the child; and Harpagos
sent the most trusted of his spearmen, and
through them he saw and buried the herdsman's
child. This then had had burial, but him
who was afterwards called Cyrus the wife
of the herdsman had received, and was bringing
him up, giving him no doubt some other name,
not Cyrus.
114. And when the boy was ten years old,
it happened with regard to him as follows,
and this made him known. He was playing in
the village in which were stalls for oxen,
he was playing there, I say, with other boys
of his age in the road. And the boys in their
play chose as their king this one who was
called the son of the herdsman: and he set
some of them to build palaces and others
to be spearmen of his guard, and one of them
no doubt he appointed to be the eye of the
king, and to one he gave the office of bearing
the messages, 12401 appointing a work for
each one severally. Now one of these boys
who was playing with the rest, the son of
Artembares a man of repute among the Medes,
did not do that which Cyrus appointed him
to do; therefore Cyrus bade the other boys
seize him hand and foot, 125 and when they
obeyed his command he dealt with the boy
very roughly, scourging him. But he, so soon
as he was let go, being made much more angry
because he considered that he had been treated
with indignity, went down to the city and
complained to his father of the treatment
which he had met with from Cyrus, calling
him not Cyrus, for this was not yet his name,
but the son of the herdsman of Astyages.
And Artembares in the anger of the moment
went at once to Astyages, taking the boy
with him, and he declared that he had suffered
things that were unfitting and said: "O
king, by thy slave, the son of a herdsman,
we have been thus outraged," showing
him the shoulders of his son.
115. And Astyages having heard and seen this,
wishing to punish the boy to avenge the honour
of Artembares, sent for both the herdsman
and his son. And when both were present,
Astyages looked at Cyrus and said: "Didst
thou dare, being the son of so mean a father
as this, to treat with such unseemly insult
the son of this man who is first in my favour?"
And he replied thus: "Master, I did
so to him with right. For the boys of the
village, of whom he also was one, in their
play set me up as king over them, for I appeared
to them most fitted for this place. Now the
other boys did what I commanded them, but
this one disobeyed and paid no regard, until
at last he received the punishment due. If
therefore for this I am worthy to suffer
any evil, here I stand before thee."
116. While the boy thus spoke, there came
upon Astyages a sense of recognition of him
and the lineaments of his face seemed to
him to resemble his own, and his answer appeared
to be somewhat over free for his station,
while the time of the laying forth seemed
to agree with the age of the boy. Being struck
with amazement by these things, for a time
he was speechless; and having at length with
difficulty recovered himself, he said, desiring
to dismiss Artembares, in order that he might
get the herdsman by himself alone and examine
him: "Artembares, I will so order these
things that thou and thy son shall have no
cause to find fault"; and so he dismissed
Artembares, and the servants upon the command
of Astyages led Cyrus within. And when the
herdsman was left alone with the king, Astyages
being alone with him asked whence he had
received the boy, and who it was who had
delivered the boy to him. And the herdsman
said that he was his own son, and that the
mother was living with him still as his wife.
But Astyages said that he was not well advised
in desiring to be brought to extreme necessity,
and as he said this he made a sign to the
spearmen of his guard to seize him. So he,
as he was being led away to the torture,
126 then declared the story as it really
was; and beginning from the beginning he
went through the whole, telling the truth
about it, and finally ended with entreaties,
asking that he would grant him pardon.
117. So when the herdsman had made known
the truth, Astyages now cared less about
him, but with Harpagos he was very greatly
displeased and bade his spearmen summon him.
And when Harpagos came, Astyages asked him
thus: "By what death, Harpagos, didst
thou destroy the child whom I delivered to
thee, born of my daughter?" and Harpagos,
seeing that the herdsman was in the king's
palace, turned not to any false way of speech,
lest he should be convicted and found out,
but said as follows: "O king, so soon
as I received the child, I took counsel and
considered how I should do according to thy
mind, and how without offence to thy command
I might not be guilty of murder against thy
daughter and against thyself. I did therefore
thus:? I called this herdsman and delivered
the child to him, saying first that thou
wert he who bade him slay it? and in this
at least I did not lie, for thou didst so
command. I delivered it, I say, to this man
commanding him to place it upon a desolate
mountain, and to stay by it and watch it
until it should die, threatening him with
all kinds of punishment if he should fail
to accomplish this. And when he had done
that which was ordered and the child was
dead, I sent the most trusted of my eunuchs
and through them I saw and buried the child.
Thus, O king, it happened about this matter,
and the child had this death which I say."
118. So Harpagos declared the truth, and
Astyages concealed the anger which he kept
against him for that which had come to pass,
and first he related the matter over again
to Harpagos according as he had been told
it by the herdsman, and afterwards, when
it had been thus repeated by him, he ended
by saying that the child was alive and that
that which had come to pass was well, "for,"
continued he, "I was greatly troubled
by that which had been done to this child,
and I thought it no light thing that I had
been made at variance with my daughter. Therefore
consider that this is a happy change of fortune,
and first send thy son to be with the boy
who is newly come, and then, seeing that
I intend to make a sacrifice of thanksgiving
for the preservation of the boy to those
gods to whom that honour belongs, be here
thyself to dine with me."
119. When Harpagos heard this, he did reverence
and thought it a great matter that his offence
had turned out for his profit and moreover
that he had been invited to dinner with happy
augury; 127 and so he went to his house.
And having entered it straightway, he sent
forth his son, for he had one only son of
about thirteen years old, bidding him go
to the palace of Astyages and do whatsoever
the king should command; and he himself being
overjoyed told his wife that which had befallen
him. But Astyages, when the son of Harpagos
arrived, cut his throat and divided him limb
from limb, and having roasted some pieces
of the flesh and boiled others he caused
them to be dressed for eating and kept them
ready. And when the time arrived for dinner
and the other guests were present and also
Harpagos, then before the other guests and
before Astyages himself were placed tables
covered with flesh of sheep; but before Harpagos
was placed the flesh of his own son, all
but the head and the hands and the feet,
128 and these were laid aside covered up
in a basket. Then when it seemed that Harpagos
was satisfied with food, Astyages asked him
whether he had been pleased with the banquet;
and when Harpagos said that he had been very
greatly pleased, they who had been commanded
to do this brought to him the head of his
son covered up, together with the hands and
the feet; and standing near they bade Harpagos
uncover and take of them that which he desired.
So when Harpagos obeyed and uncovered, he
saw the remains of his son; and seeing them
he was not overcome with amazement but contained
himself: and Astyages asked him whether he
perceived of what animal he had been eating
the flesh: and he said that he perceived,
and that whatsoever the king might do was
well pleasing to him. Thus having made answer
and taking up the parts of the flesh which
still remained he went to his house; and
after that, I suppose, he would gather all
the parts together and bury them.
120. On Harpagos Astyages laid this penalty;
and about Cyrus he took thought, and summoned
the same men of the Magians who had given
judgment about his dream in the manner which
has been said: and when they came, Astyages
asked how they had given judgment about his
vision; and they spoke according to the same
manner, saying that the child must have become
king if he had lived on and had not died
before. He made answer to them thus: "The
child is alive and not dead: 129 and while
he was dwelling in the country, the boys
of the village appointed him king; and he
performed completely all those things which
they do who are really kings; for he exercised
rule, 130 appointed to their places spearmen
of the guard and doorkeepers and bearers
of messages and all else. Now therefore,
to what does it seem to you that these things
tend?" The Magians said: "If the
child is still alive and became king without
any arrangement, be thou confident concerning
him and have good courage, for he shall not
be ruler again the second time; since some
even of our oracles have had but small results,
131 and that at least which has to do with
dreams comes often in the end to a feeble
accomplishment." Astyages made answer
in these words: "I myself also, O Magians,
am most disposed to believe that this is
so, namely that since the boy was named king
the dream has had its fulfilment and that
this boy is no longer a source of danger
to me. Nevertheless give counsel to me, having
well considered what is likely to be most
safe both for my house and for you."
Replying to this the Magians said: "To
us also, O king, it is of great consequence
that thy rule should stand firm; for in the
other case it is transferred to strangers,
coming round to this boy who is a Persian,
and we being Medes are made slaves and become
of no account in the eyes of the Persians,
seeing that we are of different race; but
while thou art established as our king, who
art one of our own nation, we both have our
share of rule and receive great honours from
thee. Thus then we must by all means have
a care of thee and of thy rule. And now,
if we saw in this anything to cause fear,
we would declare all to thee beforehand:
but as the dream has had its issue in a trifling
manner, both we ourselves are of good cheer
and we exhort thee to be so likewise: and
as for this boy, send him away from before
thine eyes to the Persians and to his parents."
121. When he heard this Astyages rejoiced,
and calling Cyrus spoke to him thus: "My
son, I did thee wrong by reason of a vision
of a dream which has not come to pass, but
thou art yet alive by thine own destiny;
now therefore go in peace to the land of
the Persians, and I will send with thee men
to conduct thee: and when thou art come thither,
thou shalt find a father and a mother not
after the fashion of Mitradates the herdsman
and his wife."
122. Thus having spoken Astyages sent Cyrus
away; and when he had ed and come to the
house of Cambyses, his parents received him;
and after that, when they learnt who he was,
they welcomed him not a little, for they
had supposed without doubt that their son
had perished straightway after his birth;
and they inquired in what manner he had survived.
And he told them, saying that before this
he had not known but had been utterly in
error; on the way, however, he had learnt
all his own fortunes: for he had supposed
without doubt that he was the son of the
herdsman of Astyages, but since his journey
from the city began he had learnt the whole
story from those who conducted him. And he
said that he had been brought up by the wife
of the herdsman, and continued to praise
her throughout, so that Kyno was the chief
person in his tale. And his parents took
up this name from him, and in order that
their son might be thought by the Persians
to have been preserved in a more supernatural
manner, they set on foot a report that Cyrus
when he was exposed had been reared by a
bitch: 132 and from that source has come
this report.
123. Then as Cyrus grew to be a man, being
of all those of his age the most courageous
and the best beloved, Harpagos sought to
become his friend and sent him gifts, because
he desired to take vengeance on Astyages.
For he saw not how from himself, who was
in a private station, punishment should come
upon Astyages; but when he saw Cyrus growing
up, he endeavoured to make him an ally, finding
a likeness between the fortunes of Cyrus
and his own. And even before that time he
had effected something: for Astyages being
harsh towards the Medes, Harpagos communicated
severally with the chief men of the Medes,
and persuaded them that they must make Cyrus
their leader and cause Astyages to cease
from being king. When he had effected this
and when all was ready, then Harpagos wishing
to make known his design to Cyrus, who lived
among the Persians, could do it no other
way, seeing that the roads were watched,
but devised a scheme as follows:? he made
ready a hare, and having cut open its belly
but without pulling off any of the fur, he
put into it, just as it was, a piece of paper,
having written upon it that which he thought
good; and then he sewed up again the belly
of the hare, and giving nets as if he were
a hunter to that one of his servants whom
he trusted most, he sent him away to the
land of the Persians, enjoining him by word
of mouth to give the hare to Cyrus, and to
tell him at the same time to open it with
his own hands and let no one else be present
when he did so.
124. This then was accomplished, and Cyrus
having received from him the hare, cut it
open; and having found within it the paper
he took and read it over. And the writing
said this: "Son of Cambyses, over thee
the gods keep guard, for otherwise thou wouldst
never have come to so much good fortune.
Do thou therefore 133 take vengeance on Astyages
who is thy murderer, for so far as his will
is concerned thou art dead, but by the care
of the gods and of me thou art still alive;
and this I think thou hast long ago learnt
from first to last, both how it happened
about thyself, and also what things I have
suffered from Astyages, because I did not
slay thee but gave thee to the herdsman.
If therefore thou wilt be guided by me, thou
shalt be ruler of all that land over which
now Astyages is ruler. Persuade the Persians
to revolt, and march any army against the
Medes: and whether I shall be appointed leader
of the army against thee, or any other of
the Medes who are in repute, thou hast what
thou desirest; for these will be the first
to attempt to destroy Astyages, revolting
from him and coming over to thy party. Consider
then that here at least all is ready, and
therefore do this and do it with speed."
125. Cyrus having heard this began to consider
in what manner he might most skilfully persuade
the Persians to revolt, and on consideration
he found that this was the most convenient
way, and so in fact he did:? He wrote first
on a paper that which he desired to write,
and he made an assembly of the Persians.
Then he unfolded the paper and reading from
it said that Astyages appointed him commander
of the Persians; "and now, O Persians,"
he continued, "I give you command to
come to me each one with a reaping-hook."
Cyrus then proclaimed this command. (Now
there are of the Persians many tribes, and
some of them Cyrus gathered together and
persuaded to revolt from the Medes, namely
those, upon which all the other Persians
depend, the Pasargadai, the Maraphians and
the Maspians, and of these the Pasargadai
are the most noble, of whom also the Achaimenidai
are a clan, whence are sprung the Perseïd
134 kings. But other Persian tribes there
are, as follows:? the Panthaliaians, the
Derusiaians and the Germanians, these are
all tillers of the soil; and the rest are
nomad tribes, namely the Daoi, Mardians,
Dropicans and Sagartians.)
126. Now there was a certain region of the
Persian land which was overgrown with thorns,
extending some eighteen or twenty furlongs
in each direction; and when all had come
with that which they had been before commanded
to bring, Cyrus bade them clear this region
for cultivation within one day: and when
the Persians had achieved the task proposed,
then he bade them come to him on the next
day bathed and clean. Meanwhile Cyrus, having
gathered together in one place all the flocks
of goats and sheep and the herds of cattle
belonging to his father, slaughtered them
and prepared with them to entertain the host
of the Persians, and moreover with wine and
other provisions of the most agreeable kind.
So when the Persians came on the next day,
he made them recline in a meadow and feasted
them. And when they had finished dinner,
Cyrus asked them whether that which they
had on the former day or that which they
had now seemed to them preferable. They said
that the difference between them was great,
for the former day had for them nothing but
evil, and the present day nothing but good.
Taking up this saying Cyrus proceeded to
lay bare his whole design, saying: "Men
of the Persians, thus it is with you. If
ye will do as I say, ye have these and ten
thousand other good things, with no servile
labour; but if ye will not do as I say, ye
have labours like that of yesterday innumerable.
Now therefore do as I say and make yourselves
free: for I seem to myself to have been born
by providential fortune to take these matters
in hand; and I think that ye are not worse
men than the Medes, either in other matters
or in those which have to do with war. Consider
then that this is so, and make revolt from
Astyages forthwith."
127. So the Persians having obtained a leader
willingly attempted to set themselves free,
since they had already for a long time been
indignant to be ruled by the Medes: but when
Astyages heard that Cyrus was acting thus,
he sent a messenger and summoned him; and
Cyrus bade the messenger report to Astyages
that he would be with him sooner than he
would himself desire. So Astyages hearing
this armed all the Medes, and blinded by
divine providence he appointed Harpagos to
be the leader of the army, forgetting what
he had done to him. Then when the Medes had
marched out and began to fight with the Persians,
some of them continued the battle, namely
those who had not been made partakers in
the design, while others went over to the
Persians; but the greater number were wilfully
slack and fled.
128. So when the Median army had been shamefully
dispersed, so soon as Astyages heard of it
he said, threatening Cyrus: "But not
even so shall Cyrus at least escape punishment."
Thus having spoken he first impaled the Magian
interpreters of dreams who had persuaded
him to let Cyrus go, and then he armed those
of the Medes, youths and old men, who had
been left behind in the city. These he led
out and having engaged battle with the Persians
he was worsted, and Astyages himself was
taken alive, and he lost also those of the
Medes whom he had led forth.
129. Then when Astyages was a prisoner, Harpagos
came and stood near him and rejoiced over
him and insulted him; and besides other things
which he said to grieve him, he asked him
especially how it pleased him to be a slave
instead of a king, making reference to that
dinner at which Astyages had feasted him
with the flesh of his own son. 135 He looking
at him asked him in whether he claimed the
work of Cyrus as his own deed: and Harpagos
said that since he had written the letter,
the deed was justly his. Then Astyages declared
him to be at the same time the most unskilful
and the most unjust of men; the most unskilful
because, when it was in his power to become
king (as it was, if that which had now been
done was really brought about by him), he
had conferred the chief power on another,
and the most unjust, because on account of
that dinner he had reduced the Medes to slavery.
For if he must needs confer the kingdom on
some other and not keep it himself, it was
more just to give this good thing to one
of the Medes rather than to one of the Persians;
whereas now the Medes, who were guiltless
of this, had become slaves instead of masters,
and the Persians who formerly were slaves
of the Medes had now become their masters.
130. Astyages then, having been king for
five-and-thirty years, was thus caused to
cease from being king; and the Medes stooped
under the yoke of the Persians because of
his cruelty, after they had ruled Asia above
the river Halys for one hundred and twenty-eight
years, except during that period for which
the Scythians had rule. 136 Afterwards however
it repented them that they had done this,
and they revolved from Dareios, and having
revolted they were subdued again, being conquered
in a battle. At this time then, I say, in
the reign of Astyages, the Persians with
Cyrus rose up against the Medes and from
that time forth were rulers of Asia: but
as for Astyages, Cyrus did no harm to him
besides, but kept him with himself until
he died. Thus born and bred Cyrus became
king; and after this he subdued Croesus,
who was the first to begin the quarrel, as
I have before said; and having subdued him
he then became ruler of all Asia.
131. These are the customs, so far as I know,
which the Persians practise:? Images and
temples and altars they do not account it
lawful to erect, nay they even charge with
folly those who do these things; and this,
as it seems to me, because they do not account
the gods to be in the likeness of men, as
do the Hellenes. But it is their wont to
perform sacrifices to Zeus going up to the
most lofty of the mountains, and the whole
circle of the heavens they call Zeus: and
they sacrifice to the Sun and the Moon and
the Earth, to Fire and to Water and to the
Winds: these are the only gods to whom they
have sacrificed ever from the first; but
they have learnt also to sacrifice to Aphrodite
Urania, having learnt it both from the Assyrians
and the Arabians; and the Assyrians call
Aphrodite Mylitta, the Arabians Alitta, 13601
and the Persians Mitra.
132. Now this is the manner of sacrifice
for the gods aforesaid which is established
among the Persians:? they make no altars
neither do they kindle fire; and when they
mean to sacrifice they use no libation nor
music of the pipe nor chaplets 137 nor meal
for sprinkling; 138 but when a man wishes
to sacrifice to any one of the gods, he leads
the animal for sacrifice to an unpolluted
place and calls upon the god, having his
tiara 13801 wreathed round generally with
a branch of myrtle. For himself alone separately
the man who sacrifices may not request good
things in his prayer, but he prays that it
may be well with all the Persians and with
the king; for he himself also is included
of course in the whole body of Persians.
And when he has cut up the victim into pieces
and boiled the flesh, he spreads a layer
of the freshest grass and especially clover,
upon which he places forthwith all the pieces
of flesh; and when he has placed them in
order, a Magian man stands by them and chants
over them a theogony (for of this nature
they say that their incantation is), seeing
that without a Magian it is not lawful for
them to make sacrifices. Then after waiting
a short time the sacrificer carries away
the flesh and uses it for whatever purpose
he pleases.
133. And of all days their wont is to honour
most that on which they were born, each one:
on this they think it right to set out a
feast more liberal than on other days; and
in this feast the wealthier of them set upon
the table an ox or a horse or a camel or
an ass, roasted whole in an oven, and the
poor among them set out small animals in
the same way. They have few solid dishes,
139 but many served up after as dessert,
and these not in a single course; and for
this reason the Persians say that the Hellenes
leave off dinner hungry, because after dinner
they have nothing worth mentioning served
up as dessert, whereas if any good dessert
were served up they would not stop eating
so soon. To wine-drinking they are very much
given, and it is not permitted for a man
to vomit or to make water in presence of
another. Thus do they provide against these
things; and they are wont to deliberate when
drinking hard about the most important of
their affairs, and whatsoever conclusion
has pleased them in their deliberation, this
on the next day, when they are sober, the
master of the house in which they happen
to be when they deliberate lays before them
for discussion: and if it pleases them when
they are sober also, they adopt it, but if
it does not please them, they let it go:
and that on which they have had the first
deliberation when they are sober, they consider
again when they are drinking.
134. When they meet one another in the roads,
by this you may discern whether those who
meet are of equal rank,? for instead of greeting
by words they kiss one another on the mouth;
but if one of them is a little inferior to
the other, they kiss one another on the cheeks,
and if one is of much less noble rank than
the other, he falls down before him and does
worship to him. 140 And they honour of all
most after themselves those nations which
dwell nearest to them, and next those which
dwell next nearest, and so they go on giving
honour in proportion to distance; and they
hold least in honour those who dwell furthest
off from themselves, esteeming themselves
to be by far the best of all the human race
on every point, and thinking that others
possess merit according to the proportion
which is here stated, 141 and that those
who dwell furthest from themselves are the
worst. And under the supremacy of the Medes
the various nations used also to govern one
another according to the same rule as the
Persians observe in giving honour, 142 the
Medes governing the whole and in particular
those who dwelt nearest to themselves, and
these having rule over those who bordered
upon them, and those again over the nations
that were next to them: for the race went
forward thus ever from government by themselves
to government through others.
135. The Persians more than any other men
admit foreign usages; for they both wear
the Median dress judging it to be more comely
than their own, and also for fighting the
Egyptian corslet: moreover they adopt all
kinds of luxuries when they hear of them,
and in particular they have learnt from the
Hellenes to have commerce with boys. They
marry each one several lawful wives, and
they get also a much larger number of concubines.
136. It is established as a sign of manly
excellence next after excellence in fight,
to be able to show many sons; and to those
who have most the king sends gifts every
year: for they consider number to be a source
of strength. And they educate their children,
beginning at five years old and going on
till twenty, in three things only, in riding,
in shooting, and in speaking the truth: but
before the boy is five years old he does
not come into the presence of his father,
but lives with the women; and it is so done
for this reason, that if the child should
die while he is being bred up, he may not
be the cause of any grief to his father.
137. I commend this custom of theirs, and
also the one which is next to be mentioned,
namely that neither the king himself shall
put any to death for one cause alone, nor
any of the other Persians for one cause alone
shall do hurt that is irremediable to any
of his own servants; but if after reckoning
he finds that the wrongs done are more in
number and greater than the services rendered,
143 then only he gives vent to his anger.
Moreover they say that no one ever killed
his own father or mother, but whatever deeds
have been done which seemed to be of this
nature, if examined must necessarily, they
say, be found to be due either to changelings
or to children of adulterous birth; for,
say they, it is not reasonable to suppose
that the true parent would be killed by his
own son.
138. Whatever things it is not lawful for
them to do, these it is not lawful for them
even to speak of: and the most disgraceful
thing in their estimation is to tell an lie,
and next to this to owe money, this last
for many other reasons, but especially because
it is necessary, they say, for him who owes
money, also sometimes to tell lies: and whosoever
of the men of the city has leprosy or whiteness
of skin, he does not come into a city nor
mingle with the other Persians; and they
say that he has these diseases because he
has offended in some way against the Sun:
but a stranger who is taken by these diseases,
in many regions 144 they drive out of the
country altogether, and also white doves,
alleging against them the same cause. And
into a river they neither make water nor
spit, neither do they wash their hands in
it, nor allow any other to do these things,
but they reverence rivers very greatly.
139. This moreover also has chanced to them,
which the Persians have themselves failed
to notice but I have not failed to do so:?
their names, which are formed to correspond
with their bodily shapes or their magnificence
of station, end all with the same letter,
that letter which the Dorians call san and
the Ionians sigma; with this you will find,
if you examine the matter, that all the Persian
names end, not some with this and others
with other letters, but all alike.
140. So much I am able to say for certain
from my own knowledge about them: but what
follows is reported about their dead as a
secret mystery and not with clearness, namely
that the body of a Persian man is not buried
until it has been torn by a bird or a dog.
(The Magians I know for a certainty have
this practice, for they do it openly.) However
that may be, the Persians cover the body
with wax and then bury it in the earth. Now
the Magians are distinguished in many ways
from other men, as also from the priests
in Egypt: for these last esteem it a matter
of purity to kill no living creature except
the animals which they sacrifice; but the
Magians kill with their own hands all creatures
except dogs and men, and they even make this
a great end to aim at, killing both ants
and serpents and all other creeping and flying
things. About this custom then be it as it
was from the first established; and I now
to the former narrative. 145
141. The Ionians and Aiolians, as soon as
the Lydians had been subdued by the Persians,
sent messengers to Cyrus at Sardis, desiring
to be his subjects on the same terms as they
had been subjects of Croesus. And when he
heard that which they proposed to him, he
spoke to them a fable, saying that a certain
player on the pipe saw fishes in the sea
and played on his pipe, supposing that they
would come out to land; but being deceived
in his expectation, he took a casting-net
and enclosed a great multitude of the fishes
and drew them forth from the water: and when
he saw them leaping about, he said to the
fishes: "Stop dancing I pray you now,
seeing that ye would not come out and dance
before when I piped." Cyrus spoke this
fable to the Ionians and Aiolians for this
reason, because the Ionians had refused to
comply before, when Cyrus himself by a messenger
requested them to revolt from Croesus, while
now when the conquest had been made they
were ready to submit to Cyrus. Thus he said
to them in anger, and the Ionians, when they
heard this answer brought back to their cities,
put walls round about them severally, and
gathered together to the Panionion, all except
the men of Miletos, for with these alone
Cyrus had sworn an agreement on the same
terms as the Lydians had granted. The rest
of the Ionians resolved by common consent
to send messengers to Sparta, to ask the
Spartans to help the Ionians.
142. These Ionians to whom belongs the Panionion
had the fortune to build their cities in
the most favourable position for climate
and seasons of any men whom we know: for
neither the regions above Ionia nor those
below, neither those towards the East nor
those towards the West,
146 produce the same results as Ionia itself,
the regions in the one direction being oppressed
by cold and moisture, and those in the other
by heat and drought. And these do not use
all the same speech, but have four different
variations of language. 147 First of their
cities on the side of the South lies Miletos,
and next to it Myus and Priene. These are
settlements made in Caria, and speak the
same language with one another; and the following
are in Lydia,? Ephesos, Colophon, Lebedos,
Teos, Clazomenai, Phocaia: these cities resemble
not at all those mentioned before in the
speech which they use, but they agree one
with another. There remain besides three
Ionian cities, of which two are established
in the islands of Samos and Chios, and one
is built upon the mainland, namely Erythrai:
now the men of Chios and of Erythrai use
the same form of language, but the Samians
have one for themselves alone. Thus there
result four separate forms of language.
143. Of these Ionians then those of Miletos
were sheltered from danger, since they had
sworn an agreement; and those of them who
lived in islands had no cause for fear, for
the Phenicians were not yet subjects of the
Persians and the Persians themselves were
not sea-men. Now these
148 were parted off from the other Ionians
for no other reason than this:? The whole
Hellenic nation was at that time weak, but
of all its races the Ionian was much the
weakest and of least account: except Athens,
indeed, it had no considerable city. Now
the other Ionians, and among them the Athenians,
avoided the name, not wishing to be called
Ionians, nay even now I perceive that the
greater number of them are ashamed of the
name: but these twelve cities not only prided
themselves on the name but established a
temple of their own, to which they gave the
name of Panionion, and they made resolution
not to grant a share in it to any other Ionians
(nor indeed did any ask to share it except
those of Smyrna);
144, just as the Dorians of that district
which is now called the Five Cities 149 but
was formerly called the Six Cities, 150 take
care not to admit any of the neighbouring
Dorians to the temple of Triopion, and even
exclude from sharing in it those of their
own body who commit any offence as regards
the temple. For example, in the games of
the Triopian Apollo they used formerly to
set bronze tripods as prizes for the victors,
and the rule was that those who received
them should not carry them out of the temple
but dedicate them then and there to the god.
There was a man then of Halicarnassos, whose
name was Agasicles, who being a victor paid
no regard to this rule, but carried away
the tripod to his own house and hung it up
there upon a nail. On this ground the other
five cities, Lindos, Ialysos and Cameiros,
Cos and Cnidos, excluded the sixth city Halicarnassos
from sharing in the temple.
145. Upon these they laid this penalty: but
as for the Ionians, I think that the reason
why they made of themselves twelve cities
and would not receive any more into their
body, was because when they dwelt in Peloponnesus
there were of them twelve divisions, just
as now there are twelve divisions of the
Achaians who drove the Ionians out: for first,
(beginning from the side of Sikyon) comes
Pellene, then Aigeira and Aigai, in which
last is the river Crathis with a perpetual
flow (whence the river of the same name in
Italy received its name), and Bura and Helike,
to which the Ionians fled for refuge when
they were worsted by the Achaians in fight,
and Aigion and Rhypes and Patreis and Phareis
and Olenos, where is the great river Peiros,
and Dyme and Tritaieis, of which the last
alone has an inland position. 151 These form
now twelve divisions of the Achaians, and
in former times they were divisions of the
Ionians.
146. For this reason then the Ionians also
made for themselves twelve cities; for at
any rate to say that these are any more Ionians
than the other Ionians, or have at all a
nobler descent, is mere folly, considering
that a large part of them are Abantians from
Euboea, who have no share even in the name
of Ionia, and Minyai of Orchomenos have been
mingled with them, and Cadmeians and Dryopians
and Phokians who seceded from their native
State and Molossians and Pelasgians of Arcadia
and Dorians of Epidauros and many other races
have been mingled with them; and those of
them who set forth to their settlements from
the City Hall of Athens and who esteem themselves
the most noble by descent of the Ionians,
these, I say, brought no women with them
to their settlement, but took Carian women,
whose parents they slew: and on account of
this slaughter these women laid down for
themselves a rule, imposing oaths on one
another, and handed it on to their daughters,
that they should never eat with their husbands,
nor should a wife call her own husband by
name, for this reason, because the Ionians
had slain their fathers and husbands and
children and then having done this had them
to wife. This happened at Miletos.
147. Moreover some of them set Lykian kings
over them, descendants of Glaucos and Hippolochos,
while others were ruled by Cauconians of
Pylos, descendants of Codros the son of Melanthos,
and others again by princes of the two races
combined. Since however these hold on to
the name more than the other Ionians, let
them be called, if they will, the Ionians
of truly pure descent; but in fact all are
Ionians who have their descent from Athens
and who keep the feast of Apaturia; and this
all keep except the men of Ephesos and Colophon:
for these alone of all the Ionians do not
keep the Apaturia, and that on the ground
of some murder committed.
148. Now the Panionion is a sacred place
on the north side of Mycale, set apart by
common agreement of the Ionians for Poseidon
of Helike 152; and this Mycale is a promontory
of the mainland running out Westwards towards
Samos, where the Ionians gathering together
from their cities used to hold a festival
which they called the Panionia. (And not
only the feasts of the Ionians but also those
of all the Hellenes equally are subject to
this rule, that their names all end in the
same letter, just like the names of the Persians.)
153
These then are the Ionian cities:
149, and those of Aiolia are as follows:?
Kyme, which is called Phriconis, Larisai,
Neon-teichos, Temnos, Killa, Notion, Aigiroëssa,
Pitane, Aigaiai, Myrina, Gryneia; these are
the ancient cities of the Aiolians, eleven
in number, since one, Smyrna, was severed
from them by the Ionians; for these cities,
that is those on the mainland, used also
formerly to be twelve in number. And these
Aiolians had the fortune to settle in a land
which is more fertile than that of the Ionians
but in respect of climate less favoured.
154
150. Now the Aiolians lost Smyrna in the
following manner:? certain men of Colophon,
who had been worsted in party strife and
had been driven from their native city, were
received there for refuge: and after this
the Colophonian exiles watched for a time
when the men of Smyrna were celebrating a
festival to Dionysos outside the walls, and
then they closed the gates against them and
got possession of the city. After this, when
the whole body of Aiolians came to the rescue,
they made an agreement that the Ionians should
give up the movable goods, and that on this
condition the Aiolians should abandon Smyrna.
When the men of Smyrna had done this, the
remaining eleven cities divided them amongst
themselves and made them their own citizens.
151. These then are the Aiolian cities upon
the mainland, with the exception of those
situated on Mount Ida, for these are separate
from the rest. And of those which are in
the islands, there are five in Lesbos, for
the sixth which was situated in Lesbos, namely
Arisba, was enslaved by the men of Methymna,
though its citizens were of the same race
as they; and in Tenedos there is one city,
and another in what are called the "Hundred
Isles." Now the Lesbians and the men
of Tenedos, like those Ionians who dwelt
in the islands, had no cause for fear; but
the remaining cities came to a common agreement
to follow the Ionians whithersoever they
should lead.
152. Now when the messengers from the Ionians
and Aiolians came to Sparta (for this business
was carried out with speed), they chose before
all others to speak for them the Phocaian,
whose name was Pythermos. He then put upon
him a purple cloak, in order that as many
as possible of the Spartans might hear of
it and come together, and having been introduced
before the assembly 155 he spoke at length,
asking the Spartans to help them. The Lacedemonians
however would not listen to him, but resolved
on the contrary not to help the Ionians.
So they departed, and the Lacedemonians,
having dismissed the messengers of the Ionians,
sent men notwithstanding in a ship of fifty
oars, to find out, as I imagine, about the
affairs of Cyrus and about Ionia. These when
they came to Phocaia sent to Sardis the man
of most repute among them, whose name was
Lacrines, to report to Cyrus the saying of
the Lacedemonians, bidding him do hurt to
no city of the Hellas, since they would not
permit it.
153. When the herald had spoken thus, Cyrus
is said to have asked those of the Hellenes
whom he had with him, what men the Lacedemonians
were and how many in number, that they made
this proclamation to him; and hearing their
answer he said to the Spartan herald: "Never
yet did I fear men such as these, who have
a place appointed in the midst of their city
where they gather together and deceive one
another by false oaths: and if I continue
in good health, not the misfortunes of the
Ionians will be for them a subject of talk,
but rather their own." These words Cyrus
threw out scornfully with reference to the
Hellenes in general, because they have got
for themselves 156 markets and practise buying
and selling there; for the Persians themselves
are not wont to use markets nor have they
any market-place at all. After this he entrusted
Sardis to Tabalos a Persian, and the gold
both of Croesus and of the other Lydians
he gave to Pactyas a Lydian to take charge
of, and himself marched away to Agbatana,
taking with him Croesus and making for the
present no account of the Ionians. For Babylon
stood in his way still, as also the Bactrian
nation and the Sacans and the Egyptians;
and against these he meant to make expeditions
himself, while sending some other commander
about the Ionians.
154. But when Cyrus had marched away from
Sardis, Pactyas caused the Lydians to revolt
from Tabalos and from Cyrus. This man went
down to the sea, and having in his possession
all the gold that there had been in Sardis,
he hired for himself mercenaries and persuaded
the men of the sea-coast to join his expedition.
So he marched on Sardis and besieged Tabalos,
having shut himself up in the citadel.
155. Hearing this on his way, Cyrus said
to Croesus as follows: "Croesus, what
end shall I find of these things which are
coming to pass? The Lydians will not cease
as it seems, from giving trouble to me and
from having it themselves. I doubt me if
it were not best 157 to sell them all as
slaves; for as it is, I see that I have done
in like manner as if one should slay the
father and then spare his sons: just so I
took prisoner and am carrying away thee,
who wert much more than the father of the
Lydians, while to the Lydians themselves
I delivered up their city; and can I feel
surprise after this that they have revolted
from me?" Thus he said what was in his
mind, but Croesus answered him as follows,
fearing lest he should destroy Sardis: "O
king, that which thou hast said is not without
reason; but do not thou altogether give vent
to thy wrath, nor destroy an ancient city
which is guiltless both of the former things
and also of those which have come to pass
now: for as to the former things it was I
who did them and I bear the consequences
heaped upon my head; 158 and as for what
is now being done, since the wrongdoer is
Pactyas to whom thou didst entrust the charge
of Sardis, let him pay the penalty. But the
Lydians I pray thee pardon, and lay upon
them commands as follows, in order that they
may not revolt nor be a cause of danger to
thee:? send to them and forbid them to possess
weapons of war, but bid them on the other
hand put on tunics under their outer garments
and be shod with buskins, and proclaim to
them that they train their sons to play the
lyre and the harp and to be retail-dealers;
and soon thou shalt see, O king, that they
have become women instead of men, so that
there will be no fear that they will revolt
from thee."
156. Croesus, I say, suggested to him this,
perceiving that this was better for the Lydians
than to be reduced to slavery and sold; for
he knew that if he did not offer a sufficient
reason, he would not persuade Cyrus to change
his mind, and he feared lest at some future
time, if they should escape the present danger,
the Lydians might revolt from the Persians
and be destroyed. And Cyrus was greatly pleased
with the suggestion made and slackened from
his wrath, saying that he agreed with his
advice. Then he called Mazares a Mede, and
laid charge upon him to proclaim to the Lydians
that which Croesus suggested, and moreover
to sell into slavery all the rest who had
joined with the Lydians in the expedition
to Sardis, and finally by all means to bring
Pactyas himself alive to Cyrus.
157. Having given this charge upon the road,
he continued his march to the native land
of the Persians; but Pactyas hearing that
an army was approaching to fight against
him was struck with fear and fled away forthwith
to Kyme. Then Mazares the Mede marched upon
Sardis with a certain portion of the army
of Cyrus, and as he did not find Pactyas
or his followers any longer at Sardis, he
first compelled the Lydians to perform the
commands of Cyrus, and by his commands the
Lydians changed the whole manner of their
life. After this Mazares proceeded to send
messengers to Kyme bidding them give up Pactyas:
and the men of Kyme resolved to refer to
the god at Branchidai the question what counsel
they should follow. For there was there an
Oracle established of old time, which all
the Ionians and Aiolians were wont to consult;
and this place is in the territory of Miletos
above the port of Panormos.
158. So the men of Kyme sent messengers to
the Branchidai 159 to inquire of the god,
and they asked what course they should take
about Pactyas so as to do that which was
pleasing to the gods. When they thus inquired,
the answer was given them that they should
deliver up Pactyas to the Persians: and the
men of Kyme, having heard this answer reported,
were disposed to give him up. Then when the
mass of the people were thus disposed, Aristodicos
the son of Heracleides, a man of repute among
the citizens, stopped the men of Kyme from
doing so, having distrust of the answer and
thinking that those sent to inquire were
not speaking the truth; until at last other
messengers were sent to the Oracle to ask
a second time about Pactyas, and of them
Aristodicos was one.
159. When these came to Branchidai, Aristodicos
stood forth from the rest and consulted the
Oracle, asking as follows: Lord, 160 there
came to us a suppliant for protection Pactyas
the Lydian, flying from a violent death at
the hands of the Persians, and they demand
him from us, bidding the men of Kyme give
him up. But we, though we fear the power
of the Persians, yet have not ventured up
to this time to deliver to them the suppliant,
until thy counsel shall be clearly manifested
to us, saying which of the two things we
ought to do." He thus inquired, but
the god again declared to them the same answer,
bidding them deliver up Pactyas to the Persians.
Upon this Aristodicos with deliberate purpose
did as follows:? he went all round the temple
destroying the nests of the sparrows 161
and of all the other kinds of birds which
had been hatched on the temple: and while
he was doing this, it is said that a voice
came from the inner shrine directed to Aristodicos
and speaking thus: "Thou most impious
of men, why dost thou dare to do this? Dost
thou carry away by force from my temple the
suppliants for my protection?" And Aristodicos,
it is said, not being at all at a loss replied
to this: "Lord, dost thou thus come
to the assistance of thy suppliants, and
yet biddest the men of Kyme deliver up theirs?"
and the god answered him again thus: "Yea,
I bid you do so, that ye may perish the more
quickly for your impiety; so that ye may
not at any future time come to the Oracle
to ask about delivering up of suppliants."
160. When the men of Kyme heard this saying
reported, not wishing either to be destroyed
by giving him up or to be besieged by keeping
him with them, they sent him away to Mytilene.
Those of Mytilene however, when Mazares sent
messages to them, were preparing to deliver
up Pactyas for a price, but what the price
was I cannot say for certain, since the bargain
was never completed; for the men of Kyme,
when they learnt that this was being done
by the Mytilenians, sent a vessel to Lesbos
and conveyed away Pactyas to Chios. After
this he was dragged forcibly from the temple
of Athene Poliuchos by the Chians and delivered
up: and the Chians delivered him up receiving
Atarneus in , (now this Atarneus is a region
of Mysia 162 opposition Lesbos). So the Persians
having received Pactyas kept him under guard,
meaning to produce him before Cyrus. And
a long time elapsed during which none of
the Chians either used barley-meal grown
in this region of Atarneus, for pouring out
in sacrifice to any god, or baked cakes for
offering of the corn which grew there, but
all the produce of this land was excluded
from every kind of sacred service.
161. The men of Chios had then delivered
up Pactyas; and after this Mazares made expedition
against those who had joined in besieging
Tabalos: and first he reduced to slavery
those of Priene, then he overran the whole
plain of the Maiander making spoil of it
for his army, and Magnesia in the same manner:
and straightway after this he fell sick and
died.
162. After he was dead, Harpagos came down
to take his place in command, being also
a Mede by race (this was the man whom the
king of the Medes Astyages feasted with the
unlawful banquet, and who helped to give
the kingdom to Cyrus). This man, being appointed
commander then by Cyrus, came to Ionia and
proceeded to take the cities by throwing
up mounds against them: for when he had enclosed
any people within their walls, then he threw
up mounds against the walls and took their
city by storm; and the first city of Ionia
upon which he made an attempt was Phocaia.
163. Now these Phocaians were the first of
the Hellenes who made long voyages, and these
are they who discovered the Adriatic and
Tyrsenia and Iberia and Tartessos: and they
made voyages not in round ships, but in vessels
of fifty oars. These came to Tartessos and
became friends with the king of the Tartessians
whose name was Arganthonios: he was ruler
of the Tartessians for eighty years and lived
in all one hundred and twenty. With this
man, I say, the Phocaians became so exceedingly
friendly, that first he bade them leave Ionia
and dwell wherever they desired in his own
land; and as he did not prevail upon the
Phocaians to do this, afterwards, hearing
from them of the Mede how his power was increasing,
he gave them money to build a wall about
their city: and he did this without sparing,
for the circuit of the wall is many furlongs
163 in extent, and it is built all of large
stones closely fitted together.
164. The wall of the Phocaians was made in
this manner: and Harpagos having marched
his army against them began to besiege them,
at the same time holding forth to them proposals
and saying that it was enough to satisfy
him if the Phocaians were willing to throw
down one battlement of their wall and dedicate
one single house. 164 But the Phocaians,
being very greatly grieved at the thought
of subjection, said that they wished to deliberate
about the matter for one day and after that
they would give their answer; and they asked
him to withdraw his army from the wall while
they were deliberating. Harpagos said that
he knew very well what they were meaning
to do, nevertheless he was willing to allow
them to deliberate. So in the time that followed,
when Harpagos had withdrawn his army from
the wall, the Phocaians drew down their fifty-oared
galleys to the sea, put into them their children
and women and all their movable goods, and
besides them the images out of the temples
and the other votive offerings except such
as were made of bronze or stone or consisted
of paintings, all the rest, I say, they put
into the ships, and having embarked themselves
they sailed towards Chios; and the Persians
obtained possession of Phocaia, the city
being deserted of the inhabitants.
165. But as for the Phocaians, since the
men of Chios would not sell them at their
request the islands called Oinussai, from
the fear lest these islands might be made
a seat of trade and their island might be
shut out, therefore they set out for Kyrnos:
165 for in Kyrnos twenty years before this
they had established a city named Alalia,
in accordance with an oracle, (now Arganthonios
by that time was dead). And when they were
setting out for Kyrnos they first sailed
to Phocaia and slaughtered the Persian garrison,
to whose charge Harpagos had delivered the
city; then after they had achieved this they
made solemn imprecations on any one of them
who should be left behind from their voyage,
and moreover they sank a mass of iron in
the sea and swore that not until that mass
should appear again on the surface 166 would
they to Phocaia. However as they were setting
forth to Kyrnos, more than half of the citizens
were seized with yearning and regret for
their city and for their native land, and
they proved false to their oath and sailed
back to Phocaia. But those of them who kept
the oath still, weighed anchor from the islands
of Oinussai and sailed.
166. When these came to Kyrnos, for five
years they dwelt together with those who
had come thither before, and they founded
temples there. Then, since they plundered
the property of all their neighbours, the
Tyrsenians and Carthaginians 167 made expedition
against them by agreement with one another,
each with sixty ships. And the Phocaians
also manned their vessels, sixty in number,
and came to meet the enemy in that which
is called the Sardinian sea: and when they
encountered one another in the sea-fight
the Phocaians won a kind of Cadmean victory,
for forty of their ships were destroyed and
the remaining twenty were disabled, having
had their prows bent aside. So they sailed
in to Alalia and took up their children and
their women and their other possessions as
much as their ships proved capable of carrying,
and then they left Kyrnos behind them and
sailed to Rhegion.
167. But as for the crews of the ships that
were destroyed, the Carthaginians and Tyrsenians
obtained much the greater number of them,
168 and these they brought to land and killed
by stoning. After this the men of Agylla
found that everything which passed by the
spot where the Phocaians were laid after
being stoned, became either distorted, or
crippled, or paralysed, both small cattle
and beasts of burden and human creatures:
so the men of Agylla sent to Delphi desiring
to purge themselves of the offence; and the
Pythian prophetess bade them do that which
the men of Agylla still continue to perform,
that is to say, they make great sacrifices
in honour of the dead, and hold at the place
a contest of athletics and horse-racing.
These then of the Phocaians had the fate
which I have said; but those of them who
took refuge at Rhegion started from thence
and took possession of that city in the land
of Oinotria which now is called Hyele. This
they founded having learnt from a man of
Poseidonia that the Pythian prophetess by
her answer meant them to found a temple to
Kyrnos, who was a hero, and not to found
a settlement in the island of Kyrnos. 169
168. About Phocaia in Ionia it happened thus,
and nearly the same thing also was done by
the men of Teos: for as soon as Harpagos
took their wall with a mound, they embarked
in their ships and sailed straightway for
Thrace; and there they founded the city of
Abdera, which before them Timesios of Clazomenai
founded and had no profit therefrom, but
was driven out by the Thracians; and now
he is honoured as a hero by the Teïans in
Abdera.
169. These alone of all the Ionians left
their native cities because they would not
endure subjection: but the other Ionians
except the Milesians did indeed contend in
arms with Harpagos like those who left their
homes, and proved themselves brave men, fighting
each for his own native city; but when they
were defeated and captured they remained
all in their own place and performed that
which was laid upon them: but the Milesians,
as I have also said before, had made a sworn
agreement with Cyrus himself and kept still.
Thus for the second time Ionia had been reduced
to subjection. And when Harpagos had conquered
the Ionians on the mainland, then the Ionians
who dwelt in the islands, being struck with
fear by these things, gave themselves over
to Cyrus.
170. When the Ionians had been thus evilly
entreated but were continuing still to hold
their gatherings as before at the Panionion,
Bias a man of Priene set forth to the Ionians,
as I am informed, a most profitable counsel,
by following which they might have been the
most prosperous of all the Hellenes. He urged
that the Ionians should set forth in one
common expedition and sail to Sardinia, and
after that found a single city for all the
Ionians: and thus they would escape subjection
and would be prosperous, inhabiting the largest
of all islands and being rulers over others;
whereas, if they remained in Ionia, he did
not perceive, he said, that freedom would
any longer exist for them. This was the counsel
given by Bias of Priene after the Ionians
had been ruined; but a good counsel too was
given before the ruin of Ionia by Thales
a man of Miletos, who was by descent of Phenician
race. He advised the Ionians to have one
single seat of government, 170 and that this
should be at Teos (for Teos, he said, was
in the centre of Ionia), and that the other
cities should be inhabited as before, but
accounted just as if they were demes.
These men 171 set forth to them counsels
of the kind which I have said:
171. but Harpagos, after subduing Ionia,
proceeded to march against the Carians and
Caunians and Lykians, taking also Ionians
and Aiolians to help him. Of these the Carians
came to the mainland from the islands; for
being of old time subjects of Minos and being
called Leleges, they used to dwell in the
islands, paying no tribute, so far back as
I am able to arrive by hearsay, but whenever
Minos required it, they used to supply his
ships with seamen: and as Minos subdued much
land and was fortunate in his fighting, the
Carian nation was of all nations by much
the most famous at that time together with
him. And they produced three inventions of
which the Hellenes adopted the use; that
is to say, the Carians were those who first
set the fashion of fastening crests on helmets,
and of making the devices which are put onto
shields, and these also were the first who
made handles for their shields, whereas up
to that time all who were wont to use shields
carried them without handles and with leathern
straps to guide them, having them hung about
their necks and their left shoulders. Then
after the lapse of a long time the Dorians
and Ionians drove the Carians out of the
islands, and so they came to the mainland.
With respect to the Carians the Cretans relate
that it happened thus; the Carians themselves
however do not agree with this account, but
suppose that they are dwellers on the mainland
from the beginning, 172 and that they went
always by the same name which they have now:
and they point as evidence of this to an
ancient temple of Carian Zeus at Mylasa,
in which the Mysians and Lydians share as
being brother races of the Carians, for they
say that Lydos and Mysos were brothers of
Car; these share in it, but those who being
of another race have come to speak the same
language as the Carians, these have no share
in it.
172. It seems to me however that the Caunians
are dwellers there from the beginning, though
they say themselves that they came from Crete:
but they have been assimilated to the Carian
race in language, or else the Carians to
the Caunian race, I cannot with certainty
determine which. They have customs however
in which they differ very much from all other
men as well as from the Carians; for example
the fairest thing in their estimation is
to meet together in numbers for drinking,
according to equality of age or friendship,
both men, women, and children; and again
when they had founded temples for foreign
deities, afterwards they changed their purpose
and resolved to worship only their own native
gods, and the whole body of Caunian young
men put on their armour and made pursuit
as far as the borders of the Calyndians,
beating the air with their spears; and they
said that they were casting the foreign gods
out of the land. Such are the customs which
these have.
173. The Lykians however have sprung originally
from Crete (for in old time the whole of
Crete was possessed by Barbarians): and when
the sons of Europa, Sarpedon and Minos, came
to be at variance in Crete about the kingdom,
Minos having got the better in the strife
of parties drove out both Sarpedon himself
and those of his party: and they having been
expelled came to the land of Milyas in Asia,
for the land which now the Lykians inhabit
was anciently called Milyas, and the Milyans
were then called Solymoi. Now while Sarpedon
reigned over them, they were called by the
name which they had when they came thither,
and by which the Lykians are even now called
by the neighbouring tribes, namely Termilai;
but when from Athens Lycos the son of Pandion
came to the land of the Termilai and to Sarpedon,
he too having been driven out by his brother
namely Aigeus, then by the name taken from
Lycos they were called after a time Lykians.
The customs which these have are partly Cretan
and partly Carian; but one custom they have
which is peculiar to them, and in which they
agree with no other people, that is they
call themselves by their mothers and not
by their fathers; and if one asks his neighbour
who he is, he will state his parentage on
the mother's side and enumerate his mother's
female ascendants: and if a woman who is
a citizen marry a slave, the children are
accounted to be of gentle birth; but if a
man who is a citizen, though he were the
first man among them, have a slave for wife
or concubine, the children are without civil
rights.
174. Now the Carians were reduced to subjection
by Harpagos without any brilliant deed displayed
either by the Carians themselves or by those
of the Hellenes who dwell in this land. Of
these last there are besides others the men
of Cnidos, settlers from Lacedemon, whose
land runs out into the sea, 173 being in
fact the region which is called Triopion,
beginning from the peninsula of Bybassos:
and since all the land of Cnidos except a
small part is washed by the sea (for the
part of it which looks towards the North
is bounded by the Gulf of Keramos, and that
which looks to the South by the sea off Syme
and Rhodes), therefore the men of Cnidos
began to dig through this small part, which
is about five furlongs across, while Harpagos
was subduing Ionia, desiring to make their
land an island: and within the isthmus all
was theirs, 174 for where the territory of
Cnidos ends in the direction of the mainland,
here is the isthmus which they were digging
across. And while the Cnidians were working
at it with a great number of men, it was
perceived that the men who worked suffered
injury much more than might have been expected
and in a more supernatural manner, both in
other parts of their bodies and especially
in their eyes, when the rock was being broken
up; so they sent men to ask the Oracle at
Delphi what the cause of the difficulty was.
And the Pythian prophetess, as the men of
Cnidos themselves report, gave them this
reply in trimeter verse:?
"Fence not the place with towers, nor
dig the isthmus through; Zeus would have
made your land an island, had he willed."
When the Pythian prophetess had given this
oracle, the men of Cnidos not only ceased
from their digging but delivered themselves
to Harpagos without resistance, when he came
against them with his army.
175. There were also the Pedasians, who dwelt
in the inland country above Halicarnassos;
and among these, whenever anything hurtful
is about to happen either to themselves or
to their neighbours, the priestess of Athene
has a great beard: this befell them three
times. These of all about Caria were the
only men who held out for any time against
Harpagos, and they gave him trouble more
than any other people, having fortified a
mountain called Lide.
176. After a time the Pedasians were conquered;
and the Lykians, when Harpagos marched his
army into the plain of Xanthos, came out
against him 175 and fought, few against many,
and displayed proofs of valour; but being
defeated and confined within their city,
they gathered together into the citadel their
wives and their children, their property
and their servants, and after that they set
fire to this citadel, so that it was all
in flames, and having done so and sworn terrible
oaths with one another, they went forth against
the enemy 176 and were slain in fight, that
is to say all the men of Xanthos: and of
the Xanthians who now claim to be Lykians
the greater number have come in from abroad,
except only eighty households; but these
eighty households happened at that time to
be away from their native place, and so they
escaped destruction. Thus Harpagos obtained
possession of Caunos, for the men of Caunos
imitated in most respects the behaviour of
the Lykians.
177. So Harpagos was conquering the coast
regions of Asia; and Cyrus himself meanwhile
was doing the same in the upper parts of
it, subduing every nation and passing over
none. Now most of these actions I shall pass
over in silence, but the undertakings which
gave him trouble more than the rest and which
are the most worthy of note, of these I shall
make mention.
178. Cyrus, so soon as he had made subject
to himself all other parts of the mainland,
proceeded to attack the Assyrians. Now Assyria
has doubtless many other great cities, but
the most famous and the strongest, and the
place where the seat of their monarchy had
been established after Nineveh was destroyed,
was Babylon; which was a city such as I shall
say.? It lies in a great plain, and in size
it is such that each face measures one hundred
and twenty furlongs, 177 the shape of the
whole being square; thus the furlongs of
the circuit of the city amount in all to
four hundred and eighty. Such is the size
of the city of Babylon, and it had a magnificence
greater than all other cities of which we
have knowledge. First there runs round it
a trench deep and broad and full of water;
then a wall fifty royal cubits in thickness
and two hundred cubits in height: now the
royal cubit is larger by three fingers than
the common cubit. 178
179. I must also tell in addition to this
for what purpose the earth was used, which
was taken out of the trench, and in what
manner the wall was made. As they dug the
trench they made the earth which was carried
out of the excavation into bricks, and having
moulded enough bricks they baked them in
kilns; and then afterwards, using hot asphalt
for mortar and inserting reed mats at every
thirty courses of brickwork, they built up
first the edges of the trench and then the
wall itself in the same manner: and at the
top of the wall along the edges they built
chambers of one story facing one another;
and between the rows of chambers they left
space to drive a four-horse chariot. In the
circuit of the wall there are set a hundred
gates made of bronze throughout, and the
gate-posts and lintels likewise. Now there
is another city distant from Babylon a space
of eight days' journey, of which the name
is Is; and there is a river there of no great
size, and the name of the river is also Is,
and it sends its stream into the river Euphrates.
This river Is throws up together with its
water lumps of asphalt in great abundance,
and thence was brought the asphalt for the
wall of Babylon.
180. Babylon then was walled in this manner;
and there are two divisions of the city;
for a river whose name is Euphrates parts
it in the middle. This flows from the land
of the Armenians and is large and deep and
swift, and it flows out into the Erythraian
sea. The wall then on each side has its bends
179 carried down to the river, and from this
point the walls stretch along each bank of
the stream in the form of a rampart of baked
bricks: and the city itself is full of houses
of three and four stories, and the roads
by which it is cut up run in straight lines,
including the cross roads which lead to the
river; and opposite to each road there were
set gates in the rampart which ran along
the river, in many in number as the ways,
180 and these also were of bronze and led
like the ways 181 to the river itself.
181. This wall then which I have mentioned
is as it were a cuirass 182 for the town,
and another wall runs round within it, not
much weaker for defence than the first but
enclosing a smaller space. 183 And in each
division of the city was a building in the
midst, in the one the king's palace of great
extent and strongly fortified round, and
in the other the temple of Zeus Belos with
bronze gates, and this exists still up to
my time and measures two furlongs each way,
184 being of a square shape: and in the midst
of the temple 185 is built a solid tower
measuring a furlong both in length and in
breadth, and on this tower another tower
has been erected, and another again upon
this, and so on up to the number of eight
towers. An ascent to these has been built
running outside round about all the towers;
and when one reaches about the middle of
the ascent one finds a stopping-place and
seats to rest upon, on which those who ascend
sit down and rest: and on the top of the
last tower there is a large cell, 186 and
in the cell a large couch is laid, well covered,
and by it is placed a golden table: and there
is no image there set up nor does any human
being spend the night there except only one
woman of the natives of the place, whomsoever
the god shall choose from all the woman,
as say the Chaldeans who are the priests
of this god.
182. These same men say also, but I do not
believe them, that the god himself comes
often to the cell and rests upon the couch,
as happens likewise in the Egyptian Thebes
according to the report of the Egyptians,
for there also a woman sleeps in the temple
of the Theban Zeus (and both these women
are said to abstain from commerce with men),
and as happens also with the prophetess 187
of the god in Patara of Lykia, whenever there
is one, for there is not always an Oracle
there, but whenever there is one, then she
is shut up during the nights in the temple
within the cell.
183. There is moreover in the temple at Babylon
another cell below, wherein is a great image
of Zeus sitting, made of gold, and by it
is placed a large table of gold, and his
footstool and seat are of gold also; and,
as the Chaldeans reported, the weight of
the gold of which these things are made is
eight hundred talents. Outside this cell
is an altar of gold; and there is also another
altar of great size, where full-grown animals
188 are sacrificed, whereas on the golden
altar it is not lawful to sacrifice any but
young sucklings only: and also on the larger
altar the Chaldeans offer one thousand talents
of frankincense every year at the time when
they celebrate the feast in honour of this
god. There was moreover in these precincts
still remaining at the time of Cyrus, 189
a statue twelve cubits high, of gold and
solid. This I did not myself see, but that
which is related by the Chaldeans I relate.
Against this statue Dareios the son of Hystaspes
formed a design, but he did not venture to
take it: it was taken however by Xerxes the
son of Dareios, who also killed the priest
when he forbade him to meddle with the statue.
This temple, then, is thus adorned with magnificence,
and there are also many private votive-offerings.
184. Of this Babylon, besides many other
rulers, of whom I shall make mention in the
Assyrian history, and who added improvement
to the walls and temples, there were also
two who were women. Of these, the one who
ruled first, named Semiramis, who lived five
generations before the other, produced banks
of earth in the plain which are a sight worth
seeing; and before this the river used to
flood like a sea over the whole plain.
185. The queen who lived after her time,
named Nitocris, was wiser than she who had
reigned before; and in the first place she
left behind her monuments which I shall tell
of; then secondly, seeing that the monarchy
of the Medes was great and not apt to remain
still, but that besides other cities even
Nineveh had been captured by it, she made
provision against it in so far as she was
able. First, as regards the river Euphrates
which flows through the midst of their city,
whereas before this it flowed straight, she
by digging channels above made it so winding
that it actually comes three times in its
course to one of the villages in Assyria;
and the name of the village to which the
Euphrates comes is Ardericca; and at this
day those who travel from this Sea of ours
to Babylon, in their voyage down the river
Euphrates 18901 arrive three times at this
same village and on three separate days.
This she did thus; and she also piled up
a mound along each bank of the river, which
is worthy to cause wonder for its size and
height: and at a great distance above Babylon,
she dug a basin for a lake, which she caused
to extend along at a very small distance
from the river, 190 excavating it everywhere
of such depth as to come to water, and making
the extent such that the circuit of it measured
four hundred and twenty furlongs: and the
earth which was dug out of this excavation
she used up by piling it in mounds along
the banks of the river: and when this had
been dug by her she brought stones and set
them all round it as a facing wall. Both
these two things she did, that is she made
the river to have a winding course, and she
made the place which was dug out all into
a swamp, in order that the river might run
more slowly, having its force broken by going
round many bends, and that the voyages might
be winding to Babylon, and after the voyages
there might succeed a long circuit of the
pool. These works she carried out in that
part where the entrance to the country was,
and the shortest way to it from Media, so
that the Medes might not have dealings with
her kingdom and learn of her affairs.
186. These defences she cast round her city
from the depth; and she made the following
addition which was dependent upon them:?
The city was in two divisions, and the river
occupied the space between; and in the time
of the former rulers, when any one wished
to pass over from the one division to the
other, he had to pass over in a boat, and
that, as I imagine, was troublesome: she
however made provision also for this; for
when she was digging the basin for the lake
she left this other monument of herself derived
from the same work, that is, she caused stones
to be cut of very great length, and when
the stones were prepared for her and the
place had been dug out, she turned aside
the whole stream of the river into the place
which she had been digging; and while this
was being filled with water, the ancient
bed of the river being dried up in the meantime,
she both built up with baked bricks after
the same fashion as the wall the edges of
the river, where it flows through the city,
and the places of descent leading from the
small gateways to the river; and also about
the middle of the city, as I judge, with
the stones which she had caused to be dug
out she proceeded to build a bridge, binding
together the stones with iron and lead: and
upon the top she laid squared timbers across,
to remain there while it was daytime, over
which the people of Babylon made the passage
across; but at night they used to take away
these timbers for this reason, namely that
they might not go backwards and forwards
by night and steal from one another: and
when the place dug out had been made into
a lake full of water by the river, and at
the same time the bridge had been completed,
then she conducted the Euphrates back into
its ancient channel from the lake, and so
the place dug out being made into a swamp
was thought to have served a good purpose,
and there had been a bridge set up for the
men of the city.
187. This same queen also contrived a snare
of the following kind:? Over that gate of
the city through which the greatest number
of people passed she set up for herself a
tomb above the very gate itself. And on the
tomb she engraved writing which said thus:
"If any of the kings of Babylon who
come after me shall be in want of wealth,
let him open my tomb and take as much as
he desires; but let him not open it for any
other cause, if he be not in want; for that
will not be well." 191 This tomb was
undisturbed until the kingdom came to Dareios;
but to Dareios it seemed that it was a monstrous
thing not to make any use of this gate, and
also, when there was money lying there, not
to take it, considering that the money itself
invited him to do so. Now the reason why
he would not make any use of this gate was
because the corpse would have been above
his head as he drove through. He then, I
say, opened the tomb and found not indeed
money but the corpse, with writing which
said thus: "If thou hadst not been insatiable
of wealth and basely covetous, thou wouldest
not have opened the resting-places of the
dead."
188. This queen then is reported to have
been such as I have described: and it was
the son of this woman, bearing the same name
as his father, Labynetos, and being ruler
over the Assyrians, against whom Cyrus was
marching. Now the great king makes his marches
not only well furnished
192 from home with provisions for his table
and with cattle, but also taking with him
water from the river Choaspes, which flows
by Susa, of which alone and of no other river
the king drinks: and of this water of the
Choaspes boiled, a very great number of waggons,
four-wheeled and drawn by mules, carry a
supply in silver vessels, and go with him
wherever he may march at any time.
189. Now when Cyrus on his way towards Babylon
arrived at the river Gyndes,? of which river
the springs are in the mountains of the Matienians,
and it flows through the Dardanians and runs
into another river, the Tigris, which flowing
by the city of Opis runs out into the Erythraian
Sea,? when Cyrus, I say, was endeavouring
to cross this river Gyndes, which is a navigable
stream, then one of his sacred white horses
in high spirit and wantonness went into the
river and endeavoured to cross, but the stream
swept it under water and carried it off forthwith.
And Cyrus was greatly moved with anger against
the river for having done thus insolently,
and he threatened to make it so feeble that
for the future even women could cross it
easily without wetting the knee. So after
this threat he ceased from his march against
Babylon and divided his army into two parts;
and having divided it he stretched lines
and marked out straight channels, 193 one
hundred and eighty on each bank of the Gyndes,
directed every way, and having disposed his
army along them he commanded them to dig:
so, as a great multitude was working, the
work was completed indeed, but they spent
the whole summer season at this spot working.
190. When Cyrus had taken vengeance on the
river Gyndes by dividing it into three hundred
and sixty channels, and when the next spring
was just beginning, then at length he continued
his advance upon Babylon: and the men of
Babylon had marched forth out of their city
and were awaiting him. So when in his advance
he came near to the city, the Babylonians
joined battle with him, and having been worsted
in the fight they were shut up close within
their city. But knowing well even before
this that Cyrus was not apt to remain still,
and seeing him lay hands on every nation
equally, they had brought in provisions beforehand
194 for very many years. So while these made
no account of the siege, Cyrus was in straits
what to do, for much time went by and his
affairs made no progress onwards.
191. Therefore, whether it was some other
man who suggested it to him when he was in
a strait what to do, or whether he of himself
perceived what he ought to do, he did as
follows:? The main body of his army 195 he
posted at the place where the river runs
into the city, and then again behind the
city he set others, where the river issues
forth from the city; and he proclaimed to
his army that so soon as they should see
that the stream had become passable, they
should enter by this way into the city. Having
thus set them in their places and in this
manner exhorted them he marched away himself
with that part of his army which was not
fit for fighting: and when he came to the
lake, Cyrus also did the same things which
the queen of the Babylonians had done as
regards the river and the lake; that is to
say, he conducted the river by a channel
into the lake, which was at that time a swamp,
and so made the former course of the river
passable by the sinking of the stream. When
this had been done in such a manner, the
Persians who had been posted for this very
purpose entered by the bed of the river Euphrates
into Babylon, the stream having sunk so far
that it reached about to the middle of a
man's thigh. Now if the Babylonians had had
knowledge of it beforehand or had perceived
that which was being done by Cyrus, they
would have allowed
196 the Persians to enter the city and then
destroyed them miserably; for if they had
closed all the gates that led to the river
and mounted themselves upon the ramparts
which were carried along the banks of the
stream, they would have caught them as it
were in a fish-wheal: but as it was, the
Persians came upon them unexpectedly; and
owing to the size of the city (so it is said
by those who dwell there) after those about
the extremities of the city had suffered
capture, those Babylonians who dwelt in the
middle did not know that they had been captured;
but as they chanced to be holding a festival,
they went on dancing and rejoicing during
this time until they learnt the truth only
too well.
Babylon then had thus been taken for the
first time:
192, and as to the resources of the Babylonians
how great they are, I shall show by many
other proofs and among them also by this:?
For the support of the great king and his
army, apart from the regular tribute the
whole land of which he is ruler has been
distributed into portions. Now whereas twelve
months go to make up the year, for four of
these he has his support from the territory
of Babylon, and for the remaining eight months
from the whole of the rest of Asia; thus
the Assyrian land is in regard to resources
the third part of all Asia: and the government,
or satrapy as it is called by the Persians,
of this territory is of all the governments
by far the best; seeing that when Tritantaichmes
son of Artabazos had this province from the
king, there came in to him every day an artab
full of silver coin (now the artab is a Persian
measure and holds more than the medimnos
of Attica 197 by three Attic choinikes);
and of horses he had in this province as
his private property, apart from the horses
for use in war, eight hundred stallions and
sixteen thousand mares, for each of these
stallions served twenty mares: of Indian
hounds moreover such a vast number were kept
that four large villages in the plain, being
free from other contributions, had been appointed
to provide food for the hounds.
193. Such was the wealth which belonged to
the ruler of Babylon. Now the land of the
Assyrians has but little rain; and this little
gives nourishment to the root of the corn,
but the crop is ripened and the ear comes
on by the help of watering from the river,
not as in Egypt by the coming up of the river
itself over the fields, but the crop is watered
by hand or with swing-buckets. For the whole
Babylonian territory like the Egyptian is
cut up into channels, and the largest of
the channels is navigable for ships and runs
in the direction of the sunrising in winter
from the Euphrates to another river, namely
the Tigris, along the bank of which lay the
city of Nineveh. This territory is of all
that we know the best by far for producing
corn: 198 as to trees, 199 it does not even
attempt to bear them, either fig or vine
or olive, but for producing corn it is so
good that it s as much as two-hundred-fold
for the average, and when it bears at its
best it produces three-hundred-fold. The
leaves of the wheat and barley there grow
to be full four fingers broad; and from millet
and sesame seed how large a tree grows, I
know myself but shall not record, being well
aware that even what has already been said
relating to the crops produced has been enough
to cause disbelief in those who have not
visited the Babylonian land. They use no
oil of olives, but only that which they make
of sesame seed; and they have date-palms
growing over all the plain, most of them
fruit-bearing, of which they make both solid
food and wine and honey; and to these they
attend in the same manner as to fig-trees,
and in particular they take the fruit of
those palms which the Hellenes call male-palms,
and tie them upon the date-bearing palms,
so that their gall-fly may enter into the
date and ripen it and that the fruit of the
palm may not fall off: for the male-palm
produces gall-flies in its fruit just as
the wild-fig does.
194. But the greatest marvel of all the things
in the land after the city itself, to my
mind is this which I am about to tell: Their
boats, those I mean which go down the river
to Babylon, are round and all of leather:
for they make ribs for them of willow which
they cut in the land of the Armenians who
dwell above the Assyrians, and round these
they stretch hides which serve as a covering
outside by way of hull, not making broad
the stern nor gathering in the prow to a
point, but making the boats round like a
shield: and after that they stow the whole
boat with straw and suffer it to be carried
down the stream full of cargo; and for the
most part these boats bring down casks of
palm-wood 200 filled with wine. The boat
is kept straight by two steering-oars and
two men standing upright, and the man inside
pulls his oar while the man outside pushes.
201 These vessels are made both of very large
size and also smaller, the largest of them
having a burden of as much as five thousand
talents' weight; 202 and in each one there
is a live ass, and in those of larger size
several. So when they have arrived at Babylon
in their voyage and have disposed of their
cargo, they sell by auction the ribs of the
boat and all the straw, but they pack the
hides upon their asses and drive them off
to Armenia: for up the stream of the river
it is not possible by any means to sail,
owing to the swiftness of the current; and
for this reason they make their boats not
of timber but of hides. Then when they have
come back to the land of the Armenians, driving
their asses with them, they make other boats
in the same manner.
195. Such are their boats; and the following
is the manner of dress which they use, namely
a linen tunic reaching to the feet, and over
this they put on another of wool, and then
a white mantle thrown round, while they have
shoes of a native fashion rather like the
Boeotian slippers. They wear their hair long
and bind their heads round with fillets,
203 and they are anointed over the whole
of their body with perfumes. Each man has
a seal and a staff carved by hand, and on
each staff is carved either an apple or a
rose or a lily or an eagle or some other
device, for it is not their custom to have
a staff without a device upon it.
196. Such is the equipment of their bodies:
and the customs which are established among
them are as follows, the wisest in our opinion
being this, which I am informed that the
Enetoi in Illyria also have. In every village
once in each year it was done as follows:?
When the maidens
204 grew to the age for marriage, they gathered
these all together and brought them in a
body to one place, and round them stood a
company of men: and the crier caused each
one severally to stand up, and proceeded
to sell them, first the most comely of all,
and afterwards, when she had been sold and
had fetched a large sum of money, he would
put up another who was the most comely after
her: and they were sold for marriage. Now
all the wealthy men of the Babylonians who
were ready to marry vied with one another
in bidding for the most beautiful maidens;
those however of the common sort who were
ready to marry did not require a fine form,
but they would accept money together with
less comely maidens. For when the crier had
made an end of selling the most comely of
the maidens, then he would cause to stand
up that one who was least shapely, or any
one of them who might be crippled in any
way, and he would make proclamation of her,
asking who was willing for least gold to
have her in marriage, until she was assigned
to him who was willing to accept least: and
the gold would be got from the sale of the
comely maidens, and so those of beautiful
form provided dowries for those which were
unshapely or crippled; but to give in marriage
one's own daughter to whomsoever each man
would, was not allowed, nor to carry off
the maiden after buying her without a surety;
for it was necessary for the man to provide
sureties that he would marry her, before
he took her away; and if they did not agree
well together, the law was laid down that
he should pay back the money. It was allowed
also for any one who wished it to come from
another village and buy. This then was their
most honourable custom; it does not however
still exist at the present time, but they
have found out of late another way, in order
that the men may not ill-treat them or take
them to another city: 205 for since the time
when being conquered they were oppressed
and ruined, each one of the common people
when he is in want of livelihood prostitutes
his female children.
197. Next in wisdom to that, is this other
custom which was established
206 among them:? they bear out the sick into
the market-place; for of physicians they
make no use. So people come up to the sick
man and give advice about his disease, if
any one himself has ever suffered anything
like that which the sick man has, or saw
any other who had suffered it; and coming
near they advise and recommend those means
by which they themselves got rid of a like
disease or seen some other get rid of it:
and to pass by the sick man in silence is
not permitted to them, nor until one has
asked what disease he has.
198. They bury their dead in honey, and their
modes of lamentation are similar to those
used in Egypt. And whenever a Babylonian
man has intercourse with his wife, he sits
by incense offered, and his wife does the
same on the other side, and when it is morning
they wash themselves, both of them, for they
will touch no vessel until they have washed
themselves: and the Arabians do likewise
in this matter.
199. Now the most shameful of the customs
of the Babylonians is as follows: every woman
of the country must sit down in the precincts
207 of Aphrodite once in her life and have
commerce with a man who is a stranger: and
many women who do not deign to mingle with
the rest, because they are made arrogant
by wealth, drive to the temple with pairs
of horses in covered carriages, and so take
their place, and a large number of attendants
follow after them; but the greater number
do thus,? in the sacred enclosure of Aphrodite
sit great numbers of women with a wreath
of cord about their heads; some come and
others go; and there are passages in straight
lines going between the women in every direction,
208 through which the strangers pass by and
make their choice. Here when a woman takes
her seat she does not depart again to her
house until one of the strangers has thrown
a silver coin into her lap and has had commerce
with her outside the temple, and after throwing
it he must say these words only: "I
demand thee in the name of the goddess Mylitta":
209 now Mylitta is the name given by the
Assyrians to Aphrodite: and the silver coin
may be of any value; whatever it is she will
not refuse it, for that is not lawful for
her, seeing that this coin is made sacred
by the act: and she follows the man who has
first thrown and does not reject any: and
after that she departs to her house, having
acquitted herself of her duty to the goddess
210, nor will you be able thenceforth to
give any gift so great as to win her. So
then as many as have attained to beauty and
stature 211 are speedily released, but those
of them who are unshapely remain there much
time, not being able to fulfil the law; for
some of them remain even as much as three
or four years: and in some parts of Cyprus
too there is a custom similar to this.
200. These customs then are established among
the Babylonians: and there are of them three
tribes 212 which eat nothing but fish only:
and when they have caught them and dried
them in the sun they do thus,? they throw
them into brine, and then pound them with
pestles and strain them through muslin; and
they have them for food either kneaded into
a soft cake, or baked like bread, according
to their liking.
201. When this nation also had been subdued
by Cyrus, he had a desire to bring the Massagetai
into subjection to himself. This nation is
reputed to be both great and warlike, and
to dwell towards the East and the sunrising,
beyond the river Araxes and over against
213 the Issedonians: and some also say that
this nation is of Scythian race.
202. Now the Araxes is said by some to be
larger and by others to be smaller than the
Ister: and they say that there are many islands
in it about equal in size to Lesbos, and
in them people dwelling who feed in the summer
upon roots of all kinds which they dig up
and certain fruits from trees, which have
been discovered by them for food, they store
up, it is said, in the season when they are
ripe and feed upon them in the winter. Moreover
it is said that other trees have been discovered
by them which yield fruit of such a kind
that when they have assembled together in
companies in the same place and lighted a
fire, they sit round in a circle and throw
some of it into the fire, and they smell
the fruit which is thrown on, as it burns,
and are intoxicated by the scent as the Hellenes
are with wine, and when more of the fruit
is thrown on they become more intoxicated,
until at last they rise up to dance and begin
to sing. This is said to be their manner
of living: and as to the river Araxes, it
flows from the land of the Matienians, whence
flows the Gyndes which Cyrus divided into
the three hundred and sixty channels, and
it discharges itself by forty branches, of
which all except one end in swamps and shallow
pools; and among them they say that men dwell
who feed on fish eaten raw, and who are wont
to use as clothing the skins of seals: but
the one remaining branch of the Araxes flows
with unimpeded course into the Caspian Sea.
203. Now the Caspian Sea is apart by itself,
not having connection with the other Sea:
for all that Sea which the Hellenes navigate,
and the Sea beyond the Pillars, which is
called Atlantis, and the Erythraian Sea are
in fact all one, but the Caspian is separate
and lies apart by itself. In length it is
a voyage of fifteen days if one uses oars,
214 and in breadth, where it is broadest,
a voyage of eight days. On the side towards
the West of this Sea the Caucasus runs along
by it, which is of all mountain-ranges both
the greatest in extent and the loftiest:
and the Caucasus has many various races of
men dwelling in it, living for the most part
on the wild produce of the forests; and among
them there are said to be trees which produce
leaves of such a kind that by pounding them
and mixing water with them they paint figures
upon their garments, and the figures do not
wash out, but grow old with the woollen stuff
as if they had been woven into it at the
first: and men say that the sexual intercourse
of these people is open like that of cattle.
204. On the West then of this Sea which is
called Caspian the Caucasus is the boundary,
while towards the East and the rising sun
a plain succeeds which is of limitless extent
to the view. Of this great plain then the
Massagetai occupy a large part, against whom
Cyrus had become eager to march; for there
were many strong reasons which incited him
to it and urged him onwards,? first the manner
of his birth, that is to say the opinion
held of him that he was more than a mere
mortal man, and next the success which he
had met with 215 in his wars, for whithersoever
Cyrus directed his march, it was impossible
for that nation to escape.
205. Now the ruler of the Massagetai was
a woman, who was queen after the death of
her husband, and her name was Tomyris. To
her Cyrus sent and wooed her, pretending
that he desired to have her for his wife:
but Tomyris understanding that he was wooing
not herself but rather the kingdom of the
Massagetai, rejected his approaches: and
Cyrus after this, as he made no progress
by craft, marched to the Araxes, and proceeded
to make an expedition openly against the
Massagetai, forming bridges of boats over
the river for his army to cross, and building
towers upon the vessels which gave them passage
across the river.
206. While he was busied about this labour,
Tomyris sent a herald and said thus: "O
king of the Medes, cease to press forward
the work which thou art now pressing forward;
for thou canst not tell whether these things
will be in the end for thy advantage or no;
cease to do so, I say, and be king over thine
own people, and endure to see us ruling those
whom we rule. Since however I know that thou
wilt not be willing to receive this counsel,
but dost choose anything rather than to be
at rest, therefore if thou art greatly anxious
to make trial of the Massagetai in fight,
come now, leave that labour which thou hast
in yoking together the banks of the river,
and cross over into our land, when we have
first withdrawn three days' journey from
the river: or if thou desirest rather to
receive us into your land, do thou this same
thing thyself." Having heard this Cyrus
called together the first men among the Persians,
and having gathered these together he laid
the matter before them for discussion, asking
their advice as to which of the two things
he should do: and their opinions all agreed
in one, bidding him receive Tomyris and her
army into his country.
207. But Croesus the Lydian, being present
and finding fault with this opinion, declared
an opinion opposite to that which had been
set forth, saying as follows: "O king,
I told thee in former time also, that since
Zeus had given me over to thee, I would avert
according to my power whatever occasion of
falling I might see coming near thy house:
and now my sufferings, which have been bitter,
216 have proved to be lessons of wisdom to
me. If thou dost suppose that thou art immortal
and that thou dost command an army which
is also immortal, it will be of no use for
me to declare to thee my judgment; but if
thou hast perceived that thou art a mortal
man thyself and dost command others who are
so likewise, then learn this first, that
for the affairs of men there is a revolving
wheel, and that this in its revolution suffers
not the same persons always to have good
fortune. I therefore now have an opinion
about the matter laid before us, which is
opposite to that of these men: for if we
shall consent to receive the enemy into our
land, there is for thee this danger in so
doing:? if thou shalt be worsted thou wilt
lose in addition all thy realm, for it is
evident that if the Massagetai are victors
they will not turn back and fly, but will
march upon the provinces of thy realm; and
on the other hand if thou shalt be the victor,
thou wilt not be victor so fully as if thou
shouldest overcome the Massagetai after crossing
over into their land and shouldest pursue
them when they fled. For against that which
I said before I will set the same again here,
and say that thou, when thou hast conquered,
wilt march straight against the realm of
Tomyris. Moreover besides that which has
been said, it is a disgrace and not to be
endured that Cyrus the son of Cambyses should
yield to a woman and so withdraw from her
land. Now therefore it seems good to me that
we should cross over and go forward from
the crossing as far as they go in their retreat,
and endeavour to get the better of them by
doing as follows:? The Massagetai, as I am
informed, are without experience of Persian
good things, and have never enjoyed any great
luxuries. Cut up therefore cattle without
stint and dress the meat and set out for
these men a banquet in our camp: moreover
also provide without stint bowls of unmixed
wine and provisions of every kind; and having
so done, leave behind the most worthless
part of thy army and let the rest begin to
retreat from the camp towards the river:
for if I am not mistaken in my judgment,
they when they see a quantity of good things
will fall to the feast, and after that it
remains for us to display great deeds."
208. These were the conflicting opinions;
and Cyrus, letting go the former opinion
and choosing that of Croesus, gave notice
to Tomyris to retire, as he was intending
to cross over to her. She then proceeded
to retire, as she had at first engaged to
do, but Cyrus delivered Croesus into the
hands of his son Cambyses, to whom he meant
to give the kingdom, and gave him charge
earnestly to honour him and to treat him
well, if the crossing over to go against
the Massagetai should not be prosperous.
Having thus charged him and sent these away
to the land of the Persians, he crossed over
the river both himself and his army.
209. And when he had passed over the Araxes,
night having come on he saw a vision in his
sleep in the land of the Massagetai, as follows:?
in his sleep it seemed to Cyrus that he saw
the eldest of the sons of Hystaspes having
upon his shoulders wings, and that with the
one of these he overshadowed Asia and with
the other Europe. Now of Hystaspes the son
of Arsames, who was a man of the Achaimenid
clan, the eldest son was Dareios, who was
then, I suppose, a youth of about twenty
years of age, and he had been left behind
in the land of the Persians, for he was not
yet of full age to go out to the wars. So
then when Cyrus awoke he considered with
himself concerning the vision: and as the
vision seemed to him to be of great import,
he called Hystaspes, and having taken him
apart by himself he said: "Hystaspes,
thy son has been found plotting against me
and against my throne: and how I know this
for certain I will declare to thee:? The
gods have a care of me and show me beforehand
all the evils that threaten me. So in the
night that is past while sleeping I saw the
eldest of thy sons having upon his shoulders
wings, and with the one of these he overshadowed
Asia and with the other Europe. To judge
by this vision then, it cannot be but that
he is plotting against me. Do thou therefore
go by the quickest way back to Persia and
take care that, when I thither after having
subdued these regions, thou set thy son before
me to be examined."
210. Cyrus said thus supposing that Dareios
was plotting against him; but in fact the
divine powers were showing him beforehand
that he was destined to find his end there
and that his kingdom was coming about to
Dareios. To this then Hystaspes replied as
follows: "O king, heaven forbid 217
that there should be any man of Persian race
who would plot against thee, and if there
be any, I pray that he perish as quickly
as may be; seeing that thou didst make the
Persians to be free instead of slaves, and
to rule all nations instead of being ruled
by others. And if any vision announces to
thee that my son is planning rebellion against
thee, I deliver him over to thee to do with
him whatsoever thou wilt."
211. Hystaspes then, having made answer with
these words and having crossed over the Araxes,
was going his way to the Persian land to
keep watch over his son Dareios for Cyrus;
and Cyrus meanwhile went forward and made
a march of one day from the Araxes according
to the suggestion of Croesus. After this
when Cyrus and the best part of the army
218 of the Persians had marched back to the
Araxes, and those who were unfit for fighting
had been left behind, then a third part of
the army of the Massagetai came to the attack
and proceeded to slay, not without resistance,
219 those who were left behind of the army
of Cyrus; and seeing the feast that was set
forth, when they had overcome their enemies
they lay down and feasted, and being satiated
with food and wine they went to sleep. Then
the Persians came upon them and slew many
of them, and took alive many more even than
they slew, and among these the son of the
queen Tomyris, who was leading the army of
the Massagetai; and his name was Spargapises.
212. She then, when she heard that which
had come to pass concerning the army and
also the things concerning her son, sent
a herald to Cyrus and said as follows: "Cyrus,
insatiable of blood, be not elated with pride
by this which has come to pass, namely because
with that fruit of the vine, with which ye
fill yourselves and become so mad that as
the wine descends into your bodies, evil
words float up upon its stream,? because
setting a snare, I say, with such a drug
as this thou didst overcome my son, and not
by valour in fight. Now therefore receive
the word which I utter, giving thee good
advice:? Restore to me my son and depart
from this land without penalty, triumphant
over a third part of the army of the Massagetai:
but if thou shalt not do so, I swear to thee
by the Sun, who is lord of the Massagetai,
that surely I will give thee thy fill of
blood, insatiable as thou art."
213. When these words were reported to him
Cyrus made no account of them; and the son
of the queen Tomyris, Spargapises, when the
wine left him and he learnt in what evil
case he was, entreated Cyrus that he might
be loosed from his chains and gained his
request, and then so soon as he was loosed
and had got power over his hands he put himself
to death.
214. He then ended his life in this manner;
but Tomyris, as Cyrus did not listen to her,
gathered together all her power and joined
battle with Cyrus. This battle of all the
battles fought by Barbarians I judge to have
been the fiercest, and I am informed that
it happened thus:? first, it is said, they
stood apart and shot at one another, and
afterwards when their arrows were all shot
away, they fell upon one another and engaged
in close combat with their spears and daggers;
and so they continued to be in conflict with
one another for a long time, and neither
side would flee; but at last the Massagetai
got the better in the fight: and the greater
part of the Persian army was destroyed there
on the spot, and Cyrus himself brought his
life to an end there, after he had reigned
in all thirty years wanting one. Then Tomyris
filled a skin with human blood and had search
made among the Persian dead for the corpse
of Cyrus: and when she found it, she let
his head down into the skin and doing outrage
to the corpse she said at the same time this:
"Though I yet live and have overcome
thee in fight, nevertheless thou didst undo
me by taking my son with craft: but I according
to my threat will give thee thy fill of blood."
Now as regards the end of the life of Cyrus
there are many tales told, but this which
I have related is to my mind the most worthy
of belief.
215. As to the Massagetai, they wear a dress
which is similar to that of the Scythians,
and they have a manner of life which is also
like theirs; and there are of them horsemen
and also men who do not ride on horses
(for they have both fashions), and moreover
there are both archers and spearmen, and
their custom it is to carry battle-axes;
220 and for everything they use either gold
or bronze, for in all that has to do with
spear-points or arrow-heads or battle-axes
they use bronze, but for head-dresses and
girdles and belts round the arm-pits 221
they employ gold as ornament: and in like
manner as regards their horses, they put
breast-plates of bronze about their chests,
but on their bridles and bits and cheek-pieces
they employ gold. Iron however and silver
they use not at all, for they have them not
in their land, but gold and bronze in abundance.
216. These are the customs which they have:?
Each marries a wife, but they have their
wives in common; for that which the Hellenes
say that the Scythians do, is not in fact
done by the Scythians but by the Massagetai,
that is to say, whatever woman a man of the
Massagetai may desire he hangs up his quiver
in front of the waggon and has commerce with
her freely. They have no precise limit of
age laid down for their life, but when a
man becomes very old, his nearest of kin
come together and slaughter him solemnly
222 and cattle also with him; and then after
that they boil the flesh and banquet upon
it. This is considered by them the happiest
lot; but him who has ended his life by disease
they do not eat, but cover him up in the
earth, counting it a misfortune that he did
not attain to being slaughtered. They sow
no crops but live on cattle and on fish,
which last they get in abundance from the
river Araxes; moreover they are drinkers
of milk. Of gods they reverence the Sun alone,
and to him they sacrifice horses: and the
rule 223 of the sacrifice is this:? to the
swiftest of the gods they assign the swiftest
of all mortal things.
NOTES TO BOOK I
1 [ {'Erodotou 'Alikarnesseos istories apodexis
ede, os k. t. l.} The meaning of the word
{istorie} passes gradually from "research"
or "inquiry" to "narrative,"
"history"; cp. vii. 96. Aristotle
in quoting these words writes {Thouriou}
for {'Alikarnesseos} ("Herodotus of
Thurii"), and we know from Plutarch
that this reading existed in his time as
a variation.]
2 [ Probably {erga} may here mean enduring
monuments like the pyramids and the works
at Samos, cp. i. 93, ii. 35, etc.; in that
case {ta te alla} refers back to {ta genomena},
though the verb {epolemesan} derives its
subject from the mention of Hellenes and
Barbarians in the preceding clause.]
3 [ Many Editors have "with the Phenicians,"
on the authority of some inferior MSS. and
of the Aldine edition.]
4 [ {arpages}.]
401 [ "thus or in some other particular
way."]
5 [ {Surion}, see ch. 72. Herodotus perhaps
meant to distinguish {Surioi} from {Suroi},
and to use the first name for the Cappadokians
and the second for the people of Palestine,
cp. ii. 104; but they are naturally confused
in the MSS.]
6 [ {ex epidromes arpage}.]
7 [ {tes anoigomenes thures}, "the door
that is opened."]
8 [ Or "because she was ashamed."]
9 [ {phoitan}.]
10 [ {upeisdus}: Stein adopts the conjecture
{upekdus}, "slipping out of his hiding-place."]
11 [ This last sentence is by many regarded
as an interpolation. The line referred to
is {Ou moi ta Gugeo tou polukhrosou melei}.]
12 [ See v. 92.]
13 [ i. e. like other kings of Lydia who
came after him.]
14 [ {Kolophonos to astu}, as opposed apparently
to the acropolis, cp. viii. 51.]
15 [ See ch. 73.]
16 [ {o kai esballon tenikauta es ten Milesien
ten stratien}: an allusion apparently to
the invasions of the Milesian land at harvest
time, which are described above. All the
operations mentioned in the last chapter
have been loosely described to Alyattes,
and a correction is here added to inform
the reader that they belong equally to his
father. It will hardly mend matters much
if we take {o Audos} in ch. 17 to include
both father and son.]
17 [ {didaxanta}.]
18 [ This name is applied by Herodotus to
the southern part of the peninsula only.]
19 [ Tarentum.]
20 [ {en toisi edolioisi}: properly "benches,"
but probably here the raised deck at the
stern.]
21 [ {ou mega}: many of the MSS. have {mega}.]
22 [ {stadioi}: furlongs of about 606 English
feet.]
23 [ {to epilogo}.]
24 [ This list of nations is by some suspected
as an interpolation; see Stein's note on
the passage.]
25 [ {sophistai}: cp. ii. 49, and iv. 95.]
26 [ {etheto}.]
27 [ {olbiotaton}.]
28 [ {stadious}.]
29 [ {romen}: many of the MSS. have {gnomen},
"good disposition."]
30 [ i. e. their mother: but some understand
it to mean the goddess.]
31 [ {en telei touto eskhonto}.]
32 [ {anolbioi}.]
33 [ {eutukhees}.]
34 [ {aperos}: the MSS. have {apeiros}.]
35 [ {aikhme sideree blethenta}.]
36 [ "in the house of Croesus."]
37 [ {'Epistion}.]
38 [ {'Etaireion}.]
39 [ {suggrapsamenous}, i. e. have it written
down by the {propsetes}
(see vii. 111 and viii. 37), who interpreted
and put into regular verse the inspired utterances
of the prophetess {promantis}.]
40 [ {es to megaron}.]
41 [ {oida d' ego}: oracles often have a
word of connection such as {de} or {alla}
at the beginning (cp. ch. 55, 174, etc.),
which may indicate that they are part of
a larger connected utterance.]
42 [ Cp. vii. 178 and ix. 91 ("I accept
the omen.")]
43 [ See viii. 134.]
44 [ {kai touton}, i. e. Amphiaraos: many
Editors retain the readings of the Aldine
edition, {kai touto}, "that in this
too he had found a true Oracle."]
45 [ {emiplinthia}, the plinth being supposed
to be square.]
46 [ {exapalaiota}, the palm being about
three inches, cp. ii. 149.]
47 [ {apephthou khrusou}, "refined gold."]
48 [ {triton emitalanton}: the MSS. have
{tria emitalanta}, which has been corrected
partly on the authority of Valla's translation.]
49 [ "white gold."]
50 [ Arranged evidently in stages, of which
the highest consisted of the
4 half-plinths of pure gold, the second of
15 half-plinths, the third of
35, the fourth of 63, making 117 in all:
see Stein's note.]
51 [ {elkon stathmon einaton emitalanton
kai eti duodeka mneas}. The {mnea} (mina)
is 15.2 oz., and 60 of them go to a talent.]
52 [ {epi tou proneiou tes gonies}, cp. viii.
122: the use of {epi} seems to suggest some
kind of raised corner-stone upon which the
offerings stood.]
53 [ The {amphoreus} is about 9 gallons.]
54 [ Cp. iii. 41.]
55 [ {perirranteria}.]
56 [ {kheumata}, which some translate "jugs"
or "bowls."]
57 [ {umin}, as if both Oracles were being
addressed together.]
58 [ i. e. Delphi.]
59 [ {enephoreeto}, "he filled himself
with it."]
60 [ {Krestona}: Niebuhr would read {Krotona}
(Croton or Cortona in Etruria), partly on
the authority of Dionysius: see Stein's note.
Two of the best MSS. are defective in this
part of the book.]
61 [ See ii. 51 and vi. 137.]
62 [ {auxetai es plethos ton ethneon pollon}:
"has increased to a multitude of its
races, which are many." Stein and Abicht
both venture to adopt the conjecture {Pelasgon}
for {pollon}, "Pelasgians especially
being added to them, and also many other
Barbarian nations."]
6201 [ {pros de on emoige dokeei}: the MSS.
have {emoi te}. Some Editors read {os de
on} (Stein {prosthe de on}) for {pros de
on}. This whole passage is probably in some
way corrupt, but it can hardly be successfully
emended.]
63 [ i. e. as it is of the Hellenic race
before it parted from the Pelasgian and ceased
to be Barbarian.]
64 [ {katekhomenon te kai diespasmenon...
upo Peisistratou}. Peisistratos was in part
at least the cause of the divisions.]
65 [ {paralon}.]
66 [ {uperakrion}.]
67 [ {toutous}: some read by conjecture {triekosious},
"three hundred," the number which
he actually had according to Polyænus, i.
21.]
68 [ {doruphoroi}, the usual word for a body-guard.]
69 [ {perielaunomenos de te stasi}: Stein
says "harassed by attacks of his own
party," but the passage to which he
refers in ch. 61, {katallasseto ten ekhthren
toisi stasiotesi}, may be referred to in
the quarrel made with his party by Megacles
when he joined Peisistratos.]
70 [ More literally, "since from ancient
time the Hellenic race had been marked off
from the Barbarians as being more skilful
and more freed from foolish simplicity, (and)
since at that time among the Athenians, who
are accounted the first of the Hellenes in
ability, these men devised a trick as follows."]
71 [ The cubit is reckoned as 24 finger-breadths,
i. e. about 18 inches.]
72 [ So Rawlinson.]
73 [ See v. 70.]
74 [ {dia endekatou eteos}. Not quite the
same as {dia evdeka eteon}
("after an interval of eleven years");
rather "in the eleventh year"
(i. e. "after an interval of ten years").]
75 [ {thein pompe khreomenos}.]
76 [ For {'Akarnan} it has been suggested
to read {'Akharneus}, because this man is
referred to as an Athenian by various writers.
However Acarnanians were celebrated for prophetic
power, and he might be called an Athenian
as resident with Peisistratos at Athens.]
77 [ Or "for that part of the land from
which the temple could be seen," but
cp. Thuc. iii. 104. In either case the meaning
is the same.]
7701 [ {enomotias kai triekadas kai sussitia}.
The {enomotia} was the primary division of
the Spartan army: of the {triekas} nothing
is known for certain.]
78 [ {kibdelo}, properly "counterfeit":
cp. ch. 75.]
79 [ {skhoino diametresamenoi}: whether actually,
for the purpose of distributing the work
among them, or because the rope which fastened
them together lay on the ground like a measuring-tape,
is left uncertain.]
80 [ Cp. ix. 70.]
81 [ {epitarrothos}. Elsewhere (that is in
Homer) the word always means "helper,"
and Stein translates it so here, "thou
shalt be protector and patron of Tegea"
(in the place of Orestes). Mr. Woods explains
it by the parallel of such phrases as {Danaoisi
makhes epitarrothoi}, to mean "thou
shalt be a helper (of the Lacedemonians)
in the matter of Tegea," but this perhaps
would be a form of address too personal to
the envoy, who is usually addressed in the
second person, but only as representative
of those who sent him. The conjectural reading
{epitarrothon exeis}, "thou shalt have
him as a helper against Tegea," is tempting.]
82 [ {agathoergon}.]
83 [ This was to enable him the better to
gain his ends at Tegea.]
84 [ Cp. ch. 51, note.]
85 [ See ch. 6.]
86 [ {euzono andri}: cp. ch. 104 and ii.
34. The word {euzonos} is used of light-armed
troops; Hesychius says, {euzonos, me ekhon
phortion}.]
87 [ {orgen ouk akros}: this is the reading
of all the best MSS., and it is sufficiently
supported by the parallel of v. 124, {psukhen
ouk akros}. Most Editors however have adopted
the reading {orgen akros}, as equivalent
to {akrakholos}, "quick-tempered."]
88 [ It has been suggested by some that this
clause is not genuine. It should not, however,
be taken to refer to the battle which was
interrupted by the eclipse, for (1) that
did not occur in the period here spoken of;
(2) the next clause is introduced by {de}
(which can hardly here stand for {gar});
(3) when the eclipse occurred the fighting
ceased, therefore it was no more a {nuktomakhin}
than any other battle which is interrupted
by darkness coming on.]
89 [ See ch. 188. Nabunita was his true name.]
90 [ See ch. 107 ff.]
91 [ Not "somewhere near the city of
Sinope," for it must have been at a
considerable distance and probably far inland.
Sinope itself is at least fifty miles to
the west of the Halys. I take it to mean
that Pteria was nearly due south of Sinope,
i. e. that the nearest road from Pteria to
the sea led to Sinope. Pteria no doubt was
the name of a region as well as of a city.]
92 [ {anastatous epoiese}.]
93 [ This is the son of the man mentioned
in ch. 74.]
94 [ {us en autou xeinikos}. Stein translates
"so much of it as was mercenary,"
but it may be doubted if this is possible.
Mr. Woods, "which army of his was a
foreign one."]
95 [ {Metros Dindumenes}, i. e. Kybele: the
mountain is Dindymos in Phrygia.]
96 [ i. e. the whole strip of territory to
the West of the peninsula of Argolis, which
includes Thyrea and extends southwards to
Malea: "westwards as far as Malea"
would be absurd.]
97 [ {outos}: a conjectural emendation of
{autos}.]
98 [ {autos}: some MSS. read {o autos}, "this
same man."]
99 [ {aneneikamenon}, nearly equivalent to
{anastemaxanta} (cp. Hom. Il. xix. 314),
{mnesamenos d' adinos aneneikato phonesen
te}. Some translate it here, "he recovered
himself," cp. ch. 116, {aneneikhtheis}.]
100 [ {ubristai}.]
101 [ {proesousi}: a conjectural emendation
of {poiesousi}, adopted in most of the modern
editions.]
102 [ {touto oneidisai}: or {touton oneidisai},
"to reproach the god with these things."
The best MSS. have {touto}.]
103 [ {to kai... eipe ta eipe Loxias k. t.
l.}: various emendations have been proposed.
If any one is to be adopted, the boldest
would perhaps be the best, {to de kai...
eipe Loxias}.]
104 [ {oia te kai alle khore}, "such
as other lands have."]
105 [ {stadioi ex kai duo plethra}.]
106 [ {plethra tria kai deka}.]
107 [ {Gugaie}.]
108 [ Or "Tyrrhenia."]
109 [ Or "Umbrians."]
110 [ {tes ano 'Asies}, i. e. the parts which
are removed from the Mediterranean.]
111 [ i. e. nature would not be likely to
supply so many regularly ascending circles.
Stein alters the text so that the sentence
runs thus, "and whereas there are seven
circles of all, within the last is the royal
palace," etc.]
112 [ i. e. "to laugh or to spit is
unseemly for those in presence of the king,
and this last for all, whether in the presence
of the king or not." Cp. Xen. Cyrop.
i. 2. 16, {aiskhron men gar eti kai nun esti
Persais kai to apoptuein kai to apomuttesthai},
(quoted by Stein, who however gives a different
interpretation).]
113 [ {tauta de peri eouton esemnune}: the
translation given is that of Mr. Woods.]
114 [ {allos mentoi eouton eu ekontes}: the
translation is partly due to Mr. Woods.]
115 [ i. e. East of the Halys: see note on
ch. 95.]
116 [ See iv. 12.]
117 [ Cp. ch. 72.]
118 [ {ten katuperthe odon}, i. e. further
away from the Euxine eastwards.]
119 [ {o theos}.]
120 [ {khoris men gar phoron}: many Editors
substitute {phoron} for {phoron}, but {phoron}
may stand if taken not with {khoris} but
with {to ekastoisi epeballon}.]
121 [ Cp. ch. 184, "the Assyrian history."]
122 [ {uperthemenos}, a conjectural emendation
of {upothemenos}, cp. ch.
108 where the MSS. give {uperthemenos}, (the
Medicean with {upo} written above as a correction).]
123 [ Or "expose me to risk," "stake
my safety."]
124 [ Or "thou wilt suffer the most
evil kind of death": cp. ch. 167.]
12401 [ {tas aggelias pherein}, i. e. to
have the office of {aggeliephoros} (ch. 120)
or {esaggeleus} (iii. 84), the chamberlain
through whom communications passed.]
125 [ {dialabein}. So translated by Mr. Woods.]
126 [ {es tas anagkas}, "to the necessity,"
mentioned above.]
127 [ Or "to celebrate good fortune."]
128 [ {akreon kheiron te kai podon}: cp.
ii. 121 (e), {apotamonta en to omo ten kheira}.]
129 [ {esti te o pais kai periesti}. So translated
by Mr. Woods.]
130 [ {erkhe}: a few inferior MSS. have {eikhe},
which is adopted by several Editors.]
131 [ {para smikra... kekhoreke}, "have
come out equal to trifles."]
132 [ {kuon}: cp. ch. 110.]
133 [ {su nun}, answering to {se gar theoi
eporeousi}: the MSS. and some Editors read
{su nun}.]
134 [ i. e. of the race of Perses: see vii.
61.]
135 [ "how his change from a throne
to slavery was as compared with that feast,
etc.," i. e. what did he think of it
as a retribution.]
136 [ See ch. 106. The actual duration of
the Median supremacy would be therefore a
hundred years.]
13601 [ This is by some altered to "Alilat,"
by comparison of iii. 8.]
137 [ {stemmasi}, i. e. the chaplets wound
round with wool which were worn at Hellenic
sacrifices.]
138 [ {oulesi}.]
13801 [ Cp. vii. 61.]
139 [ {sitoisi}: perhaps "plain dishes."]
140 [ {proskuneei}, i. e. kisses his feet
or the ground.]
141 [ {ton legomenon}, a correction of {to
legomeno}. (The Medicean MS. has {toi legomenoi}
like the rest, not {toi legomeno}, as stated
by Stein.)]
142 [ {ekhomenon, kata ton auton de logon}:
the MSS. and most Editors have {ekhomenon}.
{kata ton auton de logon}; "and this
same rule the Persians observe in giving
honour." This, however, makes it difficult
(though not impossible) to refer {to ethnos}
in the next clause to the Medes, and it can
hardly be referred to the Persians, who certainly
had not the same system of government. Perhaps
however we may translate thus, "for
each race extended forward thus their rule
or their deputed authority."]
143 [ Cp. vii. 194.]
144 [ {polloi}: omitted, or corrected variously,
by Editors. There is, perhaps, something
wrong about the text in the next clause also,
for it seems clear that white doves were
not objected to by the Persians. See Stein's
note.]
145 [ See ch. 95.]
146 [ These words, "neither those towards
the East nor those towards the West"
have perhaps been interpolated as an explanation
of {ta ano} and {ta kato}. As an explanation
they can hardly be correct, but the whole
passage is vaguely expressed.]
147 [ {tropous tesseras paragogeon}.]
148 [ i. e. the Asiatic Ionians who had formed
a separate confederacy. Some understand it
to mean the Milesians, but this would give
no satisfactory connection with what follows.]
149 [ {pentapolios}.]
150 [ {exapolios}.]
151 [ {mesogaioi}. Several of the other cities
are at some distance from the coast, but
the region is meant in each case rather than
the city
(hence such forms as {Tritaiees}).]
152 [ {'Elikonio}.]
153 [ This is condemned as an interpolation
by some Editors.]
154 [ {oreon de ekousan ouk omoios}.]
155 [ {katastas}: cp. iii. 46.]
156 [ {ktesamenoi}: Stein reads {stesamenoi}
by conjecture: cp. vi. 58.]
157 [ {phrontizo me ariston e}. The translation
is Rawlinson's.]
158 [ {kephale anamaxas}: cp. Hom. Od. xix.
92.]
159 [ {es tous Bragkhidas}, i. e. the priests
of the temple. The name of the place {Bragkhidai}
is feminine, cp. ch. 92.]
160 [ {onax}, addressing Apollo.]
161 [ {exaipee tous strouthous k. t. l.}
The verb is one which is commonly used of
the destruction and depopulation of cities,
cp. ch. 176.
(Stein.)]
162 [ {tou de 'Atarneos toutou esti khoros
tes Musies}.]
163 [ {ouk oligoi stadioi}.]
164 [ {katirosai}, i. e. dedicate it to the
king as a token of submission.]
165 [ i. e. Corsica.]
166 [ {anaphanenai}: the MSS. have {anaphenai},
which can only be translated by supplying
{ton ponton} from {katepontosan}, "till
the sea produced it again," but this
is hardly satisfactory.]
167 [ {Karkhedonioi}.]
168 [ {elakhon te auton pollo pleious}. Several
Editors suppose that words have been lost
or that the text is corrupt. I understand
it to mean that many more of them fell into
the hands of the enemy than were rescued
by their own side. Some translate "divided
most of them by lot"; but this would
be {dielakhon}, and the proceeding would
have no object if the prisoners were to be
put to death at once. For {pleious} Stein
reads {pleistous}.]
169 [ {ton Kurnon... ktisai eron eonta, all'
ou ten neson}.]
170 [ {bouleuterion}.]
171 [ {outoi}: the MSS. have {outo}.]
172 [ {autokhthonas epeirotas}.]
173 [ Many Editors insert {oi} before {tes
khores tes spheteres} and alter the punctuation
accordingly.]
174 [ Or "all their land came within
the isthmus."]
175 [ {epexiontes}: the MSS. have {upexiontes},
which Mr. Woods explains to mean "coming
forth suddenly."]
176 [ {epexelthontes}: the MSS. have {upexelthontes}.]
177 [ {stadion}, and so throughout.]
178 [ The "royal cubit" appears
to have measured about twenty-one inches.]
179 [ {tous agkhonas}, the walls on the North
and South of the city, called so because
built at an angle with the side walls.]
180 [ {laurai}, "lanes."]
181 [ {kai autai}, but perhaps the text is
not sound.]
182 [ {thorex}, as opposed to the inner wall,
which would be the {kithon} (cp. vii. 139).]
183 [ {steinoteron}: Mr. Woods says "of
less thickness," the top of the wall
being regarded as a road.]
184 [ {duo stadion pante}, i. e. 404 yards
square.]
185 [ {tou irou}, i. e. the sacred precincts;
cp. {en to temenei touto}.]
186 [ {neos}, the inner house of the temple.]
187 [ {promantis}.]
188 [ {ta telea ton probaton}.]
189 [ "at that time."]
18901 [ {katapleontes ton Euphreten}: the
MSS. have {katapleontes es ton E}. (It is
not true, as stated by Abicht, that the Medicean
MS. omits {es}.)]
190 [ {oligon ti parateinousa apo tou potamou}.]
191 [ {ou gar ameinon}, an Epic phrase, cp.
iii. 71 and 82.]
192 [ {eskeuasmenos}, a conjectural emendation
of {eskeuasmenoisi}, "with provisions
well prepared."]
193 [ {kateteine skhoinoteneas upodexas diorukhas}.
Stein understands {kateteine ten stratien}
(resumed afterwards by {diataxas}), "he
extended his army, having first marked out
channels straight by lines."]
194 [ {proesaxanto}, from {proesago}: it
may be however from {prosatto}, "they
had heaped together provisions for themselves
beforehand."]
195 [ {ten stratien apasan}. Stein thinks
that some correction is needed.]
196 [ {oi d' an perudontes k. t. l.}: the
MSS. have {oud' an perudontes}, "they
would not even have allowed them to enter
the city (from the river)," but the
negative is awkward referring to the participle
alone, and the admission of the enemy to
the river-bed within the city would have
been an essential part of the scheme, not
to be omitted in the description.]
197 [ The Attic medimnos (= 48 choinikes)
was rather less than 12 gallons.]
198 [ {ton tes Demetros karpon}.]
199 [ Stein supposes that words have fallen
out before {ta gar de alla dendrea}, chiefly
because some mention of the palm-trees might
have been expected here.]
200 [ {phoinikeious}: some Editors (following
Valla) have altered this to {phoinikeiou}
("casks of palm-wine"), but it
is not likely that palm-wine would have been
thus imported, see ch. 193.]
201 [ {kai o men eso elkei to plektron o
de exo otheei}. I take it to mean that there
is one steering-oar on each side, and the
"inside" is the side nearer to
the bank of the river. The current would
naturally run faster on the "outside"
and consequently would tend to turn the boat
round, and therefore the inside oarsman pulls
his oar constantly towards himself and the
outside man pushes his oar from himself (i.
e. backs water), to keep the boat straight.
Various explanations are given. Stein takes
{eso, exo} with the verbs, "one draws
the boat towards himself, the other pushes
it from himself." Mr. Woods understands
that only one oar is used at a time and by
two men looking different ways, of whom {o
men eso} is he who stands nearest to the
side of the boat.]
202 [ If the talents meant are Euboic, this
would be about 170 tons.]
203 [ {mitresi}: cp. vii. 62.]
204 [ {os an ai parthenoi ginoiato}, equivalent
to {osai aei parthenoi ginoiato}, which Stein
suggests as a correction.]
205 [ This sentence, "in order that?
city," is thought by Stein to be either
interpolated or misplaced.]
206 [ {katestekee}: some Editors adopt the
correction {katesteke}, "is established."]
207 [ {iron}, afterwards called {temenos}.]
208 [ {panta tropon odon}: some MSS. have
{odon} for {odon}, and {odon ekhousi} might
perhaps mean "afford a passage."
(The reading of the Medicean MS. is {odon}.)]
209 [ "I call upon Mylitta against thee";
or perhaps, "I call upon Mylitta to
be favourable to thee."]
210 [ {aposiosamene te theo}.]
211 [ {eideos te epammenai eisi kai megatheos}.]
212 [ {patriai}.]
213 [ {antion}.]
214 [ That is perhaps, "if one rows
as well as sails," using oars when the
wind is not favourable, cp. ii. 11.]
215 [ {genomene}, or {ginomene}, "which
he met with."]
216 [ {eonta akharita}: most of the MSS.
have {ta eonta akharita}, with which reading
the sentence would be, "the sufferings
which I have, have proved bitter lessons
of wisdom to me."]
217 [ {me eie}.]
218 [ {tou katharou stratou}, perhaps "the
effective part," without the encumbrances,
cp. iv. 135.]
219 [ {alexomenous}.]
220 [ {sagaris nomizontes ekhein}: cp. iv.
5.]
221 [ {maskhalisteras}.]
222 [ {thuousi}.]
223 [ {nomos}: the conjecture {noos}, "meaning,"
which is adopted by many Editors, may be
right; but {nomos} seems to mean the "customary
rule" which determines this form of
sacrifice, the rule namely of "swift
to the swift."]
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