A TREATISE OF HUMAN NATURE
IN ONE WEB-PAGE PART
DAVID HUME
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A Treatise of Human Nature is a book by Scottish
philosopher David Hume, first published in
1739-1740. The full title of the Treatise
is 'A Treatise of Human Nature: Being an
Attempt to introduce the experimental Method
of Reasoning into Moral Subjects'. It contains
the following sections: Book 1: "Of
the Understanding" - An investigation
into human cognition. Important statements
of Skepticism. Book 2: "Of the Passions"
- A treatment of emotions and free will.
Book 3: "Of Morals" - A treatment
of moral ideas, justice, obligations, benevolence.
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ADVERTISEMENT.
INTRODUCTION.
BOOK I. OF THE UNDERSTANDING
PART I. OF IDEAS, THEIR ORIGIN, COMPOSITION,
CONNEXION, ABSTRACTION, ETC.
SECT. I. OF THE ORIGIN OF OUR IDEAS.
SECT. II. DIVISION OF THE SUBJECT.
SECT. III. OF THE IDEAS OF THE MEMORY AND
IMAGINATION.
SECT. IV. OF THE CONNEXION OR ASSOCIATION
OF IDEAS.
SECT. V. OF RELATIONS.
SECT. VI. OF MODES AND SUBSTANCES
SECT. VII. OF ABSTRACT IDEAS.
PART II. OF THE IDEAS OF SPACE AND TIME.
SECT. I. OF THE INFINITE DIVISIBILITY OF
OUR IDEAS OF SPACE AND TIME.
SECT. II. OF THE INFINITE DIVISIBILITY OF
SPACE AND TIME.
SECT. III. OF THE OTHER QUALITIES OF OUR
IDEA OF SPACE AND TIME.
SECT. IV. OBJECTIONS ANSWERED.
SECT. V. THE SAME SUBJECT CONTINUED.
SECT. VI. OF THE IDEA OF EXISTENCE, AND OF
EXTERNAL EXISTENCE.
PART III. OF KNOWLEDGE AND PROBABILITY.
SECT. I. OF KNOWLEDGE.
SECT. II. OF PROBABILITY, AND OF THE IDEA
OF CAUSE AND EFFECT.
SECT. III. WHY A CAUSE IS ALWAYS NECESSARY.
SECT. IV. OF THE COMPONENT PARTS OF OUR REASONINGS
CONCERNING CAUSE AND EFFECT.
SECT. V. OF THE IMPRESSIONS OF THE SENSES
AND MEMORY.
SECT. VI. OF THE INFERENCE FROM THE IMPRESSION
TO THE IDEA.
SECT. VII. OF THE NATURE OF THE IDEA OR BELIEF.
SECT. VIII. OF THE CAUSES OF BELIEF.
SECT. IX. OF THE EFFECTS OF OTHER RELATIONS
AND OTHER HABITS.
SECT. X. OF THE INFLUENCE OF BELIEF.
SECT. XI. OF THE PROBABILITY OF CHANCES.
SECT. XII. OF THE PROBABILITY OF CAUSES.
SECT. XIII. OF UNPHILOSOPHICAL PROBABILITY.
SECT. XIV. OF THE IDEA OF NECESSARY CONNEXION.
SECT. XV. RULES BY WHICH TO JUDGE OF CAUSES
AND EFFECTS.
SECT. XVI OF THE REASON OF ANIMALS
PART IV. OF THE SCEPTICAL AND OTHER SYSTEMS
OF PHILOSOPHY.
SECT. I. OF SCEPTICISM WITH REGARD TO REASON.
SECT. II. OF SCEPTICISM WITH REGARD TO THE
SENSES.
SECT. III. OF THE ANTIENT PHILOSOPHY.
SECT. IV. OF THE MODERN PHILOSOPHY.
SECT. V. OF THE IMMATERIALITY OF THE SOUL.
SECT. VI. OF PERSONAL IDENTITY
SECT. VII. CONCLUSION OF THIS BOOK.
BOOK II OF THE PASSIONS
PART I OF PRIDE AND HUMILITY
SECT. I DIVISION OF THE SUBJECT
SECT. II OF PRIDE AND HUMILITY, THEIR OBJECTS
AND CAUSES
SECT. III WHENCE THESE OBJECTS AND CAUSES
ARE DERIVED
SECT. IV OF THE RELATIONS OF IMPRESSIONS
AND IDEAS
SECT. V OF THE INFLUENCE OF THESE RELATIONS
ON PRIDE AND HUMILITY
SECT. VI LIMITATIONS OF THIS SYSTEM
SECT. VII OF VICE AND VIRTUE
SECT. VIII OF BEAUTY AND DEFORMITY
SECT. IX OF EXTERNAL ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES
SECT. X OF PROPERTY AND RICHES
SECT. XI OF THE LOVE OF FAME
SECT. XII OF THE PRIDE AND HUMILITY OF ANIMALS
PART II OF LOVE AND HATRED
SECT. I OF THE OBJECT AND CAUSES OF LOVE
AND HATRED
SECT. II EXPERIMENTS TO CONFIRM THIS SYSTEM
SECT. III DIFFICULTIES SOLVED
SECT. IV OF THE LOVE OF RELATIONS
SECT. V OF OUR ESTEEM FOR THE RICH AND POWERFUL
SECT. VI OF BENEVOLENCE AND ANGER
SECT. VII OF COMPASSION
SECT. VIII OF MALICE AND ENVY
SECT. IX OF THE MIXTURE OF BENEVOLENCE AND
ANGER WITH COMPASSION AND MALICE
SECT. X OF RESPECT AND CONTEMPT
SECT. XI OF THE AMOROUS PASSION, OR LOVE
BETWIXT THE SEXES
SECT. XII OF THE LOVE AND HATRED OF ANIMALS
PART III OF THE WILL AND DIRECT PASSIONS
SECT. I OF LIBERTY AND NECESSITY
SECT. II THE SAME SUBJECT CONTINUed
SECT. III OF THE INFLUENCING MOTIVES OF THE
WILL
SECT. IV OF THE CAUSES OF THE VIOLENT PASSIONS
SECT. V OF THE EFFECTS OF CUSTOM
SECT. VI OF THE INFLUENCE OF THE IMAGINATION
ON THE PASSIONS
SECT. VII OF CONTIGUITY AND DISTANCE IN SPACE
AND TIME
SECT. VIII THE SAME SUBJECT CONTINUed
SECT. IX OF THE DIRECT PASSIONS
SECT. X OF CURIOSITY, OR THE LOVE OF TRUTH
BOOK III OF MORALS
PART I OF VIRTUE AND VICE IN GENERAL
SECT. I MORAL DISTINCTIONS NOT DERIVed FROM
REASON
SECT. II MORAL DISTINCTIONS DERIVed FROM
A MORAL SENSE
PART II OF JUSTICE AND INJUSTICE
SECT. I JUSTICE, WHETHER A NATURAL OR ARTIFICIAL
VIRTUE?
SECT. II OF THE ORIGIN OF JUSTICE AND PROPERTY
SECT. III OF THE RULES WHICH DETERMINE PROPERTY
SECT. IV OF THE TRANSFERENCE OF PROPERTY
BY CONSENT
SECT. V OF THE OBLIGATION OF PROMISES
SECT. VI SOME FARTHER REFLECTIONS CONCERNING
JUSTICE AND INJUSTICE
SECT. VII OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT
SECT. VIII OF THE SOURCE OF ALLEGIANCE
SECT. IX OF THE MEASURES OF ALLEGIANCE
SECT. X OF THE OBJECTS OF ALLEGIANCE
SECT. XI OF THE LAWS OF NATIONS
SECT. XII OF CHASTITY AND MODESTY
PART III OF THE OTHER VIRTUES AND VICES
SECT. I OF THE ORIGIN OF THE NATURAL VIRTUES
AND VICES
SECT. II OF GREATNESS OF MIND
SECT. III OF GOODNESS AND BENEVOLENCE
SECT. IV OF NATURAL ABILITIES
SECT. V SOME FARTHER REFLECTIONS CONCERNING
THE NATURAL VIRTUES
SECT. VI CONCLUSION OF THIS BOOK
APPENDIX
ADVERTISEMENT.
My design in the present work is sufficiently
explained in the Introduction. The reader
must only observe, that all the subjects
I have there planned out to myself, are not
treated of in these two volumes. The subjects
of the Understanding and Passions make a
compleat chain of reasoning by themselves;
and I was willing to take advantage of this
natural division, in order to try the taste
of the public. If I have the good fortune
to meet with success, I shall proceed to
the examination of Morals, Politics, and
Criticism; which will compleat this Treatise
of Human Nature. The approbation of the public
I consider as the greatest reward of my labours;
but am determined to regard its judgment,
whatever it be, as my best instruction.
INTRODUCTION.
Nothing is more usual and more natural for
those, who pretend to discover anything new
to the world in philosophy and the sciences,
than to insinuate the praises of their own
systems, by decrying all those, which have
been advanced before them. And indeed were
they content with lamenting that ignorance,
which we still lie under in the most important
questions, that can come before the tribunal
of human reason, there are few, who have
an acquaintance with the sciences, that would
not readily agree with them. It is easy for
one of judgment and learning, to perceive
the weak foundation even of those systems,
which have obtained the greatest credit,
and have carried their pretensions highest
to accurate and profound reasoning. Principles
taken upon trust, consequences lamely deduced
from them, want of coherence in the parts,
and of evidence in the whole, these are every
where to be met with in the systems of the
most eminent philosophers, and seem to have
drawn disgrace upon philosophy itself.
Nor is there required such profound knowledge
to discover the present imperfect condition
of the sciences, but even the rabble without
doors may, judge from the noise and clamour,
which they hear, that all goes not well within.
There is nothing which is not the subject
of debate, and in which men of learning are
not of contrary opinions. The most trivial
question escapes not our controversy, and
in the most momentous we are not able to
give any certain decision. Disputes are multiplied,
as if every thing was uncertain; and these
disputes are managed with the greatest warmth,
as if every thing was certain. Amidst all
this bustle it is not reason, which carries
the prize, but eloquence; and no man needs
ever despair of gaining proselytes to the
most extravagant hypothesis, who has art
enough to represent it in any favourable
colours. The victory is not gained by the
men at arms, who manage the pike and the
sword; but by the trumpeters, drummers, and
musicians of the army.
From hence in my opinion arises that common
prejudice against metaphysical reasonings
of all kinds, even amongst those, who profess
themselves scholars, and have a just value
for every other part of literature. By metaphysical
reasonings, they do not understand those
on any particular branch of science, but
every kind of argument, which is any way
abstruse, and requires some attention to
be comprehended. We have so often lost our
labour in such researches, that we commonly
reject them without hesitation, and resolve,
if we must for ever be a prey to errors and
delusions, that they shall at least be natural
and entertaining. And indeed nothing but
the most determined scepticism, along with
a great degree of indolence, can justify
this aversion to metaphysics. For if truth
be at all within the reach of human capacity,
it is certain it must lie very deep and abstruse:
and to hope we shall arrive at it without
pains, while the greatest geniuses have failed
with the utmost pains, must certainly be
esteemed sufficiently vain and presumptuous.
I pretend to no such advantage in the philosophy
I am going to unfold, and would esteem it
a strong presumption against it, were it
so very easy and obvious.
It is evident, that all the sciences have
a relation, greater or less, to human nature:
and that however wide any of them may seem
to run from it, they still return back by
one passage or another. Even. Mathematics,
Natural Philosophy, and Natural Religion,
are in some measure dependent on the science
of MAN; since the lie under the cognizance
of men, and are judged of by their powers
and faculties. It is impossible to tell what
changes and improvements we might make in
these sciences were we thoroughly acquainted
with the extent and force of human understanding,
and could explain the nature of the ideas
we employ, and of the operations we perform
in our reasonings. And these improvements
are the more to be hoped for in natural religion,
as it is not content with instructing us
in the nature of superior powers, but carries
its views farther, to their disposition towards
us, and our duties towards them; and consequently
we ourselves are not only the beings, that
reason, but also one of the objects, concerning
which we reason.
If therefore the sciences of Mathematics,
Natural Philosophy, and Natural Religion,
have such a dependence on the knowledge of
man, what may be expected in the other sciences,
whose connexion with human nature is more
close and intimate? The sole end of logic
is to explain the principles and operations
of our reasoning faculty, and the nature
of our ideas: morals and criticism regard
our tastes and sentiments: and politics consider
men as united in society, and dependent on
each other. In these four sciences of Logic,
Morals, Criticism, and Politics, is comprehended
almost everything, which it can any way import
us to be acquainted with, or which can tend
either to the improvement or ornament of
the human mind.
Here then is the only expedient, from which
we can hope for success in our philosophical
researches, to leave the tedious lingering
method, which we have hitherto followed,
and instead of taking now and then a castle
or village on the frontier, to march up directly
to the capital or center of these sciences,
to human nature itself; which being once
masters of, we may every where else hope
for an easy victory. From this station we
may extend our conquests over all those sciences,
which more intimately concern human life,
and may afterwards proceed at leisure to
discover more fully those, which are the
objects of pore curiosity. There is no question
of importance, whose decision is not comprised
in the science of man; and there is none,
which can be decided with any certainty,
before we become acquainted with that science.
In pretending, therefore, to explain the
principles of human nature, we in effect
propose a compleat system of the sciences,
built on a foundation almost entirely new,
and the only one upon which they can stand
with any security.
And as the science of man is the-only solid
foundation for the other sciences, so the
only solid foundation we can give to this
science itself must be laid on experience
and observation. It is no astonishing reflection
to consider, that the application of experimental
philosophy to moral subjects should come
after that to natural at the distance of
above a whole century; since we find in fact,
that there was about the same interval betwixt
the origins of these sciences; and that reckoning
from THALES to SOCRATES, the space of time
is nearly equal to that betwixt, my Lord
Bacon and some late philosophers [Mr. Locke,
my Lord Shaftesbury, Dr. Mandeville, Mr.
Hutchinson, Dr. Butler, etc.] in England,
who have begun to put the science of man
on a new footing, and have engaged the attention,
and excited the curiosity of the public.
So true it is, that however other nations
may rival us in poetry, and excel us in some
other agreeable arts, the improvements in
reason and philosophy can only be owing to
a land of toleration and of liberty.
Nor ought we to think, that this latter improvement
in the science of man will do less honour
to our native country than the former in
natural philosophy, but ought rather to esteem
it a greater glory, upon account of the greater
importance of that science, as well as the
necessity it lay under of such a reformation.
For to me it seems evident, that the essence
of the mind being equally unknown to us with
that of external bodies, it must be equally
impossible to form any notion of its powers
and qualities otherwise than from careful
and exact experiments, and the observation
of those particular effects, which result
from its different circumstances and situations.
And though we must endeavour to render all
our principles as universal as possible,
by tracing up our experiments to the utmost,
and explaining all effects from the simplest
and fewest causes, it is still certain we
cannot go beyond experience; and any hypothesis,
that pretends to discover the ultimate original
qualities of human nature, ought at first
to be rejected as presumptuous and chimerical.
I do not think a philosopher, who would apply
himself so earnestly to the explaining the
ultimate principles of the soul, would show
himself a great master in that very science
of human nature, which he pretends to explain,
or very knowing in what is naturally satisfactory
to the mind of man. For nothing is more certain,
than that despair has almost the same effect
upon us with enjoyment, and that we are no
sooner acquainted with the impossibility
of satisfying any desire, than the desire
itself vanishes. When we see, that we have
arrived at the utmost extent of human reason,
we sit down contented, though we be perfectly
satisfied in the main of our ignorance, and
perceive that we can give no reason for our
most general and most refined principles,
beside our experience of their reality; which
is the reason of the mere vulgar, and what
it required no study at first to have discovered
for the most particular and most extraordinary
phaenomenon. And as this impossibility of
making any farther progress is enough to
satisfy the reader, so the writer may derive
a more delicate satisfaction from the free
confession of his ignorance, and from his
prudence in avoiding that error, into which
so many have fallen, of imposing their conjectures
and hypotheses on the world for the most
certain principles. When this mutual contentment
and satisfaction can be obtained betwixt
the master and scholar, I know not what more
we can require of our philosophy.
But if this impossibility of explaining ultimate
principles should be esteemed a defect in
the science of man, I will venture to affirm,
that it is a defect common to it with all
the sciences, and all the arts, in which
we can employ ourselves, whether they be
such as are cultivated in the schools of
the philosophers, or practised in the shops
of the meanest artizans. None of them can
go beyond experience, or establish any principles
which are not founded on that authority.
Moral philosophy has, indeed, this peculiar
disadvantage, which is not found in natural,
that in collecting its experiments, it cannot
make them purposely, with premeditation,
and after such a manner as to satisfy itself
concerning every particular difficulty which
may be. When I am at a loss to know the effects
of one body upon another in any situation,
I need only put them in that situation, and
observe what results from it. But should
I endeavour to clear up after the same manner
any doubt in moral philosophy, by placing
myself in the same case with that which I
consider, it is evident this reflection and
premeditation would so disturb the operation
of my natural principles, as must render
it impossible to form any just conclusion
from the phenomenon. We must therefore glean
up our experiments in this science from a
cautious observation of human life, and take
them as they appear in the common course
of the world, by men's behaviour in company,
in affairs, and in their pleasures. Where
experiments of this kind are judiciously
collected and compared, we may hope to establish
on them a science which will not be inferior
in certainty, and will be much superior in
utility to any other of human comprehension.
BOOK I. OF THE UNDERSTANDING
PART I. OF IDEAS, THEIR ORIGIN, COMPOSITION,
CONNEXION, ABSTRACTION, ETC.
SECT. I. OF THE ORIGIN OF OUR IDEAS.
All the perceptions of the human mind resolve
themselves into two distinct kinds, which
I shall call IMPRESSIONS and IDEAS. The difference
betwixt these consists in the degrees of
force and liveliness, with which they strike
upon the mind, and make their way into our
thought or consciousness. Those perceptions,
which enter with most force and violence,
we may name impressions: and under this name
I comprehend all our sensations, passions
and emotions, as they make their first appearance
in the soul. By ideas I mean the faint images
of these in thinking and reasoning; such
as, for instance, are all the perceptions
excited by the present discourse, excepting
only those which arise from the sight and
touch, and excepting the immediate pleasure
or uneasiness it may occasion. I believe
it will not be very necessary to employ many
words in explaining this distinction. Every
one of himself will readily perceive the
difference betwixt feeling and thinking.
The common degrees of these are easily distinguished;
though it is not impossible but in particular
instances they may very nearly approach to
each other. Thus in sleep, in a fever, in
madness, or in any very violent emotions
of soul, our ideas may approach to our impressions,
As on the other hand it sometimes happens,
that our impressions are so faint and low,
that we cannot distinguish them from our
ideas. But notwithstanding this near resemblance
in a few instances, they are in general so
very different, that no-one can make a scruple
to rank them under distinct heads, and assign
to each a peculiar name to mark the difference
[FN 1.].
[FN 1. I here make use of these terms, impression
and idea, in a sense different from what
is usual, and I hope this liberty will be
allowed me. Perhaps I rather restore the
word, idea, to its original sense, from which
Mr LOCKE had perverted it, in making it stand
for all our perceptions. By the terms of
impression I would not be understood to express
the manner, in which our lively perceptions
are produced in the soul, but merely the
perceptions themselves; for which there is
no particular name either in the English
or any other language, that I know of.] There
is another division of our perceptions, which
it will be convenient to observe, and which
extends itself both to our impressions and
ideas. This division is into SIMPLE and COMPLEX.
Simple perceptions or impressions and ideas
are such as admit of no distinction nor separation.
The complex are the contrary to these, and
may be distinguished into parts. Though a
particular colour, taste, and smell, are
qualities all united together in this apple,
it is easy to perceive they are not the same,
but are at least distinguishable from each
other.
Having by these divisions given an order
and arrangement to our objects, we may now
apply ourselves to consider with the more
accuracy their qualities and relations. The
first circumstance, that strikes my eye,
is the great resemblance betwixt our impressions
and ideas in every other particular, except
their degree of force and vivacity. The one
seem to be in a manner the reflexion of the
other; so that all the perceptions of the
mind are double, and appear both as impressions
and ideas. When I shut my eyes and think
of my chamber, the ideas I form are exact
representations of the impressions I felt;
nor is there any circumstance of the one,
which is not to be found in the other. In
running over my other perceptions, I find
still the same resemblance and representation.
Ideas and impressions appear always to correspond
to each other. This circumstance seems to
me remarkable, and engages my attention for
a moment.
Upon a more accurate survey I find I have
been carried away too far by the first appearance,
and that I must make use of the distinction
of perceptions into simple and complex, to
limit this general decision, that all our
ideas and impressions are resembling. I observe,
that many of our complex ideas never had
impressions, that corresponded to them, and
that many of our complex impressions never
are exactly copied in ideas. I can imagine
to myself such a city as the New Jerusalem,
whose pavement is gold and walls are rubies,
though I never saw any such. I have seen
Paris; but shall I affirm I can form such
an idea of that city, as will perfectly represent
all its streets and houses in their real
and just proportions?
I perceive, therefore, that though there
is in general a great, resemblance betwixt
our complex impressions and ideas, yet the
rule is not universally true, that they are
exact copies of each other. We may next consider
how the case stands with our simple, perceptions.
After the most accurate examination, of which
I am capable, I venture to affirm, that the
rule here holds without any exception, and
that every simple idea has a simple impression,
which resembles it, and every simple impression
a correspondent idea. That idea of red, which
we form in the dark, and that impression
which strikes our eyes in sun-shine, differ
only in degree, not in nature. That the case
is the same with all our simple impressions
and ideas, it is impossible to prove by a
particular enumeration of them. Every one
may satisfy himself in this point by running
over as many as he pleases. But if any one
should deny this universal resemblance, I
know no way of convincing him, but by desiring
him to shew a simple impression, that has
not a correspondent idea, or a simple idea,
that has not a correspondent impression.
If he does not answer this challenge, as
it is certain he cannot, we may from his
silence and our own observation establish
our conclusion.
Thus we find, that all simple ideas and impressions
resemble each other; and as the complex are
formed from them, we may affirm in general,
that these two species of perception are
exactly correspondent. Having discovered
this relation, which requires no farther
examination, I am curious to find some other
of their qualities. Let us consider how they
stand with regard to their existence, and
which of the impressions and ideas are causes,
and which effects.
The full examination of this question is
the subject of the present treatise; and
therefore we shall here content ourselves
with establishing one general proposition,
THAT ALL OUR SIMPLE IDEAS IN THEIR FIRST
APPEARANCE ARE DERIVED FROM SIMPLE IMPRESSIONS,
WHICH ARE CORRESPONDENT TO THEM, AND WHICH
THEY EXACTLY REPRESENT.
In seeking for phenomena to prove this proposition,
I find only those of two kinds; but in each
kind the phenomena are obvious, numerous,
and conclusive. I first make myself certain,
by a new, review, of what I have already
asserted, that every simple impression is
attended with a correspondent idea, and every
simple idea with a correspondent impression.
From this constant conjunction of resembling
perceptions I immediately conclude, that
there is a great connexion betwixt our correspondent
impressions and ideas, and that the existence
of the one has a considerable influence upon
that of the other. Such a constant conjunction,
in such an infinite number of instances,
can never arise from chance; but clearly
proves a dependence of the impressions on
the ideas, or of the ideas on the impressions.
That I may know on which side this dependence
lies, I consider the order of their first
appearance; and find by constant experience,
that the simple impressions always take the
precedence of their correspondent ideas,
but never appear in the contrary order. To
give a child an idea of scarlet or orange,
of sweet or bitter, I present the objects,
or in other words, convey to him these impressions;
but proceed not so absurdly, as to endeavour
to produce the impressions by exciting the
ideas. Our ideas upon their appearance produce
not their correspondent impressions, nor
do we perceive any colour, or feel any sensation
merely upon thinking of them. On the other
hand we find, that any impression either
of the mind or body is constantly followed
by an idea, which resembles it, and is only
different in the degrees of force and liveliness,
The constant conjunction of our resembling
perceptions, is a convincing proof, that
the one are the causes of the other; and
this priority of the impressions is an equal
proof, that our impressions are the causes
of our ideas, not our ideas of our impressions.
To confirm this I consider Another plain
and convincing phaenomenon; which is, that,
where-ever by any accident the faculties,
which give rise to any impressions, are obstructed
in their operations, as when one is born
blind or deaf; not only the impressions are
lost, but also their correspondent ideas;
so that there never appear in the mind the
least traces of either of them. Nor is this
only true, where the organs of sensation
are entirely destroyed, but likewise where
they have never been put in action to produce
a particular impression. We cannot form to
ourselves a just idea of the taste of a pine
apple, without having actually tasted it.
There is however one contradictory phaenomenon,
which may prove, that it is not absolutely
impossible for ideas to go before their correspondent
impressions. I believe it will readily be
allowed that the several distinct ideas of
colours, which enter by the eyes, or those
of sounds, which are conveyed by the hearing,
are really different from each other, though
at the same time resembling. Now if this
be true of different colours, it must be
no less so of the different shades of the
same colour, that each of them produces a
distinct idea, independent of the rest. For
if this should be denied, it is possible,
by the continual gradation of shades, to
run a colour insensibly into what is most
remote from it; and if you will not allow
any of the means to be different, you cannot
without absurdity deny the extremes to be
the same. Suppose therefore a person to have
enjoyed his sight for thirty years, and to
have become perfectly well acquainted with
colours of all kinds, excepting one particular
shade of blue, for instance, which it never
has been his fortune to meet with. Let all
the different shades of that colour, except
that single one, be placed before him, descending
gradually from the deepest to the lightest;
it is plain, that he will perceive a blank,
where that shade is wanting, said will be
sensible, that there is a greater distance
in that place betwixt the contiguous colours,
than in any other. Now I ask, whether it
is possible for him, from his own imagination,
to supply this deficiency, and raise up to
himself the idea of that particular shade,
though it had never been conveyed to him
by his senses? I believe there are few but
will be of opinion that he can; and this
may serve as a proof, that the simple ideas
are not always derived from the correspondent
impressions; though the instance is so particular
and singular, that it is scarce worth our
observing, and does not merit that for it
alone we should alter our general maxim.
But besides this exception, it may not be
amiss to remark on this head, that the principle
of the priority of impressions to ideas must
be understood with another limitation, viz.,
that as our ideas are images of our impressions,
so we can form secondary ideas, which are
images of the primary; as appears from this
very reasoning concerning them. This is not,
properly speaking, an exception to the rule
so much as an explanation of it. Ideas produce
the images of themselves in new ideas; but
as the first ideas are supposed to be derived
from impressions, it still remains true,
that all our simple ideas proceed either
mediately or immediately, from their correspondent
impressions.
This then is the first principle I establish
in the science of human nature; nor ought
we to despise it because of the simplicity
of its appearance. For it is remarkable,
that the present question concerning the
precedency of our impressions or ideas, is
the same with what has made so much noise
in other terms, when it has been disputed
whether there be any INNATE IDEAS, or whether
all ideas be derived from sensation and reflexion.
We may observe, that in order to prove the
ideas of extension and colour not to be innate,
philosophers do nothing but shew that they
are conveyed by our senses. To prove the
ideas of passion and desire not to be innate,
they observe that we have a preceding experience
of these emotions in ourselves. Now if we
carefully examine these arguments, we shall
find that they prove nothing but that ideas
are preceded by other more lively perceptions,
from which the are derived, and which they
represent. I hope this clear stating of the
question will remove all disputes concerning
it, and win render this principle of more
use in our reasonings, than it seems hitherto
to have been.
SECT. II. DIVISION OF THE SUBJECT.
Since it appears, that our simple impressions
are prior to their correspondent ideas, and
that the exceptions are very rare, method
seems to require we should examine our impressions,
before we consider our ideas. Impressions
way be divided into two kinds, those Of SENSATION
and those of REFLEXION. The first kind arises
in the soul originally, from unknown causes.
The second is derived in a great measure
from our ideas, and that in the following
order. An impression first strikes upon the
senses, and makes us perceive heat or cold,
thirst or hunger, pleasure or pain of some
kind or other. Of this impression there is
a copy taken by the mind, which remains after
the impression ceases; and this we call an
idea. This idea of pleasure or pain, when
it returns upon the soul, produces the new
impressions of desire and aversion, hope
and fear, which may properly be called impressions
of reflexion, because derived from it. These
again are copied by the memory and imagination,
and become ideas; which perhaps in their
turn give rise to other impressions and ideas.
So that the impressions of reflexion are
only antecedent to their correspondent ideas;
but posterior to those of sensation, and
derived from them. The examination of our
sensations belongs more to anatomists and
natural philosophers than to moral; and therefore
shall not at present be entered upon. And
as the impressions of reflexion, viz. passions,
desires, and emotions, which principally
deserve our attention, arise mostly from
ideas, it will be necessary to reverse that
method, which at first sight seems most natural;
and in order to explain the nature and principles
of the human mind, give a particular account
of ideas, before we proceed to impressions.
For this reason I have here chosen to begin
with ideas.
SECT. III. OF THE IDEAS OF THE MEMORY AND
IMAGINATION.
We find by experience, that when any impression
has been present with the mind, it again
makes its appearance there as an idea; and
this it may do after two different ways:
either when in its new appearance it retains
a considerable degree of its first vivacity,
and is somewhat intermediate betwixt an impression
and an idea: or when it entirely loses that
vivacity, and is a perfect idea. The faculty,
by which we repeat our impressions in the
first manner, is called the MEMORY, and the
other the IMAGINATION. It is evident at first
sight, that the ideas of the memory are much
more lively and strong than those of the
imagination, and that the former faculty
paints its objects in more distinct colours,
than any which are employed by the latter.
When we remember any past event, the idea
of it flows in upon the mind in a forcible
manner; whereas in the imagination the perception
is faint and languid, and cannot without
difficulty be preserved by the mind steddy
and uniform for any considerable time. Here
then is a sensible difference betwixt one
species of ideas and another. But of this
more fully hereafter.[Part II, Sect. 5.]
There is another difference betwixt these
two kinds of ideas, which is no less evident,
namely that though neither the ideas, of
the memory nor imagination, neither the lively
nor faint ideas can make their appearance
in the mind, unless their correspondent impressions
have gone before to prepare the way for them,
yet the imagination is not restrained to
the same order and form with the original
impressions; while the memory is in a manner
tied down in that respect, without any power
of variation.
It is evident, that the memory preserves
the original form, in which its objects were
presented, and that where-ever we depart
from it in recollecting any thing, it proceeds
from some defect or imperfection in that
faculty. An historian may, perhaps, for the
more convenient Carrying on of his narration,
relate an event before another, to which
it was in fact posterior; but then he takes
notice of this disorder, if he be exact;
and by that means replaces the idea in its
due position. It is the same case in our
recollection of those places and persons,
with which we were formerly acquainted. The
chief exercise of the memory is not to preserve
the simple ideas, but their order and position.
In short, this principle is supported by
such a number of common and vulgar phaenomena,
that we may spare ourselves the trouble of
insisting on it any farther.
The same evidence follows us in our second
principle, OF THE LIBERTY OF THE IMAGINATION
TO TRANSPOSE AND CHANGE ITS IDEAS. The fables
we meet with in poems and romances put this
entirely out of the question. Nature there
is totally confounded, and nothing mentioned
but winged horses, fiery dragons, and monstrous
giants. Nor will this liberty of the fancy
appear strange, when we consider, that all
our ideas are copyed from our impressions,
and that there are not any two impressions
which are perfectly inseparable. Not to mention,
that this is an evident consequence of the
division of ideas into simple and complex.
Where-ever the imagination perceives a difference
among ideas, it can easily produce a separation.
SECT. IV. OF THE CONNEXION OR ASSOCIATION
OF IDEAS.
As all simple ideas may be separated by the
imagination, and may be united again in what
form it pleases, nothing would be more unaccountable
than the operations of that faculty, were
it not guided by some universal principles,
which render it, in some measure, uniform
with itself in all times and places. Were
ideas entirely loose and unconnected, chance
alone would join them; and it is impossible
the same simple ideas should fall regularly
into complex ones (as they Commonly do) without
some bond of union among them, some associating
quality, by which one idea naturally introduces
another. This uniting principle among ideas
is not to be considered as an inseparable
connexion; for that has been already excluded
from the imagination: Nor yet are we to conclude,
that without it the mind cannot join two
ideas; for nothing is more free than that
faculty: but we are only to regard it as
a gentle force, which commonly prevails,
and is the cause why, among other things,
languages so nearly correspond to each other;
nature in a manner pointing out to every
one those simple ideas, which are most proper
to be united in a complex one. The qualities,
from which this association arises, and by
which the mind is after this manner conveyed
from one idea to another, are three, viz.
RESEMBLANCE, CONTIGUITY in time or place,
and CAUSE and EFFECT.
I believe it will not be very necessary to
prove, that these qualities produce an association
among ideas, and upon the appearance of one
idea naturally introduce another. It is plain,
that in the course of our thinking, and in
the constant revolution of our ideas, our
imagination runs easily from one idea to
any other that resembles it, and that this
quality alone is to the fancy a sufficient
bond and association. It is likewise evident
that as the senses, in changing their objects,
are necessitated to change them regularly,
and take them as they lie CONTIGUOUS to each
other, the imagination must by long custom
acquire the same method of thinking, and
run along the parts of space and time in
conceiving its objects. As to the connexion,
that is made by the relation of cause and
effect, we shall have occasion afterwards
to examine it to the bottom, and therefore
shall not at present insist upon it. It is
sufficient to observe, that there is no relation,
which produces a stronger connexion in the
fancy, and makes one idea more readily recall
another, than the relation of cause and effect
betwixt their objects.
That we may understand the full extent of
these relations, we must consider, that two
objects are connected together in the imagination,
not only when the one is immediately resembling,
contiguous to, or the cause of the other,
but also when there is interposed betwixt
them a third object, which bears to both
of them any of these relations. This may
be carried on to a great length; though at
the same time we may observe, that each remove
considerably weakens the relation. Cousins
in the fourth degree are connected by causation,
if I may be allowed to use that term; but
not so closely as brothers, much less as
child and parent. In general we may observe,
that all the relations of blood depend upon
cause and effect, and are esteemed near or
remote, according to the number of connecting
causes interposed betwixt the persons.
Of the three relations above-mentioned this
of causation is the most extensive. Two objects
may be considered as placed in this relation,
as well when one is the cause of any of the
actions or motions of the other, as when
the former is the cause of the existence
of the latter. For as that action or motion
is nothing but the object itself, considered
in a certain light, and as the object continues
the same in all its different situations,
it is easy to imagine how such an influence
of objects upon one another may connect them
in the imagination.
We may carry this farther, and remark, not
only that two objects are connected by the
relation of cause and effect, when the one
produces a motion or any action in the other,
but also when it has a power of producing
it. And this we may observe to be the source
of all the relation, of interest and duty,
by which men influence each other in society,
and are placed in the ties of government
and subordination. A master is such-a-one
as by his situation, arising either from
force or agreement, has a power of directing
in certain particulars the actions of another,
whom we call servant. A judge is one, who
in all disputed cases can fix by his opinion
the possession or property of any thing betwixt
any members of the society. When a person
is possessed of any power, there is no more
required to convert it into action, but the
exertion of the will; and that in every case
is considered as possible, and in many as
probable; especially in the case of authority,
where the obedience of the subject is a pleasure
and advantage to the superior.
These are therefore the principles of union
or cohesion among our simple ideas, and in
the imagination supply the place of that
inseparable connexion, by which they are
united in our memory. Here is a kind of ATTRACTION,
which in the mental world will be found to
have as extraordinary effects as in the natural,
and to shew itself in as many and as various
forms. Its effects are every where conspicuous;
but as to its causes, they are mostly unknown,
and must be resolved into original qualities
of human nature, which I pretend not to explain.
Nothing is more requisite for a true philosopher,
than to restrain the intemperate desire of
searching into causes, and having established
any doctrine upon a sufficient number of
experiments, rest contented with that, when
he sees a farther examination would lead
him into obscure and uncertain speculations.
In that case his enquiry would be much better
employed in examining the effects than the
causes of his principle.
Amongst the effects of this union or association
of ideas, there are none more remarkable,
than those complex ideas, which are the common
subjects of our thoughts and reasoning, and
generally arise from some principle of union
among our simple ideas. These complex ideas
may be divided into Relations, Modes, and
Substances. We shall briefly examine each
of these in order, and shall subjoin some
considerations concerning our general and
particular ideas, before we leave the present
subject, which may be considered as the elements
of this philosophy.
SECT. V. OF RELATIONS.
The word RELATION is commonly used in two
senses considerably different from each other.
Either for that quality, by which two ideas
are connected together in the imagination,
and the one naturally introduces the other,
after the manner above-explained: or for
that particular circumstance, in which, even
upon the arbitrary union of two ideas in
the fancy, we may think proper to compare
them. In common language the former is always
the sense, in which we use the word, relation;
and it is only in philosophy, that we extend
it to mean any particular subject of comparison,
without a connecting principle. Thus distance
will be allowed by philosophers to be a true
relation, because we acquire an idea of it
by the comparing of objects: But in a common
way we say, THAT NOTHING CAN BE MORE DISTANT
THAN SUCH OR SUCH THINGS FROM EACH OTHER,
NOTHING CAN HAVE LESS RELATION: as if distance
and relation were incompatible.
It may perhaps be esteemed an endless task
to enumerate all those qualities, which make
objects admit of comparison, and by which
the ideas of philosophical relation are produced.
But if we diligently consider them, we shall
find that without difficulty they may be
comprised under seven general heads, which
may be considered as the sources of all philosophical
relation.
(1) The first is RESEMBLANCE: And this is
a relation, without which no philosophical
relation can exist; since no objects will
admit of comparison, but what have some degree
of resemblance. But though resemblance be
necessary to all philosophical relation,
it does not follow, that it always produces
a connexion or association of ideas. When
a quality becomes very general, and is common
to a great many individuals, it leads not
the mind directly to any one of them; but
by presenting at once too great a choice,
does thereby prevent the imagination from
fixing on any single object.
(2) IDENTITY may be esteemed a second species
of relation. This relation I here consider
as applied in its strictest sense to constant
and unchangeable objects; without examining
the nature and foundation of personal identity,
which shall find its place afterwards. Of
all relations the most universal is that
of identity, being common to every being
whose existence has any duration.
(3) After identity the most universal and
comprehensive relations are those of SPACE
and TIME, which are the sources of an infinite
number of comparisons, such as distant, contiguous,
above, below, before, after, etc.
(4) All those objects, which admit of QUANTITY,
or NUMBER, may be compared in that particular;
which is another very fertile source of relation.
(5) When any two objects possess the same
QUALITY in common, the DEGREES, in which
they possess it, form a fifth species of
relation. Thus of two objects, which are
both heavy, the one may be either of greater,
or less weight than the other. Two colours,
that are of the same kind, may yet be of
different shades, and in that respect admit
of comparison.
(6) The relation of CONTRARIETY may at first
sight be regarded as an exception to the
rule, THAT NO RELATION OF ANY KIND CAN SUBSIST
WITHOUT SOME DEGREE OF RESEMBLANCE. But let
us consider, that no two ideas are in themselves
contrary, except those of existence and non-existence,
which are plainly resembling, as implying
both of them an idea of the object; though
the latter excludes the object from all times
and places, in which it is supposed not to
exist.
(7) All other objects, such as fire and water,
heat and cold, are only found to be contrary
from experience, and from the contrariety
of their causes or effects; which relation
of cause and effect is a seventh philosophical
relation, as well as a natural one. The resemblance
implied in this relation, shall be explained
afterwards.
It might naturally be expected, that I should
join DIFFERENCE to the other relations. But
that I consider rather as a negation of relation,
than as anything real or positive. Difference
is of two kinds as opposed either to identity
or resemblance. The first is called a difference
of number; the other of KIND.
SECT. VI. OF MODES AND SUBSTANCES
I would fain ask those philosophers, who
found so much of their reasonings on the
distinction of substance and accident, and
imagine we have clear ideas of each, whether
the idea of substance be derived from the
impressions of sensation or of reflection?
If it be conveyed to us by our senses, I
ask, which of them; and after what manner?
If it be perceived by the eyes, it must be
a colour; if by the ears, a sound; if by
the palate, a taste; and so of the other
senses. But I believe none will assert, that
substance is either a colour, or sound, or
a taste. The idea, of substance must therefore
be derived from an impression of reflection,
if it really exist. But the impressions of
reflection resolve themselves into our passions
and emotions: none of which can possibly
represent a substance. We have therefore
no idea of substance, distinct from that
of a collection of particular qualities,
nor have we any other meaning when we either
talk or reason concerning it.
The idea of a substance as well as that of
a mode, is nothing but a collection of Simple
ideas, that are united by the imagination,
and have a particular name assigned them,
by which we are able to recall, either to
ourselves or others, that collection. But
the difference betwixt these ideas consists
in this, that the particular qualities, which
form a substance, are commonly referred to
an unknown something, in which they are supposed
to inhere; or granting this fiction should
not take place, are at least supposed to
be closely and inseparably connected by the
relations of contiguity and causation. The
effect of this is, that whatever new simple
quality we discover to have the same connexion
with the rest, we immediately comprehend
it among them, even though it did not enter
into the first conception of the substance.
Thus our idea of gold may at first be a yellow
colour, weight, malleableness, fusibility;
but upon the discovery of its dissolubility
in aqua regia, we join that to the other
qualities, and suppose it to belong to the
substance as much as if its idea had from
the beginning made a part of the compound
one. The principal of union being regarded
as the chief part of the complex idea, gives
entrance to whatever quality afterwards occurs,
and is equally comprehended by it, as are
the others, which first presented themselves.
That this cannot take place in modes, is
evident from considering their mature. The
simple ideas of which modes are formed, either
represent qualities, which are not united
by contiguity and causation, but are dispersed
in different subjects; or if they be all
united together, the uniting principle is
not regarded as the foundation of the complex
idea. The idea of a dance is an instance
of the first kind of modes; that of beauty
of the second. The reason is obvious, why
such complex ideas cannot receive any new
idea, without changing the name, which distinguishes
the mode.
SECT. VII. OF ABSTRACT IDEAS.
A very material question has been started
concerning ABSTRACT or GENERAL ideas, WHETHER
THEY BE GENERAL OR PARTICULAR IN THE MIND'S
CONCEPTION OF THEM. A great philosopher [Dr.
Berkeley.] has disputed the received opinion
in this particular, and has asserted, that
all general ideas are nothing but particular
ones, annexed to a certain term, which gives
them a more extensive signification, and
makes them recall upon occasion other individuals,
which are similar to them. As I look upon
this to be one of the greatest and most valuable
discoveries that has been made of late years
in the republic of letters, I shall here
endeavour to confirm it by some arguments,
which I hope will put it beyond all doubt
and controversy.
It is evident, that in forming most of our
general ideas, if not all of them, we abstract
from every particular degree of quantity
and quality, and that an object ceases not
to be of any particular species on account
of every small alteration in its extension,
duration and other properties. It may therefore
be thought, that here is a plain dilemma,
that decides concerning the nature of those
abstract ideas, which have afforded so much
speculation to philosophers. The abstract
idea of a man represents men of all sizes
and all qualities; which it is concluded
it cannot do, but either by representing
at once all possible sizes and all possible
qualities, or by, representing no particular
one at all. Now it having been esteemed absurd
to defend the former proposition, as implying
an infinite capacity in the mind, it has
been commonly inferred in favour of the latter:
and our abstract ideas have been supposed
to represent no particular degree either
of quantity or quality. But that this inference
is erroneous, I shall endeavour to make appear,
first, by proving, that it is utterly impossible
to conceive any quantity or quality, without
forming a precise notion of its degrees:
And secondly by showing, that though the
capacity of the mind be not infinite, yet
we can at once form a notion of all possible
degrees of quantity and quality, in such
a manner at least, as, however imperfect,
may serve all the purposes of reflection
and conversation.
To begin with the first proposition, THAT
THE MIND CANNOT FORM ANY NOTION OF QUANTITY
OR QUALITY WITHOUT FORMING A PRECISE NOTION
OF DEGREES OF EACH; we may prove this by
the three following arguments. First, We
have observed, that whatever objects are
different are distinguishable, and that whatever
objects are distinguishable are separable
by the thought and imagination. And we may
here add, that these propositions are equally
true in the inverse, and that whatever objects
are separable are also distinguishable, and
that whatever objects are distinguishable,
are also different. For how is it possible
we can separate what is not distinguishable,
or distinguish what is not different? In
order therefore to know, whether abstraction
implies a separation, we need only consider
it in this view, and examine, whether all
the circumstances, which we abstract from
in our general ideas, be such as are distinguishable
and different from those, which we retain
as essential parts of them. But it is evident
at first sight, that the precise length of
a line is not different nor distinguishable
from the line itself nor the precise degree
of any quality from the quality. These ideas,
therefore, admit no more of separation than
they do of distinction and difference. They
are consequently conjoined with each other
in the conception; and the general idea of
a line, notwithstanding all our abstractions
and refinements, has in its appearance in
the mind a precise degree of quantity and
quality; however it may be made to represent
others, which have different degrees of both.
Secondly, it is contest, that no object can
appear to the senses; or in other words,
that no impression can become present to
the mind, without being determined in its
degrees both of quantity and quality. The
confusion, in which impressions are sometimes
involved, proceeds only from their faintness
and unsteadiness, not from any capacity in
the mind to receive any impression, which
in its real existence has no particular degree
nor proportion. That is a contradiction in
terms; and even implies the flattest of all
contradictions, viz. that it is possible
for the same thing both to be and not to
be.
Now since all ideas are derived from impressions,
and are nothing but copies and representations
of them, whatever is true of the one must
be acknowledged concerning the other. Impressions
and ideas differ only in their strength and
vivacity. The foregoing conclusion is not
founded on any particular degree of vivacity.
It cannot therefore be affected by any variation
in that particular. An idea is a weaker impression;
and as a strong impression must necessarily
have a determinate quantity and quality,
the case must be the same with its copy or
representative.
Thirdly, it is a principle generally received
in philosophy that everything in nature is
individual, and that it is utterly absurd
to suppose a triangle really existent, which
has no precise proportion of sides and angles.
If this therefore be absurd in fact and reality,
it must also be absurd in idea; since nothing
of which we can form a clear and distinct
idea is absurd and impossible. But to form
the idea of an object, and to form an idea
simply, is the same thing; the reference
of the idea to an object being an extraneous
denomination, of which in itself it bears
no mark or character. Now as it is impossible
to form an idea of an object, that is possest
of quantity and quality, and yet is possest
of no precise degree of either; it follows
that there is an equal impossibility of forming
an idea, that is not limited and confined
in both these particulars. Abstract ideas
are therefore in themselves individual, however
they may become general in their representation.
The image in the mind is only that of a particular
object, though the application of it in our
reasoning be the same, as if it were universal.
This application of ideas beyond their nature
proceeds from our collecting all their possible
degrees of quantity and quality in such an
imperfect manner as may serve the purposes
of life, which is the second proposition
I proposed to explain. When we have found
a resemblance [FN 2.] among several objects,
that often occur to us, we apply the same
name to all of them, whatever differences
we may observe in the degrees of their quantity
and quality, and whatever other differences
may appear among them. After we have acquired
a custom of this kind, the hearing of that
name revives the idea of one of these objects,
and makes the imagination conceive it with
all its particular circumstances and proportions.
But as the same word is supposed to have
been frequently applied to other individuals,
that are different in many respects from
that idea, which is immediately present to
the mind; the word not being able to revive
the idea of all these individuals, but only
touches the soul, if I may be allowed so
to speak, and revives that custom, which
we have acquired by surveying them. They
are not really and in fact present to the
mind, but only in power; nor do we draw them
all out distinctly in the imagination, but
keep ourselves in a readiness to survey any
of them, as we may be prompted by a present
design or necessity. The word raises up an
individual idea, along with a certain custom;
and that custom produces any other individual
one, for which we may have occasion. But
as the production of all the ideas, to which
the name may be applied, is in most eases
impossible, we abridge that work by a more
partial consideration, and find but few inconveniences
to arise in our reasoning from that abridgment.
[FN 2. It is evident, that even different
simple ideas may have a similarity or resemblance
to each other; nor is it necessary, that
the point or circumstance of resemblance
shoud be distinct or separable from that
in which they differ. BLUE and GREEN are
different simple ideas, but are more resembling
than BLUE and SCARLET; tho their perfect
simplicity excludes all possibility of separation
or distinction. It is the same case with
particular sounds, and tastes and smells.
These admit of infinite resemblances upon
the general appearance and comparison, without
having any common circumstance the same.
And of this we may be certain, even from
the very abstract terms SIMPLE IDEA. They
comprehend all simple ideas under them. These
resemble each other in their simplicity.
And yet from their very nature, which excludes
all composition, this circumstance, In which
they resemble, Is not distinguishable nor
separable from the rest. It is the same case
with all the degrees In any quality. They
are all resembling and yet the quality, In
any individual, Is not distinct from the
degree.] For this is one of the most extraordinary
circumstances in the present affair, that
after the mind has produced an individual
idea, upon which we reason, the attendant
custom, revived by the general or abstract
term, readily suggests any other individual,
if by chance we form any reasoning, that
agrees not with it. Thus should we mention
the word triangle, and form the idea of a
particular equilateral one to correspond
to it, and should we afterwards assert, that
the three angles of a triangle are equal
to each other, the other individuals of a
scalenum and isosceles, which we overlooked
at first, immediately crowd in upon us, and
make us perceive the falshood of this proposition,
though it be true with relation to that idea,
which we had formed. If the mind suggests
not always these ideas upon occasion, it
proceeds from some imperfection in its faculties;
and such a one as is often the source of
false reasoning and sophistry. But this is
principally the case with those ideas which
are abstruse and compounded. On other occasions
the custom is more entire, and it is seldom
we run into such errors.
Nay so entire is the custom, that the very
same idea may be annext to several different
words, and may be employed in different reasonings,
without any danger of mistake. Thus the idea
of an equilateral triangle of an inch perpendicular
may serve us in talking of a figure, of a
rectilinear figure, of a regular figure,
of a triangle, and of an equilateral triangle.
All these terms, therefore, are in this case
attended with the same idea; but as they
are wont to be applied in a greater or lesser
compass, they excite their particular habits,
and thereby keep the mind in a readiness
to observe, that no conclusion be formed
contrary to any ideas, which are usually
comprized under them.
Before those habits have become entirely
perfect, perhaps the mind may not be content
with forming the idea of only one individual,
but may run over several, in order to make
itself comprehend its own meaning, and the
compass of that collection, which it intends
to express by the general term. That we may
fix the meaning of the word, figure, we may
revolve in our mind the ideas of circles,
squares, parallelograms, triangles of different
sizes and proportions, and may not rest on
one image or idea. However this may be, it
is certain that we form the idea of individuals,
whenever we use any general term; that we
seldom or never can exhaust these individuals;
and that those, which remain, are only represented
by means of that habit, by which we recall
them, whenever any present occasion requires
it. This then is the nature of our abstract
ideas and general terms; and it is after
this manner we account for the foregoing
paradox, THAT SOME IDEAS ARE PARTICULAR IN
THEIR NATURE, BUT GENERAL IN THEIR REPRESENTATION.
A particular idea becomes general by being
annexed to a general term; that is, to a
term, which from a customary conjunction
has a relation to many other particular ideas,
and readily recalls them in the imagination.
The only difficulty, that can remain on this
subject, must be with regard to that custom,
which so readily recalls every particular
idea, for which we may have occasion, and
is excited by any word or sound, to which
we commonly annex it. The most proper method,
in my opinion, of giving a satisfactory explication
of this act of the mind, is by producing
other instances, which are analogous to it,
and other principles, which facilitate its
operation. To explain the ultimate causes
of our mental actions is impossible. It is
sufficient, if we can give any satisfactory
account of them from experience and analogy.
First then I observe, that when we mention
any great number, such as a thousand, the
mind has generally no adequate idea of it,
but only a power of producing such an idea,
by its adequate idea of the decimals, under
which the number is comprehended. This imperfection,
however, in our ideas, is never felt in our
reasonings; which seems to be an instance
parallel to the present one of universal
ideas.
Secondly, we have several instances of habits,
which may be revived by one single word;
as when a person, who has by rote any periods
of a discourse, or any number of verses,
will be put in remembrance of the whole,
which he is at a loss to recollect, by that
single word or expression, with which they
begin.
Thirdly, I believe every one, who examines
the situation of his mind in reasoning will
agree with me, that we do not annex distinct
and compleat ideas to every term we make
use of, and that in talking of government,
church, negotiation, conquest, we seldom
spread out in our minds all the simple ideas,
of which these complex ones are composed.
It is however observable, that notwithstanding
this imperfection we may avoid talking nonsense
on these subjects, and may perceive any repugnance
among the ideas, as well as if we had a fall
comprehension of them. Thus if instead of
saying, that in war the weaker have always
recourse to negotiation, we should say, that
they have always recourse to conquest, the
custom, which we have acquired of attributing
certain relations to ideas, still follows
the words, and makes us immediately perceive
the absurdity of that proposition; in the
same manner as one particular idea may serve
us in reasoning concerning other ideas, however
different from it in several circumstances.
Fourthly, As the individuals are collected
together, said placed under a general term
with a view to that resemblance, which they
bear to each other, this relation must facilitate
their entrance in the imagination, and make
them be suggested more readily upon occasion.
And indeed if we consider the common progress
of the thought, either in reflection or conversation,
we shall find great reason to be satisfyed
in this particular. Nothing is more admirable,
than the readiness, with which the imagination
suggests its ideas, and presents them at
the very instant, in which they become necessary
or useful. The fancy runs from one end of
the universe to the other in collecting those
ideas, which belong to any subject. One would
think the whole intellectual world of ideas
was at once subjected to our view, and that
we did nothing but pick out such as were
most proper for our purpose. There may not,
however, be any present, beside those very
ideas, that are thus collected by a kind
of magical faculty in the soul, which, though
it be always most perfect in the greatest
geniuses, and is properly what we call a
genius, is however inexplicable by the utmost
efforts of human understanding.
Perhaps these four reflections may help to
remove an difficulties to the hypothesis
I have proposed concerning abstract ideas,
so contrary to that, which has hitherto prevailed
in philosophy, But, to tell the truth I place
my chief confidence in what I have already
proved concerning the impossibility of general
ideas, according to the common method of
explaining them. We must certainly seek some
new system on this head, and there plainly
is none beside what I have proposed. If ideas
be particular in their nature, and at the
same time finite in their number, it is only
by custom they can become general in their
representation, and contain an infinite number
of other ideas under them.
Before I leave this subject I shall employ
the same principles to explain that distinction
of reason, which is so much talked of, and
is so little understood, in the schools.
Of this kind is the distinction betwixt figure
and the body figured; motion and the body
moved. The difficulty of explaining this
distinction arises from the principle above
explained, that all ideas, which are different,
are separable. For it follows from thence,
that if the figure be different from the
body, their ideas must be separable as well
as distinguishable: if they be not different,
their ideas can neither be separable nor
distinguishable. What then is meant by a
distinction of reason, since it implies neither
a difference nor separation.
To remove this difficulty we must have recourse
to the foregoing explication of abstract
ideas. It is certain that the mind would
never have dreamed of distinguishing a figure
from the body figured, as being in reality
neither distinguishable, nor different, nor
separable; did it not observe, that even
in this simplicity there might be contained
many different resemblances and relations.
Thus when a globe of white marble is presented,
we receive only the impression of a white
colour disposed in a certain form, nor are
we able to separate and distinguish the colour
from the form. But observing afterwards a
globe of black marble and a cube of white,
and comparing them with our former object,
we find two separate resemblances, in what
formerly seemed, and really is, perfectly
inseparable. After a little more practice
of this kind, we begin to distinguish the
figure from the colour by a distinction of
reason; that is, we consider the figure and
colour together, since they are in effect
the same and undistinguishable; but still
view them in different aspects, according
to the resemblances, of which they are susceptible.
When we would consider only the figure of
the globe of white marble, we form in reality
an idea both of the figure and colour, but
tacitly carry our eye to its resemblance
with the globe of black marble: And in the
same manner, when we would consider its colour
only, we turn our view to its resemblance
with the cube of white marble. By this means
we accompany our ideas with a kind of reflection,
of which custom renders us, in a great measure,
insensible. A person, who desires us to consider
the figure of a globe of white marble without
thinking on its colour, desires an impossibility
but his meaning is, that we should consider
the figure and colour together, but still
keep in our eye the resemblance to the globe
of black marble, or that to any other globe
of whatever colour or substance.
PART II. OF THE IDEAS OF SPACE AND TIME.
SECT. I. OF THE INFINITE DIVISIBILITY OF
OUR IDEAS OF SPACE AND TIME.
Whatever has the air of a paradox, and is
contrary to the first and most unprejudiced
notions of mankind, is often greedily embraced
by philosophers, as shewing the superiority
of their science, which coued discover opinions
so remote from vulgar conception. On the
other hand, anything proposed to us, which
causes surprize and admiration, gives such
a satisfaction to the mind, that it indulges
itself in those agreeable emotions, and will
never be persuaded that its pleasure is entirely
without foundation. From these dispositions
in philosophers and their disciples arises
that mutual complaisance betwixt them; while
the former furnish such plenty of strange
and unaccountable opinions, and the latter
so readily believe them. Of this mutual complaisance
I cannot give a more evident instance than
in the doctrine of infinite divisibility,
with the examination of which I shall begin
this subject of the ideas of space and time.
It is universally allowed, that the capacity
of the mind is limited, and can never attain
a full and adequate conception of infinity:
And though it were not allowed, it would
be sufficiently evident from the plainest
observation and experience. It is also obvious,
that whatever is capable of being divided
in infinitum, must consist of an infinite
number of parts, and that it is impossible
to set any bounds to the number of parts,
without setting bounds at the same time to
the division. It requires scarce any, induction
to conclude from hence, that the idea, which
we form of any finite quality, is not infinitely
divisible, but that by proper distinctions
and separations we may run up this idea to
inferior ones, which will be perfectly simple
and indivisible. In rejecting the infinite
capacity of the mind, we suppose it may arrive
at an end in the division of its ideas; nor
are there any possible means of evading the
evidence of this conclusion.
It is therefore certain, that the imagination
reaches a minimum, and may raise up to itself
an idea, of which it cannot conceive any
sub-division, and which cannot be diminished
without a total annihilation. When you tell
me of the thousandth and ten thousandth part
of a grain of sand, I have a distinct idea
of these numbers and of their different proportions;
but the images, which I form in my mind to
represent the things themselves, are nothing
different from each other, nor inferior to
that image, by which I represent the grain
of sand itself, which is supposed so vastly
to exceed them. What consists of parts is
distinguishable into them, and what is distinguishable
is separable. But whatever we may imagine
of the thing, the idea of a grain of sand
is not distinguishable, nor separable into
twenty, much less into a thousand, ten thousand,
or an infinite number of different ideas.
It is the same case with the impressions
of the senses as with the ideas of the imagination.
Put a spot of ink upon paper, fix your eye
upon that spot, and retire to such a distance,
that, at last you lose sight of it; it is
plain, that the moment before it vanished
the image or impression was perfectly indivisible.
It is not for want of rays of light striking
on our eyes, that the minute parts of distant
bodies convey not any sensible impression;
but because they are removed beyond that
distance, at which their impressions were
reduced to a minimum, and were incapable
of any farther diminution. A microscope or
telescope, which renders them visible, produces
not any new rays of light, but only spreads
those, which always flowed from them; and
by that means both gives parts to impressions,
which to the naked eye appear simple and
uncompounded, and advances to a minimum,
what was formerly imperceptible.
We may hence discover the error of the common
opinion, that the capacity of the mind is
limited on both sides, and that it is impossible
for the imagination to form an adequate idea,
of what goes beyond a certain degree of minuteness
as well as of greatness. Nothing can be more
minute, than some ideas, which we form in
the fancy; and images, which appear to the
senses; since there are ideas and images
perfectly simple and indivisible. The only
defect of our senses is, that they give us
disproportioned images of things, and represent
as minute and uncompounded what is really
great and composed of a vast number of parts.
This mistake we are not sensible of: but
taking the impressions of those minute objects,
which appear to the senses, to be equal or
nearly equal to the objects, and finding
by reason, that there are other objects vastly
more minute, we too hastily conclude, that
these are inferior to any idea of our imagination
or impression of our senses. This however
is certain, that we can form ideas, which
shall be no greater than the smallest atom
of the animal spirits of an insect a thousand
times less than a mite: And we ought rather
to conclude, that the difficulty lies in
enlarging our conceptions so much as to form
a just notion of a mite, or even of an insect
a thousand times less than a mite. For in
order to form a just notion of these animals,
we must have a distinct idea representing
every part of them, which, according to the
system of infinite divisibility, is utterly
impossible, and, recording to that of indivisible
parts or atoms, is extremely difficult, by
reason of the vast number and multiplicity
of these parts.
SECT. II. OF THE INFINITE DIVISIBILITY OF
SPACE AND TIME.
Wherever ideas are adequate representations
of objects, the relations, contradictions
and agreements of the ideas are all applicable
to the objects; and this we may in general
observe to be the foundation of all human
knowledge. But our ideas are adequate representations
of the most minute parts of extension; and
through whatever divisions and subdivisions
we may suppose these parts to be arrived
at, they can never become inferior to some
ideas, which we form. The plain consequence
is, that whatever appears impossible and
contradictory upon the comparison of these
ideas, must be really impossible and contradictory,
without any farther excuse or evasion.
Every thing capable of being infinitely divided
contains an infinite number of parts; otherwise
the division would be stopt short by the
indivisible parts, which we should immediately
arrive at. If therefore any finite extension
be infinitely divisible, it can be no contradiction
to suppose, that a finite extension contains
an infinite number of parts: And vice versa,
if it be a contradiction to suppose, that
a finite extension contains an infinite number
of parts, no finite extension can be infinitely
divisible. But that this latter supposition
is absurd, I easily convince myself by the
consideration of my clear ideas. I first
take the least idea I can form of a part
of extension, and being certain that there
is nothing more minute than this idea, I
conclude, that whatever I discover by its
means must be a real quality of extension.
I then repeat this idea once, twice, thrice,
&c., and find the compound idea of extension,
arising from its repetition, always to augment,
and become double, triple, quadruple, &c.,
till at last it swells up to a considerable
bulk, greater or smaller, in proportion as
I repeat more or less the same idea. When
I stop in the addition of parts, the idea
of extension ceases to augment; and were
I to carry on the addition in infinitum,
I clearly perceive, that the idea of extension
must also become infinite. Upon the whole,
I conclude, that the idea of all infinite
number of parts is individually the same
idea with that of an infinite extension;
that no finite extension is capable of containing
an infinite number of parts; and consequently
that no finite extension is infinitely divisible
[FN 3.].
[FN 3. It has been objected to me, that infinite
divisibility supposes only an infinite number
of PROPORTIONAL not of ALIQIOT parts, and
that an infinite number of proportional parts
does not form an infinite extension. But
this distinction is entirely frivolous. Whether
these parts be calld ALIQUOT or PROPORTIONAL,
they cannot be inferior to those minute parts
we conceive; and therefore cannot form a
less extension by their conjunction.] I may
subjoin another argument proposed by a noted
author [Mons. MALEZIEU], which seems to me
very strong and beautiful. It is evident,
that existence in itself belongs only to
unity, and is never applicable to number,
but on account of the unites, of which the
number is composed. Twenty men may be said
to exist; but it is only because one, two,
three, four, &c. are existent, and if
you deny the existence of the latter, that
of the former falls of course. It is therefore
utterly absurd to suppose any number to exist,
and yet deny the existence of unites; and
as extension is always a number, according
to the common sentiment of metaphysicians,
and never resolves itself into any unite
or indivisible quantity, it follows, that
extension can never at all exist. It is in
vain to reply, that any determinate quantity
of extension is an unite; but such-a-one
as admits of an infinite number of fractions,
and is inexhaustible in its sub-divisions.
For by the same rule these twenty men may
be considered as a unit. The whole globe
of the earth, nay the whole universe, may
be considered as a unit. That term of unity
is merely a fictitious denomination, which
the mind may apply to any quantity of objects
it collects together; nor can such an unity
any more exist alone than number can, as
being in reality a true number. But the unity,
which can exist alone, and whose existence
is necessary to that of all number, is of
another kind, and must be perfectly indivisible,
and incapable of being resolved into any
lesser unity.
All this reasoning takes place with regard
to time; along with an additional argument,
which it may be proper to take notice of.
It is a property inseparable from time, and
which in a manner constitutes its essence,
that each of its parts succeeds another,
and that none of them, however contiguous,
can ever be co-existent. For the same reason,
that the year 1737 cannot concur with the
present year 1738 every moment must be distinct
from, and posterior or antecedent to another.
It is certain then, that time, as it exists,
must be composed of indivisible moments.
For if in time we could never arrive at an
end of division, and if each moment, as it
succeeds another, were not perfectly single
and indivisible, there would be an infinite
number of co-existent moments, or parts of
time; which I believe will be allowed to
be an arrant contradiction.
The infinite divisibility of space implies
that of time, as is evident from the nature
of motion. If the latter, therefore, be impossible,
the former must be equally so.
I doubt not but, it will readily be allowed
by the most obstinate defender of the doctrine
of infinite divisibility, that these arguments
are difficulties, and that it is impossible
to give any answer to them which will be
perfectly clear and satisfactory. But here
we may observe, that nothing can be more
absurd, than this custom of calling a difficulty
what pretends to be a demonstration, and
endeavouring by that means to elude its force
and evidence. It is not in demonstrations
as in probabilities, that difficulties can
take place, and one argument counter-ballance
another, and diminish its authority. A demonstration,
if just, admits of no opposite difficulty;
and if not just, it is a mere sophism, and
consequently can never be a difficulty. It
is either irresistible, or has no manner
of force. To talk therefore of objections
and replies, and ballancing of arguments
in such a question as this, is to confess,
either that human reason is nothing but a
play of words, or that the person himself,
who talks so, has not a Capacity equal to
such subjects. Demonstrations may be difficult
to be comprehended, because of abstractedness
of the subject; but can never have such difficulties
as will weaken their authority, when once
they are comprehended.
It is true, mathematicians are wont to say,
that there are here equally strong arguments
on the other side of the question, and that
the doctrine of indivisible points is also
liable to unanswerable objections. Before
I examine these arguments and objections
in detail, I will here take them in a body,
and endeavour by a short and decisive reason
to prove at once, that it is utterly impossible
they can have any just foundation.
It is an established maxim in metaphysics,
That whatever the mind clearly conceives,
includes the idea of possible existence,
or in other words, that nothing we imagine
is absolutely impossible. We can form the
idea of a golden mountain, and from thence
conclude that such a mountain may actually
exist. We can form no idea of a mountain
without a valley, and therefore regard it
as impossible.
Now it is certain we have an idea of extension;
for otherwise why do we talk and reason concerning
it? It is likewise certain that this idea,
as conceived by the imagination, though divisible
into parts or inferior ideas, is not infinitely
divisible, nor consists of an infinite number
of parts: For that exceeds the comprehension
of our limited capacities. Here then is an
idea of extension, which consists of parts
or inferior ideas, that are perfectly, indivisible:
consequently this idea implies no contradiction:
consequently it is possible for extension
really to exist conformable to it: and consequently
all the arguments employed against the possibility
of mathematical points are mere scholastick
quibbles, and unworthy of our attention.
These consequences we may carry one step
farther, and conclude that all the pretended
demonstrations for the infinite divisibility
of extension are equally sophistical; since
it is certain these demonstrations cannot
be just without proving the impossibility
of mathematical points; which it is an evident
absurdity to pretend to.
SECT. III. OF THE OTHER QUALITIES OF OUR
IDEA OF SPACE AND TIME.
No discovery coued have been made more happily
for deciding all controversies concerning
ideas, than that abovementioned, that impressions
always take the precedency of them, and that
every idea, with which the imagination is
furnished, first makes its appearance in
a correspondent impression. These latter
perceptions are all so clear and evident,
that they admit of no controversy; though
many of our ideas are so obscure, that it
is almost impossible even for the mind, which
forms them, to tell exactly their nature
and composition. Let us apply this principle,
in order to discover farther the nature of
our ideas of space and time.
Upon opening my eyes, and turning them to
the surrounding objects, I perceive many
visible bodies; and upon shutting them again,
and considering the distance betwixt these
bodies, I acquire the idea of extension.
As every idea is derived from some impression,
which is exactly similar to it, the impressions
similar to this idea of extension, must either
be some sensations derived from the sight,
or some internal impressions arising from
these sensations.
Our internal impressions are our passions,
emotions, desires and aversions; none of
which, I believe, will ever be asserted to
be the model, from which the idea of space
is derived. There remains therefore nothing
but the senses, which can convey to us this
original impression. Now what impression
do oar senses here convey to us? This is
the principal question, and decides without
appeal concerning the nature of the idea.
The table before me is alone sufficient by
its view to give me the idea of extension.
This idea, then, is borrowed from, and represents
some impression, which this moment appears
to the senses. But my senses convey to me
only the impressions of coloured points,
disposed in a certain manner. If the eye
is sensible of any thing farther, I desire
it may be pointed out to me. But if it be
impossible to shew any thing farther, we
may conclude with certainty, that the idea
of extension is nothing but a copy of these
coloured points, and of the manner of their
appearance.
Suppose that in the extended object, or composition
of coloured points, from which we first received
the idea of extension, the points were of
a purple colour; it follows, that in every
repetition of that idea we would not only
place the points in the same order with respect
to each other, but also bestow on them that
precise colour, with which alone we are acquainted.
But afterwards having experience of the other
colours of violet, green, red, white, black,
and of all the different compositions of
these, and finding a resemblance in the disposition
of coloured points, of which they are composed,
we omit the peculiarities of colour, as far
as possible, and found an abstract idea merely
on that disposition of points, or manner
of appearance, in which they agree. Nay even
when the resemblance is carryed beyond the
objects of one sense, and the impressions
of touch are found to be Similar to those
of sight in the disposition of their parts;
this does not hinder the abstract idea from
representing both, upon account of their
resemblance. All abstract ideas are really
nothing but particular ones, considered in
a certain light; but being annexed to general
terms, they are able to represent a vast
variety, and to comprehend objects, which,
as they are alike in some particulars, are
in others vastly wide of each other.
The idea of time, being derived from the
succession of our perceptions of every kind,
ideas as well as impressions, and impressions
of reflection as well as of sensations will
afford us an instance of an abstract idea,
which comprehends a still greater variety
than that of space, and yet is represented
in the fancy by some particular individual
idea of a determinate quantity and quality.
As it is from the disposition of visible
and tangible objects we receive the idea
of space, so from the succession of ideas
and impressions we form the idea of time,
nor is it possible for time alone ever to
make its appearance, or be taken notice of
by the mind. A man in a sound sleep, or strongly
occupyed with one thought, is insensible
of time; and according as his perceptions
succeed each other with greater or less rapidity,
the same duration appears longer or shorter
to his imagination. It has been remarked
by a great philosopher, that our perceptions
have certain bounds in this particular, which
are fixed by the original nature and constitution
of the mind, and beyond which no influence
of external objects on the senses is ever
able to hasten or retard our thought. If
you wheel about a burning coal with rapidity,
it will present to the senses an image of
a circle of fire; nor will there seem to
be any interval of time betwixt its revolutions;
meerly because it is impossible for our perceptions
to succeed each other with the same rapidity,
that motion may be communicated to external
objects. Wherever we have no successive perceptions,
we have no notion of time, even though there
be a real succession in the objects. From
these phenomena, as well as from many others,
we may conclude, that time cannot make its
appearance to the mind, either alone, or
attended with a steady unchangeable object,
but is always discovered some PERCEIVABLE
succession of changeable objects.
To confirm this we may add the following
argument, which to me seems perfectly decisive
and convincing. It is evident, that time
or duration consists of different parts:
For otherwise we coued not conceive a longer
or shorter duration. It is also evident,
that these parts are not co-existent: For
that quality of the co-existence of parts
belongs to extension, and is what distinguishes
it from duration. Now as time is composed
of parts, that are not coexistent: an unchangeable
object, since it produces none but coexistent
impressions, produces none that can give
us the idea of time; and consequently that
idea must be derived from a succession of
changeable objects, and time in its first
appearance can never be severed from such
a succession.
Having therefore found, that time in its
first appearance to the mind is always conjoined
with a succession of changeable objects,
and that otherwise it can never fall under
our notice, we must now examine whether it
can be conceived without our conceiving any
succession of objects, and whether it can
alone form a distinct idea in the imagination.
In order to know whether any objects, which
are joined in impression, be inseparable
in idea, we need only consider, if they be
different from each other; in which case,
it is plain they may be conceived apart.
Every thing, that is different is distinguishable:
and everything, that is distinguishable,
may be separated, according to the maxims
above-explained. If on the contrary they
be not different, they are not distinguishable:
and if they be not distinguishable, they
cannot be separated. But this is precisely
the case with respect to time, compared with
our successive perceptions. The idea of time
is not derived from a particular impression
mixed up with others, and plainly distinguishable
from them; but arises altogether from the
manner, in which impressions appear to the
mind, without making one of the number. Five
notes played on a flute give us the impression
and idea of time; though time be not a sixth
impression, which presents itself to the
hearing or any other of the senses. Nor is
it a sixth impression, which the mind by
reflection finds in itself. These five sounds
making their appearance in this particular
manner, excite no emotion in the mind, nor
produce an affection of any kind, which being
observed by it can give rise to a new idea.
For that is necessary to produce a new idea
of reflection, nor can the mind, by revolving
over a thousand times all its ideas of sensation,
ever extract from them any new original idea,
unless nature has so framed its faculties,
that it feels some new original impression
arise from such a contemplation. But here
it only takes notice of the manner, in which
the different sounds make their appearance;
and that it may afterwards consider without
considering these particular sounds, but
may conjoin it with any other objects. The
ideas of some objects it certainly must have,
nor is it possible for it without these ideas
ever to arrive at any conception of time;
which since it, appears not as any primary
distinct impression, can plainly be nothing
but different ideas, or impressions, or objects
disposed in a certain manner, that is, succeeding
each other.
I know there are some who pretend, that the
idea of duration is applicable in a proper
sense to objects, which are perfectly unchangeable;
and this I take to be the common opinion
of philosophers as well as of the vulgar.
But to be convinced of its falsehood we need
but reflect on the foregoing conclusion,
that the idea of duration is always derived
from a succession of changeable objects,
and can never be conveyed to the mind by
any thing stedfast and unchangeable. For
it inevitably follows from thence, that since
the idea of duration cannot be derived from
such an object, it can never-in any propriety
or exactness be applied to it, nor can any
thing unchangeable be ever said to have duration.
Ideas always represent the Objects or impressions,
from which they are derived, and can never
without a fiction represent or be applied
to any other. By what fiction we apply the
idea of time, even to what is unchangeable,
and suppose, as is common, that duration
is a measure of rest as well as of motion,
we shall consider [Sect 5.] afterwards.
There is another very decisive argument,
which establishes the present doctrine concerning
our ideas of space and time, and is founded
only on that simple principle, that our ideas
of them are compounded of parts, which are
indivisible. This argument may be worth the
examining.
Every idea, that is distinguishable, being
also separable, let us take one of those
simple indivisible ideas, of which the compound
one of extension is formed, and separating
it from all others, and considering it apart,
let us form a judgment of its nature and
qualities.
It is plain it is not the idea of extension.
For the idea of extension consists of parts;
and this idea, according to t-he supposition,
is perfectly simple and indivisible. Is it
therefore nothing? That is absolutely impossible.
For as the compound idea of extension, which
is real, is composed of such ideas; were
these so many non-entities, there would be
a real existence composed of non-entities;
which is absurd. Here therefore I must ask,
What is our idea of a simple and indivisible
point? No wonder if my answer appear somewhat
new, since the question itself has scarce
ever yet been thought of. We are wont to
dispute concerning the nature of mathematical
points, but seldom concerning the nature
of their ideas.
The idea of space is conveyed to the mind
by two senses, the sight and touch; nor does
anything ever appear extended, that is not
either visible or tangible. That compound
impression, which represents extension, consists
of several lesser impressions, that are indivisible
to the eye or feeling, and may be called
impressions of atoms or corpuscles endowed
with colour and solidity. But this is not
all. It is not only requisite, that these
atoms should be coloured or tangible, in
order to discover themselves to our senses;
it is also necessary we should preserve the
idea of their colour or tangibility in order
to comprehend them by our imagination. There
is nothing but the idea of their colour or
tangibility, which can render them conceivable
by the mind. Upon the removal of the ideas
of these sensible qualities, they are utterly
annihilated to the thought or imagination.
Now such as the parts are, such is the whole.
If a point be not considered as coloured
or tangible, it can convey to us no idea;
and consequently the idea of extension, which
is composed of the ideas of these points,
can never possibly exist. But if the idea
of extension really can exist, as we are
conscious it does, its parts must also exist;
and in order to that, must be considered
as coloured or tangible. We have therefore
no idea of space or extension, but when we
regard it as an object either of our sight
or feeling.
The same reasoning will prove, that the indivisible
moments of time must be filled with some
real object or existence, whose succession
forms the duration, and makes it be conceivable
by the mind.
SECT. IV. OBJECTIONS ANSWERED.
Our system concerning space and time consists
of two parts, which are intimately connected
together. The first depends on this chain
of reasoning. The capacity of the mind is
not infinite; consequently no idea of extension
or duration consists of an infinite number
of parts or inferior ideas, but of a finite
number, and these simple and indivisible:
It is therefore possible for space and time
to exist conformable to this idea: And if
it be possible, it is certain they actually
do exist conformable to it; since their infinite
divisibility is utterly impossible and contradictory.
The other part of our system is a consequence
of this. The parts, into which the ideas
of space and time resolve themselves, become
at last indivisible; and these indivisible
parts, being nothing in themselves, are inconceivable
when not filled with something real and existent.
The ideas of space and time are therefore
no separate or distinct ideas, but merely
those of the manner or order, in which objects
exist: Or in other words, it is impossible
to conceive either a vacuum and extension
without matter, or a time, when there was
no succession or change in any real existence.
The intimate connexion betwixt these parts
of our system is the reason why we shall
examine together the objections, which have
been urged against both of them, beginning
with those against the finite divisibility
of extension.
I. The first of these objections, which I
shall take notice of, is more proper to prove
this connexion and dependence of the one
part upon the other, than to destroy either
of them. It has often been maintained in
the schools, that extension must be divisible,
in infinitum, because the system of mathematical
points is absurd; and that system is absurd,
because a mathematical point is a non-entity,
and consequently can never by its conjunction
with others form a real existence. This would
be perfectly decisive, were there no medium
betwixt the infinite divisibility of matter,
and the non-entity of mathematical points.
But there is evidently a medium, viz. the
bestowing a colour or solidity on these points;
and the absurdity of both the extremes is
a demonstration of the truth and reality
of this medium. The system of physical points,
which is another medium, is too absurd to
need a refutation. A real extension, such
as a physical point is supposed to be, can
never exist without parts, different from
each other; and wherever objects are different,
they are distinguishable and separable by
the imagination.
II. The second objection is derived from
the necessity there would be of PENETRATION,
if extension consisted of mathematical points.
A simple and indivisible atom, that touches
another, must necessarily penetrate it; for
it is impossible it can touch it by its external
parts, from the very supposition of its perfect
simplicity, which excludes all parts. It
must therefore touch it intimately, and in
its whole essence, SECUNDUM SE, TOTA, ET
TOTALITER; which is the very definition of
penetration. But penetration is impossible:
Mathematical points are of consequence equally
impossible.
I answer this objection by substituting a
juster idea of penetration. Suppose two bodies
containing no void within their circumference,
to approach each other, and to unite in such
a manner that the body, which results from
their union, is no more extended than either
of them; it is this we must mean when we
talk of penetration. But it is evident this
penetration is nothing but the annihilation
of one of these bodies, and the preservation
of the other, without our being able to distinguish
particularly which is preserved and which
annihilated. Before the approach we have
the idea of two bodies. After it we have
the idea only of one. It is impossible for
the mind to preserve any notion of difference
betwixt two bodies of the same nature existing
in the same place at the same time.
Taking then penetration in this sense, for
the annihilation of one body upon its approach
to another, I ask any one, if he sees a necessity,
that a coloured or tangible point should
be annihilated upon the approach of another
coloured or tangible point? On the contrary,
does he not evidently perceive, that from
the union of these points there results an
object, which is compounded and divisible,
and may be distinguished into two parts,
of which each preserves its existence distinct
and separate, notwithstanding its contiguity
to the other? Let him aid his fancy by conceiving
these points to be of different colours,
the better to prevent their coalition and
confusion. A blue and a red point may surely
lie contiguous without any penetration or
annihilation. For if they cannot, what possibly
can become of them? Whether shall the red
or the blue be annihilated? Or if these colours
unite into one, what new colour will they
produce by their union?
What chiefly gives rise to these objections,
and at the same time renders it so difficult
to give a satisfactory answer to them, is
the natural infirmity and unsteadiness both
of our imagination and senses, when employed
on such minute objects. Put a spot of ink
upon paper, and retire to such a distance,
that the spot becomes altogether invisible;
you will find, that upon your return and
nearer approach the spot first becomes visible
by short intervals; and afterwards becomes
always visible; and afterwards acquires only
a new force in its colouring without augmenting
its bulk; and afterwards, when it has encreased
to such a degree as to be really extended,
it is still difficult for the imagination
to break it into its component parts, because
of the uneasiness it finds in the conception
of such a minute object as a single point.
This infirmity affects most of our reasonings
on the present subject, and makes it almost
impossible to answer in an intelligible manner,
and in proper expressions, many questions
which may arise concerning it.
III. There have been many objections drawn
from the mathematics against the indivisibility
of the parts of extension: though at first
sight that science seems rather favourable
to the present doctrine; and if it be contrary
in its DEMONSTRATIONS, it is perfectly conformable
in its definitions. My present business then
must be to defend the definitions, and refute
the demonstrations.
A surface is DEFINed to be length and breadth
without depth: A line to be length without
breadth or depth: A point to be what has
neither length, breadth nor depth. It is
evident that all this is perfectly unintelligible
upon any other supposition than that of the
composition of extension by indivisible points
or atoms. How else coued any thing exist
without length, without breadth, or without
depth?
Two different answers, I find, have been
made to this argument; neither of which is
in my opinion satisfactory. The first is,
that the objects of geometry, those surfaces,
lines and points, whose proportions and positions
it examines, are mere ideas in the mind;
I and not only never did, but never can exist
in nature. They never did exist; for no one
will pretend to draw a line or make a surface
entirely conformable to the definition: They
never can exist; for we may produce demonstrations
from these very ideas to prove, that they
are impossible.
But can anything be imagined more absurd
and contradictory than this reasoning? Whatever
can be conceived by a clear and distinct
idea necessarily implies the possibility
of existence; and he who pretends to prove
the impossibility of its existence by any
argument derived from the clear idea, in
reality asserts, that we have no clear idea
of it, because we have a clear idea. It is
in vain to search for a contradiction in
any thing that is distinctly conceived by
the mind. Did it imply any contradiction,
it is impossible it coued ever be conceived.
There is therefore no medium betwixt allowing
at least the possibility of indivisible points,
and denying their idea; and it is on this
latter principle, that the second answer
to the foregoing argument is founded. It
has been pretended [L'Art de penser.], that
though it be impossible to conceive a length
without any breadth, yet by an abstraction
without a separation, we can consider the
one without regarding the other; in the same
manner as we may think of the length of the
way betwixt two towns, and overlook its breadth.
The length is inseparable from the breadth
both in nature and in our minds; but this
excludes not a partial consideration, and
a distinction of reason, after the manner
above explained.
In refuting this answer I shall not insist
on the argument, which I have already sufficiently
explained, that if it be impossible for the
mind to arrive at a minimum in its ideas,
its capacity must be infinite, in order to
comprehend the infinite number of parts,
of which its idea of any extension would
be composed. I shall here endeavour to find
some new absurdities in this reasoning.
A surface terminates a solid; a line terminates
a surface; a point terminates a line; but
I assert, that if the ideas of a point, line
or surface were not indivisible, it is impossible
we should ever conceive these terminations:
For let these ideas be supposed infinitely
divisible; and then let the fancy endeavour
to fix itself on the idea of the last surface,
line or point; it immediately finds this
idea to break into parts; and upon its seizing
the last of these parts, it loses its hold
by a new division, and so on in infinitum,
without any possibility of its arriving at
a concluding idea. The number of fractions
bring it no nearer the last division, than
the first idea it formed. Every particle
eludes the grasp by a new fraction; like
quicksilver, when we endeavour to seize it.
But as in fact there must be something, which
terminates the idea of every finite quantity;
and as this terminating idea cannot itself
consist of parts or inferior ideas; otherwise
it would be the last of its parts, which
finished the idea, and so on; this is a clear
proof, that the ideas of surfaces, lines
and points admit not of any division; those
of surfaces in depth; of lines in breadth
and depth; and of points in any dimension.
The school were so sensible of the force
of this argument, that some of them maintained,
that nature has mixed among those particles
of matter, which are divisible in infinitum,
a number of mathematical points, in order
to give a termination to bodies; and others
eluded the force of this reasoning by a heap
of unintelligible cavils and distinctions.
Both these adversaries equally yield the
victory. A man who hides himself, confesses
as evidently the superiority of his enemy,
as another, who fairly delivers his arms.
Thus it appears, that the definitions of
mathematics destroy the pretended demonstrations;
and that if we have the idea of indivisible
points, lines and surfaces conformable to
the definition, their existence is certainly
possible: but if we have no such idea, it
is impossible we can ever conceive the termination
of any figure; without which conception there
can be no geometrical demonstration.
But I go farther, and maintain, that none
of these demonstrations can have sufficient
weight to establish such a principle, as
this of infinite divisibility; and that because
with regard to such minute objects, they
are not properly demonstrations, being built
on ideas, which are not exact, and maxims,
which are not precisely true. When geometry
decides anything concerning the proportions
of quantity, we ought not to look for the
utmost precision and exactness. None of its
proofs extend so far. It takes the dimensions
and proportions of figures justly; but roughly,
and with some liberty. Its errors are never
considerable; nor would it err at all, did
it not aspire to such an absolute perfection.
I first ask mathematicians, what they mean
when they say one line or surface is EQUAL
to, or GREATER or LESS than another? Let
any of them give an answer, to whatever sect
he belongs, and whether he maintains the
composition of extension by indivisible points,
or by quantities divisible in infinitum.
This question will embarrass both of them.
There are few or no mathematicians, who defend
the hypothesis of indivisible points; and
yet these have the readiest and justest answer
to the present question. They need only reply,
that lines or surfaces are equal, when the
numbers of points in each are equal; and
that as the proportion of the numbers varies,
the proportion of the lines and surfaces
is also varyed. But though this answer be
just, as well as obvious; yet I may affirm,
that this standard of equality is entirely
useless, and that it never is from such a
comparison we determine objects to be equal
or unequal with respect to each other. For
as the points, which enter into the composition
of any line or surface, whether perceived
by the sight or touch, are so minute and
so confounded with each other, that it is
utterly impossible for the mind to compute
their number, such a computation will Never
afford us a standard by which we may judge
of proportions. No one will ever be able
to determine by an exact numeration, that
an inch has fewer points than a foot, or
a foot fewer than an ell or any greater measure:
for which reason we seldom or never consider
this as the standard of equality or inequality.
As to those, who imagine, that extension
is divisible in infinitum, it is impossible
they can make use of this answer, or fix
the equality of any line or surface by a
numeration of its component parts. For since,
according to their hypothesis, the least
as well as greatest figures contain an infinite
number of parts; and since infinite numbers,
properly speaking, can neither be equal nor
unequal with respect to each other; the equality
or inequality of any portions of space can
never depend on any proportion in the number
of their parts. It is true, it may be said,
that the inequality of an ell and a yard
consists in the different numbers of the
feet, of which they are composed; and that
of a foot and a yard in the number of the
inches. But as that quantity we call an inch
in the one is supposed equal to what we call
an inch in the other, and as it is impossible
for the mind to find this equality by proceeding
in infinitum with these references to inferior
quantities: it is evident, that at last we
must fix some standard of equality different
from an enumeration of the parts.
There are some [See Dr. Barrow's mathematical
lectures.], who pretend, that equality is
best defined by congruity, and that any two
figures are equal, when upon the placing
of one upon the other, all their parts correspond
to and touch each other. In order to judge
of this definition let us consider, that
since equality is a relation, it is not,
strictly speaking, a property in the figures
themselves, but arises merely from the comparison,
which the mind makes betwixt them. If it
consists, therefore, in this imaginary application
and mutual contact of parts, we must at least
have a distinct notion of these parts, and
must conceive their contact. Now it is plain,
that in this conception we would run up these
parts to the greatest minuteness, which can
possibly be conceived; since the contact
of large parts would never render the figures
equal. But the minutest parts we can conceive
are mathematical points; and consequently
this standard of equality is the same with
that derived from the equality of the number
of points; which we have already determined
to be a just but an useless standard. We
must therefore look to some other quarter
for a solution of the present difficulty.
There are many philosophers, who refuse to
assign any standard of equality, but assert,
that it is sufficient to present two objects,
that are equal, in order to give us a just
notion of this proportion. All definitions,
say they, are fruitless, without the perception
of such objects; and where we perceive such
objects, we no longer stand in need of any
definition. To this reasoning, I entirely
agree; and assert, that the only useful notion
of equality, or inequality, is derived from
the whole united appearance and the comparison
of particular objects.
It is evident, that the eye, or rather the
mind is often able at one view to determine
the proportions of bodies, and pronounce
them equal to, or greater or less than each
other, without examining or comparing the
number of their minute parts. Such judgments
are not only common, but in many cases certain
and infallible. When the measure of a yard
and that of a foot are presented, the mind
can no more question, that the first is longer
than the second, than it can doubt of those
principles, which are the most clear and
self-evident.
There are therefore three proportions, which
the mind distinguishes in the general appearance
of its objects, and calls by the names of
greater, less and equal. But though its decisions
concerning these proportions be sometimes
infallible, they are not always so; nor are
our judgments of this kind more exempt from
doubt and error than those on any other subject.
We frequently correct our first opinion by
a review and reflection; and pronounce those
objects to be equal, which at first we esteemed
unequal; and regard an object as less, though
before it appeared greater than another.
Nor is this the only correction, which these
judgments of our senses undergo; but we often
discover our error by a juxtaposition of
the objects; or where that is impracticable,
by the use of some common and invariable
measure, which being successively applied
to each, informs us of their different proportions.
And even this correction is susceptible of
a new correction, and of different degrees
of exactness, according to the nature of
the instrument, by which we measure the bodies,
and the care which we employ in the comparison.
When therefore the mind is accustomed to
these judgments and their corrections, and
finds that the same proportion which makes
two figures have in the eye that appearance,
which we call equality, makes them also correspond
to each other, and to any common measure,
with which they are compared, we form a mixed
notion of equality derived both from the
looser and stricter methods of comparison.
But we are not content with this. For as
sound reason convinces us that there are
bodies vastly more minute than those, which
appear to the senses; and as a false reason
would perswade us, that there are bodies
infinitely more minute; we clearly perceive,
that we are not possessed of any instrument
or art of measuring, which can secure us
from ill error and uncertainty. We are sensible,
that the addition or removal of one of these
minute parts, is not discernible either in
the appearance or measuring; and as we imagine,
that two figures, which were equal before,
cannot be equal after this removal or addition,
we therefore suppose some imaginary standard
of equality, by which the appearances and
measuring are exactly corrected, and the
figures reduced entirely to that proportion.
This standard is plainly imaginary. For as
the very idea of equality is that of such
a particular appearance corrected by juxtaposition
or a common measure. The notion of any correction
beyond what we have instruments and art to
make, is a mere fiction of the mind, and
useless as well as incomprehensible. But
though this standard be only imaginary, the
fiction however is very natural; nor is anything
more usual, than for the mind to proceed
after this manner with any action, even after
the reason has ceased, which first determined
it to begin. This appears very conspicuously
with regard to time; where though it is evident
we have no exact method of determining the
proportions of parts, not even so exact as
in extension, yet the various corrections
of our measures, and their different degrees
of exactness, have given as an obscure and
implicit notion of a perfect and entire equality.
The case is the same in many other subjects.
A musician finding his ear becoming every
day more delicate, and correcting himself
by reflection and attention, proceeds with
the same act of the mind, even when the subject
fails him, and entertains a notion of a compleat
TIERCE or OCTAVE, without being able to tell
whence he derives his standard. A painter
forms the same fiction with regard to colours.
A mechanic with regard to motion. To the
one light and shade; to the other swift and
slow are imagined to be capable of an exact
comparison and equality beyond the judgments
of the senses.
We may apply the same reasoning to CURVE
and RIGHT lines. Nothing is more apparent
to the senses, than the distinction betwixt
a curve and a right line; nor are there any
ideas we more easily form than the ideas
of these objects. But however easily we may
form these ideas, it is impossible to produce
any definition of them, which will fix the
precise boundaries betwixt them. When we
draw lines upon paper, or any continued surface,
there is a certain order, by which the lines
run along from one point to another, that
they may produce the entire impression of
a curve or right line; but this order is
perfectly unknown, and nothing is observed
but the united appearance. Thus even upon
the system of indivisible points, we can
only form a distant notion of some unknown
standard to these objects. Upon that of infinite
divisibility we cannot go even this length;
but are reduced meerly to the general appearance,
as the rule by which we determine lines to
be either curve or right ones. But though
we can give no perfect definition of these
lines, nor produce any very exact method
of distinguishing the one from the other;
yet this hinders us not from correcting the
first appearance by a more accurate consideration,
and by a comparison with some rule, of whose
rectitude from repeated trials we have a
greater assurance. And it is from these corrections,
and by carrying on the same action of the
mind, even when its reason fails us, that
we form the loose idea of a perfect standard
to these figures, without being able to explain
or comprehend it.
It is true, mathematicians pretend they give
an exact definition of a right line, when
they say, it is the shortest way betwixt
two points. But in the first place I observe,
that this is more properly the discovery
of one of the properties of a right line,
than a just deflation of it. For I ask any
one, if upon mention of a right line he thinks
not immediately on such a particular appearance,
and if it is not by accident only that he
considers this property? A right line can
be comprehended alone; but this definition
is unintelligible without a comparison with
other lines, which we conceive to be more
extended. In common life it is established
as a maxim, that the straightest way is always
the shortest; which would be as absurd as
to say, the shortest way is always the shortest,
if our idea of a right line was not different
from that of the shortest way betwixt two
points.
Secondly, I repeat what I have already established,
that we have no precise idea of equality
and inequality, shorter and longer, more
than of a right line or a curve; and consequently
that the one can never afford us a perfect
standard for the other. An exact idea can
never be built on such as are loose and undetermined.
The idea of a plain surface is as little
susceptible of a precise standard as that
of a right line; nor have we any other means
of distinguishing such a surface, than its
general appearance. It is in vain, that mathematicians
represent a plain surface as produced by
the flowing of a right line. It will immediately
be objected, that our idea of a surface is
as independent of this method of forming
a surface, as our idea of an ellipse is of
that of a cone; that the idea of a right
line is no more precise than that of a plain
surface; that a right line may flow irregularly,
and by that means form a figure quite different
from a plane; and that therefore we must
suppose it to flow along two right lines,
parallel to each other, and on the same plane;
which is a description, that explains a thing
by itself, and returns in a circle.
It appears, then, that the ideas which are
most essential to geometry, viz. those of
equality and inequality, of a right line
and a plain surface, are far from being exact
and determinate, according to our common
method of conceiving them. Not only we are
incapable of telling, if the case be in any
degree doubtful, when such particular figures
are equal; when such a line is a right one,
and such a surface a plain one; but we can
form no idea of that proportion, or of these
figures, which is firm and invariable. Our
appeal is still to the weak and fallible
judgment, which we make from the appearance
of the objects, and correct by a compass
or common measure; and if we join the supposition
of any farther correction, it is of such-a-one
as is either useless or imaginary. In vain
should we have recourse to the common topic,
and employ the supposition of a deity, whose
omnipotence may enable him to form a perfect
geometrical figure, and describe a right
line without any curve or inflexion. As the
ultimate standard of these figures is derived
from nothing but the senses and imagination,
it is absurd to talk of any perfection beyond
what these faculties can judge of; since
the true perfection of any thing consists
in its conformity to its standard.
Now since these ideas are so loose and uncertain,
I would fain ask any mathematician what infallible
assurance he has, not only of the more intricate,
and obscure propositions of his science,
but of the most vulgar and obvious principles?
How can he prove to me, for instance, that
two right lines cannot have one common segment?
Or that it is impossible to draw more than
one right line betwixt any two points? should
he tell me, that these opinions are obviously
absurd, and repugnant to our clear ideas;
I would answer, that I do not deny, where
two right lines incline upon each other with
a sensible angle, but it is absurd to imagine
them to have a common segment. But supposing
these two lines to approach at the rate of
an inch in twenty leagues, I perceive no
absurdity in asserting, that upon their contact
they become one. For, I beseech you, by what
rule or standard do you judge, when you assert,
that the line, in which I have supposed them
to concur, cannot make the same right line
with those two, that form so small an angle
betwixt them? You must surely have some idea
of a right line, to which this line does
not agree. Do you therefore mean that it
takes not the points in the same order and
by the same rule, as is peculiar and essential
to a right line? If so, I must inform you,
that besides that in judging after this manner
you allow, that extension is composed of
indivisible points (which, perhaps, is more
than you intend) besides this, I say, I must
inform you, that neither is this the standard
from which we form the idea of a right line;
nor, if it were, is there any such firmness
in our senses or imagination, as to determine
when such an order is violated or preserved.
The original standard of a right line is
in reality nothing but a certain general
appearance; and it is evident right lines
may be made to concur with each other, and
yet correspond to this standard, though corrected
by all the means either practicable or imaginable.
To whatever side mathematicians turn, this
dilemma still meets them. If they judge of
equality, or any other proportion, by the
accurate and exact standard, viz. the enumeration
of the minute indivisible parts, they both
employ a standard, which is useless in practice,
and actually establish the indivisibility
of extension, which they endeavour to explode.
Or if they employ, as is usual, the inaccurate
standard, derived from a comparison of objects,
upon their general appearance, corrected
by measuring and juxtaposition; their first
principles, though certain and infallible,
are too coarse to afford any such subtile
inferences as they commonly draw from them.
The first principles are founded on the imagination
and senses: The conclusion, therefore, can
never go beyond, much less contradict these
faculties.
This may open our eyes a little, and let
us see, that no geometrical demonstration
for the infinite divisibility of extension
can have so much force as what we naturally
attribute to every argument, which is supported
by such magnificent pretensions. At the same
time we may learn the reason, why geometry
falls of evidence in this single point, while
all its other reasonings command our fullest
assent and approbation. And indeed it seems
more requisite to give the reason of this
exception, than to shew, that we really must
make such an exception, and regard all the
mathematical arguments for infinite divisibility
as utterly sophistical. For it is evident,
that as no idea of quantity is infinitely
divisible, there cannot be imagined a more
glaring absurdity, than to endeavour to prove,
that quantity itself admits of such a division;
and to prove this by means of ideas, which
are directly opposite in that particular.
And as this absurdity is very glaring in
itself, so there is no argument founded on
it which is not attended with a new absurdity,
and involves not an evident contradiction.
I might give as instances those arguments
for infinite divisibility, which are derived
from the point of contact. I know there is
no mathematician, who will not refuse to
be judged by the diagrams he describes upon
paper, these being loose draughts, as he
will tell us, and serving only to convey
with greater facility certain ideas, which
are the true foundation of all our reasoning.
This I am satisfyed with, and am willing
to rest the controversy merely upon these
ideas. I desire therefore our mathematician
to form, as accurately as possible, the ideas
of a circle and a right line; and I then
ask, if upon the conception of their contact
he can conceive them as touching in a mathematical
point, or if he must necessarily imagine
them to concur for some space. Whichever
side he chuses, he runs himself into equal
difficulties. If he affirms, that in tracing
these figures in his imagination, he can
imagine them to touch only in a point, he
allows the possibility of that idea, and
consequently of the thing. If he says, that
in his conception of the contact of those
lines he must make them concur, he thereby
acknowledges the fallacy of geometrical demonstrations,
when carryed beyond a certain degree of minuteness;
since it is certain he has such demonstrations
against the concurrence of a circle and a
right line; that is, in other words, he can
prove an idea, viz. that of concurrence,
to be INCOMPATIBLE with two other ideas,
those of a circle and right line; though
at the same time he acknowledges these ideas
to be inseparable.
SECT. V. THE SAME SUBJECT CONTINUED.
If the second part of my system be true,
that the idea of space or extension is nothing
but the idea of visible or tangible points
distributed in a certain order; it follows,
that we can form no idea of a vacuum, or
space, where there is nothing visible or
tangible. This gives rise to three objections,
which I shall examine together, because the
answer I shall give to one is a consequence
of that which I shall make use of for the
others.
First, It may be said, that men have disputed
for many ages concerning a vacuum and a plenum,
without being able to bring the affair to
a final decision; and philosophers, even
at this day, think themselves at liberty
to take part on either side, as their fancy
leads them. But whatever foundation there
may be for a controversy concerning the things
themselves, it may be pretended, that the
very dispute is decisive concerning the idea,
and that it is impossible men coued so long
reason about a vacuum, and either refute
or defend it, without having a notion of
what they refuted or defended.
Secondly, If this argument should be contested,
the reality or at least the possibility of
the idea of a vacuum may be proved by the
following reasoning. Every idea is possible,
which is a necessary and infallible consequence
of such as are possible. Now though we allow
the world to be at present a plenum, we may
easily conceive it to be deprived of motion;
and this idea will certainly be allowed possible.
It must also be allowed possible, to conceive
the annihilation of any part of matter by
the omnipotence of the deity, while the other
parts remain at rest. For as every idea,
that is distinguishable, is separable by
the imagination; and as every idea, that
is separable by the imagination, may be conceived
to be separately existent; it is evident,
that the existence of one particle of matter,
no more implies the existence of another,
than a square figure in one body implies
a square figure in every one. This being
granted, I now demand what results from the
concurrence of these two possible ideas of
rest and annihilation, and what must we conceive
to follow upon the annihilation of all the
air and subtile matter in the chamber, supposing
the walls to remain the same, without any
motion or alteration? There are some metaphysicians,
who answer, that since matter and extension
are the same, the annihilation of one necessarily
implies that of the other; and there being
now no distance betwixt the walls of the
chamber, they touch each other; in the same
manner as my hand touches the paper, which
is immediately before me. But though this
answer be very common, I defy these metaphysicians
to conceive the matter according to their
hypothesis, or imagine the floor and roof,
with all the opposite sides of the chamber,
to touch each other, while they continue
in rest, and preserve the same position.
For how can the two walls, that run from
south to north, touch each other, while they
touch the opposite ends of two walls, that
run from east to west? And how can the floor
and roof ever meet, while they are separated
by the four walls, that lie in a contrary
position? If you change their position, you
suppose a motion. If you conceive any thing
betwixt them, you suppose a new creation.
But keeping strictly to the two ideas of
rest and annihilation, it is evident, that
the idea, which results from them, is not
that of a contact of parts, but something
else; which is concluded to be the idea of
a vacuum.
The third objection carries the matter still
farther, and not only asserts, that the idea
of a vacuum is real and possible, but also
necessary and unavoidable. This assertion
is founded on the motion we observe in bodies,
which, it is maintained, would be impossible
and inconceivable without a vacuum, into
which one body must move in order to make
way for another.. I shall not enlarge upon
this objection, because it principally belongs
to natural philosophy, which lies without
our present sphere.
In order to answer these objections, we must
take the matter pretty deep, and consider
the nature and origin of several ideas, lest
we dispute without understanding perfectly
the subject of the controversy. It is evident
the idea of darkness is no positive idea,
but merely the negation of light, or more
properly speaking, of coloured and visible
objects. A man, who enjoys his sight, receives
no other perception from turning his eyes
on every side, when entirely deprived of
light, than what is common to him with one
born blind; and it is certain such-a-one
has no idea either of light or darkness.
The consequence of this is, that it is not
from the mere removal of visible objects
we receive the impression of extension without
matter; and that the idea of utter darkness
can never be the same with that of vacuum.
Suppose again a man to be supported in the
air, and to be softly conveyed along by some
invisible power; it is evident he is sensible
of nothing, and never receives the idea of
extension, nor indeed any idea, from this
invariable motion. Even supposing he moves
his limbs to and fro, this cannot convey
to him that idea. He feels in that case a
certain sensation or impression, the parts
of which are successive to each other, and
may give him the idea of time: But certainly
are not disposed in such a manner, as is
necessary to convey the idea of space or
the idea of space or extension.
Since then it appears, that darkness and
motion, with the utter removal of every thing
visible and tangible, can never give us the
idea of extension without matter, or of a
vacuum; the next question is, whether they
can convey this idea, when mixed with something
visible and tangible?
It is commonly allowed by philosophers, that
all bodies, which discover themselves to
the eye, appear as if painted on a plain
surface, and that their different degrees
of remoteness from ourselves are discovered
more by reason than by the senses. When I
hold up my hand before me, and spread my
fingers, they are separated as perfectly
by the blue colour of the firmament, as they
coued be by any visible object, which I coued
place betwixt them. In order, therefore,
to know whether the sight can convey the
impression and idea of a vacuum, we must
suppose, that amidst an entire darkness,
there are luminous bodies presented to us,
whose light discovers only these bodies themselves,
without giving us any impression of the surrounding
objects.
We must form a parallel supposition concerning
the objects of our feeling. It is not proper
to suppose a perfect removal of all tangible
objects: we must allow something to be perceived
by the feeling; and after an interval and
motion of the hand or other organ of sensation,
another object of the touch to be met with;
and upon leaving that, another; and so on,
as often as we please. The question is, whether
these intervals do not afford us the idea
of extension without body?
To begin with the first case; it is evident,
that when only two luminous bodies appear
to the eye, we can perceive, whether they
be conjoined or separate: whether they be
separated by a great or small distance; and
if this distance varies, we can perceive
its increase or diminution, with the motion
of the bodies. But as the distance is not
in this case any thing coloured or visible,
it may be thought that there is here a vacuum
or pure extension, not only intelligible
to the mind, but obvious to the very senses.
This is our natural and most familiar way
of thinking; but which we shall learn to
correct by a little reflection. We may observe,
that when two bodies present themselves,
where there was formerly an entire darkness,
the only change, that is discoverable, is
in the appearance of these two objects, and
that all the rest continues to be as before,
a perfect negation of light, and of every
coloured or visible object. This is not only
true of what may be said to be remote from
these bodies, but also of the very distance;
which is interposed betwixt them; that being
nothing but darkness, or the negation of
light; without parts, without composition,
invariable and indivisible. Now since this
distance causes no perception different from
what a blind man receives from his eyes,
or what is conveyed to us in the darkest
night, it must partake of the same properties:
And as blindness and darkness afford us no
ideas of extension, it is impossible that
the dark and undistinguishable distance betwixt
two bodies can ever produce that idea.
The sole difference betwixt an absolute darkness
and the appearance of two or more visible
luminous objects consists, as I said, in
the objects themselves, and in the manner
they affect our senses. The angles, which
the rays of light flowing from them, form
with each other; the motion that is required
in the eye, in its passage from one to the
other; and the different parts of the organs,
which are affected by them; these produce
the only perceptions, from which we can judge
of the distance. But as these perceptions
are each of them simple and indivisible,
they can never give us the idea of extension.
We may illustrate this by considering the
sense of feeling, and the imaginary distance
or interval interposed betwixt tangible or
solid objects. I suppose two cases, viz.
that of a man supported in the air, and moving
his limbs to and fro, without meeting any
thing tangible; and that of a man, who feeling
something tangible, leaves it, and after
a motion, of which he is sensible, perceives
another tangible object; and I then ask,
wherein consists the difference betwixt these
two cases? No one will make any scruple to
affirm, that it consists meerly in the perceiving
those objects, and that the sensation, which
arises from the motion, is in both cases
the same: And as that sensation is not capable
of conveying to us an idea of extension,
when unaccompanyed with some other perception,
it can no more give us that idea, when mixed
with the impressions of tangible objects;
since that mixture produces no alteration
upon it.
But though motion and darkness, either alone,
or attended with tangible and visible objects,
convey no idea of a vacuum or extension without
matter, yet they are the causes why we falsly
imagine we can form such an idea. For there
is a close relation betwixt that motion and
darkness, and a real extension, or composition
of visible and tangible objects.
First, We may observe, that two visible objects
appearing in the midst of utter darkness,
affect the senses in the same manner, and
form the same angle by the rays, which flow
from them, and meet in the eye, as if the
distance betwixt them were find with visible
objects, that give us a true idea of extension.
The sensation of motion is likewise the same,
when there is nothing tangible interposed
betwixt two bodies, as when we feel a compounded
body, whose different parts are placed beyond
each other.
Secondly, We find by experience, that two
bodies, which are so placed as to affect
the senses in the same manner with two others,
that have a certain extent of visible objects
interposed betwixt them, are capable of receiving
the same extent, without any sensible impulse
or penetration, and without any change on
that angle, under which they appear to the
senses. In like manner, where there is one
object, which we cannot feel after another
without an interval, and the perceiving of
that sensation we call motion in our hand
or organ of sensation; experience shews us,
that it is possible the same object may be
felt with the same sensation of motion, along
with the interposed impression of solid and
tangible objects, attending the sensation.
That is, in other words, an invisible and
intangible distance may be converted into
a visible and tangible one, without any change
on the distant objects.
Thirdly, We may observe, as another relation
betwixt these two kinds of distance, that
they have nearly the same effects on every
natural phaenomenon. For as all qualities,
such as heat, cold, light, attraction, &c.
diminish in proportion to the distance; there
is but little difference observed, whether
this distance be marled out by compounded
and sensible objects, or be known only by
the manner, in which the distant objects
affect the senses.
Here then are three relations betwixt that
distance, which conveys the idea of extension,
and that other, which is not filled with
any coloured or solid object. The distant
objects affect the senses in the same manner,
whether separated by the one distance or
the other; the second species of distance
is found capable of receiving the first;
and they both equally diminish the force
of every quality.
These relations betwixt the two kinds of
distance will afford us an easy reason, why
the one has so often been taken for the other,
and why we imagine we have an idea of extension
without the idea of any object either of
the sight or feeling. For we may establish
it as a general maxim in this science of
human nature, that wherever there is a close
relation betwixt two ideas, the mind is very
apt to mistake them, and in all its discourses
and reasonings to use the one for the other.
This phaenomenon occurs on so many occasions,
and is of such consequence, that I cannot
forbear stopping a moment to examine its
causes. I shall only premise, that we must
distinguish exactly betwixt the phaenomenon
itself, and the causes, which I shall assign
for it; and must not imagine from any uncertainty
in the latter, that the former is also uncertain.
The phaenomenon may be real, though my explication
be chimerical. The falshood of the one is
no consequence of that of the other; though
at the same time we may observe, that it
is very natural for us to draw such a consequence;
which is an evident instance of that very
principle, which I endeavour to explain.
When I received the relations of resemblance,
contiguity and causation, as principles of
union among ideas, without examining into
their causes, it was more in prosecution
of my first maxim, that we must in the end
rest contented with experience, than for
want of something specious and plausible,
which I might have displayed on that subject.
It would have been easy to have made an imaginary
dissection of the brain, and have shewn,
why upon our conception of any idea, the
animal spirits run into all the contiguous
traces, and rouze up the other ideas, that
are related to it. But though I have neglected
any advantage, which I might have drawn from
this topic in explaining the relations of
ideas, I am afraid I must here have recourse
to it, in order to account for the mistakes
that arise from these relations. I shall
therefore observe, that as the mind is endowed
with a power of exciting any idea it pleases;
whenever it dispatches the spirits into that
region of the brain, in which the idea is
placed; these spirits always excite the idea,
when they run precisely into the proper traces,
and rummage that cell, which belongs to the
idea. But as their motion is seldom direct,
and naturally turns a little to the one side
or the other; for this reason the animal
spirits, falling into the contiguous traces,
present other related ideas in lieu of that,
which the mind desired at first to survey.
This change we are not always sensible of;
but continuing still the same train of thought,
make use of the related idea, which is presented
to us, and employ it in our reasoning, as
if it were the same with what we demanded.
This is the cause of many mistakes and sophisms
in philosophy; as will naturally be imagined,
and as it would be easy to show, if there
was occasion.
Of the three relations above-mentioned that
of resemblance is the most fertile source
of error; and indeed there are few mistakes
in reasoning, which do not borrow largely
from that origin. Resembling ideas are not
only related together, but the actions of
the mind, which we employ in considering
them, are so little different, that we are
not able to distinguish them. This last circumstance
is of great consequence, and we may in general
observe, that wherever the actions of the
mind in forming any two ideas are the same
or resembling, we are very apt to confound
these ideas, and take the one for the other.
Of this we shall see many instances in the
progress of this treatise. But though resemblance
be the relation, which most readily produces
a mistake in ideas, yet the others of causation
and contiguity may also concur in the same
influence. We might produce the figures of
poets and orators, as sufficient proofs of
this, were it as usual, as it is reasonable,
in metaphysical subjects to draw our arguments
from that quarter. But lest metaphysicians
should esteem this below their dignity, I
shall borrow a proof from an observation,
which may be made on most of their own discourses,
viz. that it is usual for men to use words
for ideas, and to talk instead of thinking
in their reasonings. We use words for ideas,
because they are commonly so closely connected
that the mind easily mistakes them. And this
likewise is the reason, why we substitute
the idea of a distance, which is not considered
either as visible or tangible, in the room
of extension, which is nothing but a composition
of visible or tangible points disposed in
a certain order. In causing this mistake
there concur both the relations of causation
and resemblance. As the first species of
distance is found to be convertible into
the second, it is in this respect a kind
of cause; and the similarity of their manner
of affecting the senses, and diminishing
every quality, forms the relation of resemblance.
After this chain of reasoning and explication
of my principles, I am now prepared to answer
all the objections that have been offered,
whether derived from metaphysics or mechanics.
The frequent disputes concerning a vacuum,
or extension without matter prove not the
reality of the idea, upon which the dispute
turns; there being nothing more common, than
to see men deceive themselves in this particular;
especially when by means of any close relation,
there is another idea presented, which may
be the occasion of their mistake.
We may make almost the same answer to the
second objection, derived from the conjunction
of the ideas of rest and annihilation. When
every thing is annihilated in the chamber,
and the walls continue immoveable, the chamber
must be conceived much in the same manner
as at present, when the air that fills it,
is not an object of the senses. This annihilation
leaves to the eye, that fictitious distance,
which is discovered by the different parts
of the organ, that are affected, and by the
degrees of light and shade;-and to the feeling,
that which consists in a sensation of motion
in the hand, or other member of the body.
In vain should we. search any farther. On
whichever side we turn this subject, we shall
find that these are the only impressions
such an object can produce after the supposed
annihilation; and it has already been remarked,
that impressions can give rise to no ideas,
but to such as resemble them.
Since a body interposed betwixt two others
may be supposed to be annihilated, without
producing any change upon such as lie on
each hand of it, it is easily conceived,
how it may be created anew, and yet produce
as little alteration. Now the motion of a
body has much the same effect as its creation.
The distant bodies are no more affected in
the one case, than in the other. This suffices
to satisfy the imagination, and proves there
is no repugnance in such a motion. Afterwards
experience comes in play to persuade us that
two bodies, situated in the manner above-described,
have really such a capacity of receiving
body betwixt them, and that there is no obstacle
to the conversion of the invisible and intangible
distance into one that is visible and tangible.
However natural that conversion may seem,
we cannot be sure it is practicable, before
we have had experience of it.
Thus I seem to have answered the three objections
above-mentioned; though at the same time
I am sensible, that few will be satisfyed
with these answers, but will immediately
propose new objections and difficulties.
It will probably be said, that my reasoning
makes nothing to the matter in hands and
that I explain only the manner in which objects
affect the senses, without endeavouring to
account for their real nature and operations.
Though there be nothing visible or tangible
interposed betwixt two bodies, yet we find
BY EXPERIENCE, that the bodies may be placed
in the same manner, with regard to the eye,
and require the same motion of the hand in
passing from one to the other, as if divided
by something visible and tangible. This invisible
and intangible distance is also found by
experience to contain a capacity of receiving
body, or of becoming visible and tangible.
Here is the whole of my system; and in no
part of it have I endeavoured to explain
the cause, which separates bodies after this
manner, and gives them a capacity of receiving
others betwixt them, without any impulse
or penetration.
I answer this objection, by pleading guilty,
and by confessing that my intention never
was to penetrate into the nature of bodies,
or explain the secret causes of their operations.
For besides that this belongs not to my present
purpose, I am afraid, that such an enterprise
is beyond the reach of human understanding,
and that we can never pretend to know body
otherwise than by those external properties,
which discover themselves to the senses.
As to those who attempt any thing farther,
I cannot approve of their ambition, till
I see, in some one instance at least, that
they have met with success. But at present
I content myself with knowing perfectly the
manner in which objects affect my senses,
and their connections with each other, as
far as experience informs me of them. This
suffices for the conduct of life; and this
also suffices for my philosophy, which pretends
only to explain the nature and causes of
our perceptions, or impressions and ideas
[FN 4.].
[FN 4. As long as we confine our speculations
to the appearances of objects to our senses,
without entering into disquisitions concerning
their real nature and operations, we are
safe from all difficulties, and can never
be embarrassed by any question. Thus, if
it be asked, if the invisible and intangible
distance, interposed betwixt two objects,
be something or nothing: It is easy to answer,
that it is SOMETHING, VIZ. a property of
the objects, which affect the SENSES after
such a particular manner. If it be asked
whether two objects, having such a distance
betwixt them, touch or not: it may be answered,
that this depends upon the definition of
the word, TOUCH. If objects be said to touch,
when there is nothing SENSIBLE interposed
betwixt them, these objects touch: it objects
be said to touch, when their IMAGES strike
contiguous parts of the eye, and when the
hand FEELS both objects successively, without
any interposed motion, these objects do not
touch. The appearances of objects to our
senses are all consistent; and no difficulties
can ever arise, but from the obscurity of
the terms we make use of.
If we carry our enquiry beyond the appearances
of objects to the senses, I am afraid, that
most of our conclusions will be full of scepticism
and uncertainty. Thus if it be asked, whether
or not the invisible and intangible distance
be always full of body, or of something that
by an improvement of our organs might become
visible or tangible, I must acknowledge,
that I find no very decisive arguments on
either side; though I am inclined to the
contrary opinion, as being more suitable
to vulgar and popular notions. If THE NEWTONIAN
philosophy be rightly understood, it will
be found to mean no more. A vacuum is asserted:
That is, bodies are said to be placed after
such a manner, is to receive bodies betwixt
them, without impulsion or penetration. The
real nature of this position of bodies is
unknown. We are only acquainted with its
effects on the senses, and its power of receiving
body. Nothing is more suitable to that philosophy,
than a modest scepticism to a certain degree,
and a fair confession of ignorance in subjects,
that exceed all human capacity.] I shall
conclude this subject of extension with a
paradox, which will easily be explained from
the foregoing reasoning. This paradox is,
that if you are pleased to give to the in-visible
and intangible distance, or in other words,
to the capacity of becoming a visible and
tangible distance, the name of a vacuum,
extension and matter are the same, and yet
there is a vacuum. If you will not give it
that name, motion is possible in a plenum,
without any impulse in infinitum, without
returning in a circle, and without penetration.
But however we may express ourselves, we
must always confess, that we have no idea
of any real extension without filling it
with sensible objects, and conceiving its
parts as visible or tangible.
As to the doctrine, that time is nothing
but the manner, in which some real objects
exist; we may observe, that it is liable
to the same objections as the similar doctrine
with regard to extension. If it be a sufficient
proof, that we have the idea of a vacuum,
because we dispute and reason concerning
it; we must for the same reason have the
idea of time without any changeable existence;
since there is no subject of dispute more
frequent and common. But that we really have
no such idea, is certain. For whence should
it be derived? Does it arise from an impression
of sensation or of reflection? Point it out
distinctly to us, that we may know its nature
and qualities. But if you cannot point out
any such impression, you may be certain you
are mistaken, when you imagine you have any
such idea.
But though it be impossible to shew the impression,
from which the idea of time without a changeable
existence is derived; yet we can easily point
out those appearances, which make us fancy
we have that idea. For we may observe, that
there is a continual succession of perceptions
in our mind; so that the idea of time being
for ever present with us; when we consider
a stedfast object at five-a-clock, and regard
the same at six; we are apt to apply to it
that idea in the same manner as if every
moment were distinguished by a different
position, or an alteration of the object.
The first and second appearances of the object,
being compared with the succession of our
perceptions, seem equally removed as if the
object had really changed. To which we may
add, what experience shews us, that the object
was susceptible of such a number of changes
betwixt these appearances; as also that the
unchangeable or rather fictitious duration
has the same effect upon every quality, by
encreasing or diminishing it, as that succession,
which is obvious to the senses. From these
three relations we are apt to confound our
ideas, and imagine we can form the idea of
a time and duration, without any change or
succession.
SECT. VI. OF THE IDEA OF EXISTENCE, AND OF
EXTERNAL EXISTENCE.
It may not be amiss, before we leave this
subject, to explain the ideas of existence
and of external existence; which have their
difficulties, as well as the ideas of space
and time. By this means we shall be the better
prepared for the examination of knowledge
and probability, when we understand perfectly
all those particular ideas, which may enter
into our reasoning.
There is no impression nor idea of any kind,
of which we have any consciousness or memory,
that is not conceived as existent; and it
is evident, that from this consciousness
the most perfect idea and assurance of being
is derived. From hence we may form a dilemma,
the most clear and conclusive that can be
imagined, viz. that since we never remember
any idea or impression without attributing
existence to it, the idea of existence must
either be derived from a distinct impression,
conjoined with every perception or object
of our thought, or must be the very same
with the idea of the perception or object.
As this dilemma is an evident consequence
of the principle, that every idea arises
from a similar impression, so our decision
betwixt the propositions of the dilemma is
no more doubtful. So far from there being
any distinct impression, attending every
impression and every idea, that I do not
think there are any two distinct impressions,
which are inseparably conjoined. Though certain
sensations may at one time be united, we
quickly find they admit of a separation,
and may be presented apart. And thus, though
every impression and idea we remember be
considered as existent, the idea of existence
is not derived from any particular impression.
The idea of existence, then, is the very
same with the idea of what we conceive to
be existent. To reflect on any thing simply,
and to reflect on it as existent, are nothing
different from each other. That idea, when
conjoined with the idea of any object, makes
no addition to it. Whatever we conceive,
we conceive to be existent. Any idea we please
to form is the idea of a being; and the idea
of a being is any idea we please to form.
Whoever opposes this, must necessarily point
out that distinct impression, from which
the idea of entity is derived, and must prove,
that this impression is inseparable from
every perception we believe to be existent.
This we may without hesitation conclude to
be impossible.
Our foregoing reasoning [Part I. Sect. 7.]
concerning the distinction of ideas without
any real difference will not here serve us
in any stead. That kind of distinction is
founded on the different resemblances, which
the same simple idea may have to several
different ideas. But no object can be presented
resembling some object with respect to its
existence, and different from others in the
same particular; since every object, that
is presented, must necessarily be existent.
A like reasoning will account for the idea
of external existence. We may observe, that
it is universally allowed by philosophers,
and is besides pretty obvious of itself,
that nothing is ever really present with
the mind but its perceptions or impressions
and ideas, and that external objects become
known to us only by those perceptions they
occasion. To hate, to love, to think, to
feel, to see; all this is nothing but to
perceive.
Now since nothing is ever present to the
mind but perceptions, and since all ideas
are derived from something antecedently present
to the mind; it follows, that it is impossible
for us so much as to conceive or form an
idea of any thing specifically different
from ideas and impressions. Let us fix our
attention out of ourselves as much as possible:
Let us chase our imagination to the heavens,
or to the utmost limits of the universe;
we never really advance a step beyond ourselves,
nor can conceive any kind of existence, but
those perceptions, which have appeared in
that narrow compass. This is the universe
of the imagination, nor have we any idea
but what is there produced.
The farthest we can go towards a conception
of external objects, when supposed SPECIFICALLY
different from our perceptions, is to form
a relative idea of them, without pretending
to comprehend the related objects. Generally
speaking we do not suppose them specifically
different; but only attribute to them different
relations, connections and durations. But
of this more fully hereafter.[Part IV, Sect.
2.]
PART III. OF KNOWLEDGE AND PROBABILITY.
SECT. I. OF KNOWLEDGE.
There are seven [Part I. Sect. 5.] different
kinds of philosophical relation, viz. RESEMBLANCE,
IDENTITY, RELATIONS OF TIME AND PLACE, PROPORTION
IN QUANTITY OR NUMBER, DEGREES IN ANY QUALITY,
CONTRARIETY and CAUSATION. These relations
may be divided into two classes; into such
as depend entirely on the ideas, which we
compare together, and such as may be changed
without any change in the ideas. It is from
the idea of a triangle, that we discover
the relation of equality, which its three
angles bear to two right ones; and this relation
is invariable, as long as our idea remains
the same. On the contrary, the relations
of contiguity and distance betwixt two objects
may be changed merely by an alteration of
their place, without any change on the objects
themselves or on their ideas; and the place
depends on a hundred different accidents,
which cannot be foreseen by the mind. It
is the same case with identity and causation.
Two objects, though perfectly resembling
each other, and even appearing in the same
place at different times, may be numerically
different: And as the power, by which one
object produces another, is never discoverable
merely from their idea, it is evident cause
and effect are relations, of which we receive
information from experience, and not from
any abstract reasoning or reflection. There
is no single phaenomenon, even the most simple,
which can be accounted for from the qualities
of the objects, as they appear to us; or
which we coued foresee without the help of
our memory and experience.
It appears, therefore, that of these seven
philosophical relations, there remain only
four, which depending solely upon ideas,
can be the objects of knowledge and certainty.
These four are RESEMBLANCE, CONTRARIETY,
DEGREES IN QUALITY, and PROPORTIONS IN QUANTITY
OR NUMBER. Three of these relations are discoverable
at first sight, and fall more properly under
the province of intuition than demonstration.
When any objects resemble each other, the
resemblance will at first strike the eye,
or rather the mind; and seldom requires a
second examination. The case is the same
with contrariety, and with the degrees of
any quality. No one can once doubt but existence
and non-existence destroy each other, and
are perfectly incompatible and contrary.
And though it be impossible to judge exactly
of the degrees of any quality, such as colour,
taste, heat, cold, when the difference betwixt
them is very small: yet it is easy to decide,
that any of them is superior or inferior
to another, when their difference is considerable.
And this decision we always pronounce at
first sight, without any enquiry or reasoning.
We might proceed, after the same manner,
in fixing the proportions of quantity or
number, and might at one view observe a superiority
or inferiority betwixt any numbers, or figures;
especially where the difference is very great
and remarkable. As to equality or any exact
proportion, we can only guess at it from
a single consideration; except in very short
numbers, or very limited portions of extension;
which are comprehended in an instant, and
where we perceive an impossibility of falling
into any considerable error. In all other
cases we must settle the proportions with
some liberty, or proceed in a more artificial
manner.
I have already observed, that geometry, or
the art, by which we fix the proportions
of figures; though it much excels both in
universality and exactness, the loose judgments
of the senses and imagination; yet never
attains a perfect precision and exactness.
It's first principles are still drawn from
the general appearance of the objects; and
that appearance can never afford us any security,
when we examine, the prodigious minuteness
of which nature is susceptible. Our ideas
seem to give a perfect assurance, that no
two right lines can have a common segment;
but if we consider these ideas, we shall
find, that they always suppose a sensible
inclination of the two lines, and that where
the angle they form is extremely small, we
have no standard of a I @ right line so precise
as to assure us of the truth of this proposition.
It is the same case with most of the primary
decisions of the mathematics.
There remain, therefore, algebra and arithmetic
as the only sciences, in which we can carry
on a chain of reasoning to any degree of
intricacy, and yet preserve a perfect exactness
and certainty. We are possest of a precise
standard, by which we can judge of the equality
and proportion of numbers; and according
as they correspond or not to that standard,
we determine their relations, without any
possibility of error. When two numbers are
so combined, as that the one has always an
unite answering to every unite of the other,
we pronounce them equal; and it is for want
of such a standard of equality in extension,
that geometry can scarce be esteemed a perfect
and infallible science.
But here it may not be amiss to obviate a
difficulty, which may arise from my asserting,
that though geometry falls short of that
perfect precision and certainty, which are
peculiar to arithmetic and algebra, yet it
excels the imperfect judgments of our senses
and imagination. The reason why I impute
any defect to geometry, is, because its original
and fundamental principles are derived merely
from appearances; and it may perhaps be imagined,
that this defect must always attend it, and
keep it from ever reaching a greater exactness
in the comparison of objects or ideas, than
what our eye or imagination alone is able
to attain. I own that this defect so far
attends it, as to keep it from ever aspiring
to a full certainty: But since these fundamental
principles depend on the easiest and least
deceitful appearances, they bestow on their
consequences a degree of exactness, of which
these consequences are singly incapable.
It is impossible for the eye to determine
the angles of a chiliagon to be equal to
1996 right angles, or make any conjecture,
that approaches this proportion; but when
it determines, that right lines cannot concur;
that we cannot draw more than one right line
between two given points; it's mistakes can
never be of any consequence. And this is
the nature and use of geometry, to run us
up to such appearances, as, by reason of
their simplicity, cannot lead us into any
considerable error.
I shall here take occasion to propose a second
observation concerning our demonstrative
reasonings, which is suggested by the same
subject of the mathematics. It is usual with
mathematicians, to pretend, that those ideas,
which are their objects, are of so refined
and spiritual a nature, that they fall not
under the conception of the fancy, but must
be comprehended by a pure and intellectual
view, of which the superior faculties of
the soul are alone capable. The same notion
runs through most parts of philosophy, and
is principally made use of to explain oar
abstract ideas, and to shew how we can form
an idea of a triangle, for instance, which
shall neither be an isoceles nor scalenum,
nor be confined to any particular length
and proportion of sides. It is easy to see,
why philosophers are so fond of this notion
of some spiritual and refined perceptions;
since by that means they cover many of their
absurdities, and may refuse to submit to
the decisions of clear ideas, by appealing
to such as are obscure and uncertain. But
to destroy this artifice, we need but reflect
on that principle so oft insisted on, that
all our ideas are copyed from our impressions.
For from thence we may immediately conclude,
that since all impressions are clear and
precise, the ideas, which are copyed from
them, must be of the same nature, and can
never, but from our fault, contain any thing
so dark and intricate. An idea is by its
very nature weaker and fainter than an impression;
but being in every other respect the same,
cannot imply any very great mystery. If its
weakness render it obscure, it is our business
to remedy that defect, as much as possible,
by keeping the idea steady and precise; and
till we have done so, it is in vain to pretend
to reasoning and philosophy.
SECT. II. OF PROBABILITY, AND OF THE IDEA
OF CAUSE AND EFFECT.
This is all I think necessary to observe
concerning those four relations, which are
the foundation of science; but as to the
other three, which depend not upon the idea,
and may be absent or present even while that
remains the same, it will be proper to explain
them more particularly. These three relations
are identity, the situations in time and
place, and causation.
All kinds of reasoning consist in nothing
but a comparison, and a discovery of those
relations, either constant or inconstant,
which two or more objects bear to each other.
This comparison we may make, either when
both the objects are present to the senses,
or when neither of them is present, or when
only one. When both the objects are present
to the senses along with the relation, we
call this perception rather than reasoning;
nor is there in this case any exercise of
the thought, or any action, properly speaking,
but a mere passive admission of the impressions
through the organs of sensation. According
to this way of thinking, we ought not to
receive as reasoning any of the observations
we may make concerning identity, and the
relations of time and place; since in none
of them the mind can go beyond what is immediately
present to the senses, either to discover
the real existence or the relations of objects.
It is only causation, which produces such
a connexion, as to give us assurance from
the existence or action of one object, that
it was followed or preceded by any other
existence or action; nor can the other two
relations be ever made use of in reasoning,
except so far as they either affect or are
affected by it. There is nothing in any objects
to perswade us, that they are either always
remote or always contiguous; and when from
experience and observation we discover, that
their relation in this particular is invariable,
we, always conclude there is some secret
cause, which separates or unites them. The
same reasoning extends to identity. We readily
suppose an object may continue individually
the same, though several times absent from
and present to the senses; and ascribe to
it an identity, notwithstanding the interruption
of the perception, whenever we conclude,
that if we had kept our eye or hand constantly
upon it, it would have conveyed an invariable
and uninterrupted perception. But this conclusion
beyond the impressions of our senses can
be founded only on the connexion of cause
and effect; nor can we otherwise have any
security, that the object is not changed
upon us, however much the new object may
resemble that which was formerly present
to the senses. Whenever we discover such
a perfect resemblance, we consider, whether
it be common in that species of objects;
whether possibly or probably any cause coued
operate in producing the change and resemblance;
and according as we determine concerning
these causes and effects, we form our judgment
concerning the identity of the object.
Here then it appears, that of those three
relations, which depend not upon the mere
ideas, the only one, that can be traced beyond
our senses and informs us of existences and
objects, which we do not see or feel, is
causation. This relation, therefore, we shall
endeavour to explain fully before we leave
the subject of the understanding.
To begin regularly, we must consider the
idea of causation, and see from what origin
it is derived. It is impossible to reason
justly, without understanding perfectly the
idea concerning which we reason; and it is
impossible perfectly to understand any idea,
without tracing it up to its origin, and
examining that primary impression, from which
it arises. The examination of the impression
bestows a clearness on the idea; and the
examination of the idea bestows a like clearness
on all our reasoning.
Let us therefore cast our eye on any two
objects, which we call cause and effect,
and turn them on all sides, in order to find
that impression, which produces an idea,
of such prodigious consequence. At first
sight I perceive, that I must not search
for it in any of the particular qualities
of the objects; since which-ever of these
qualities I pitch on, I find some object,
that is not possessed of it, and yet falls
under the denomination of cause or effect.
And indeed there is nothing existent, either
externally or internally, which is not to
be considered either as a cause or an effect;
though it is plain there is no one quality,
which universally belongs to all beings,
and gives them a title to that denomination.
The idea, then, of causation must be derived
from some relation among objects; and that
relation we must now endeavour to discover.
I find in the first place, that whatever
objects are considered as causes or effects,
are contiguous; and that nothing can operate
in a time or place, which is ever so little
removed from those of its existence. Though
distant objects may sometimes seem productive
of each other, they are commonly found upon
examination to be linked by a chain of causes,
which are contiguous among themselves, and
to the distant objects; and when in any particular
instance we cannot discover this connexion,
we still presume it to exist. We may therefore
consider the relation of CONTIGUITY as essential
to that of causation; at least may suppose
it such, according to the general opinion,
till we can find a more [Part IV. Sect. 5.]
proper occasion to clear up this matter,
by examining what objects are or are not
susceptible of juxtaposition and conjunction.
The second relation I shall observe as essential
to causes and effects, is not so universally
acknowledged, but is liable to some controversy.
It is that of PRIORITY Of time in the cause
before the effect. Some pretend that it is
not absolutely necessary a cause should precede
its effect; but that any object or action,
in the very first moment of its existence,
may exert its productive quality, and give
rise to another object or action, perfectly
co-temporary with itself. But beside that
experience in most instances seems to contradict
this opinion, we may establish the relation
of priority by a kind of inference or reasoning.
It is an established maxim both in natural
and moral philosophy, that an object, which
exists for any time in its full perfection
without producing another, is not its sole
cause; but is assisted by some other principle,
which pushes it from its state of inactivity,
and makes it exert that energy, of which
it was secretly possest. Now if any cause
may be perfectly co-temporary with its effect,
it is certain, according to this maxim, that
they must all of them be so; since any one
of them, which retards its operation for
a single moment, exerts not itself at that
very individual time, in which it might have
operated; and therefore is no proper cause.
The consequence of this would be no less
than the destruction of that succession of
causes, which we observe in the world; and
indeed, the utter annihilation of time. For
if one cause were co- temporary with its
effect, and this effect with its effect,
and so on, it is plain there would be no
such thing as succession, and all objects
must be co-existent.
If this argument appear satisfactory, it
is well. If not, I beg the reader to allow
me the same liberty, which I have used in
the preceding case, of supposing it such.
For he shall find, that the affair is of
no great importance.
Having thus discovered or supposed the two
relations of contiguity and succession to
be essential to causes and effects, I find
I am stopt short, and can proceed no farther
in considering any single instance of cause
and effect. Motion in one body is regarded
upon impulse as the cause of motion in another.
When we consider these objects with utmost
attention, we find only that the one body
approaches the other; and that the motion
of it precedes that of the other, but without
any, sensible interval. It is in vain to
rack ourselves with farther thought and reflection
upon this subject. We can go no farther in
considering this particular instance.
Should any one leave this instance, and pretend
to define a cause, by saying it is something
productive of another, it is evident he would
say nothing. For what does he mean by production?
Can he give any definition of it, that will
not be the same with that of causation? If
he can; I desire it may be produced. If he
cannot; he here runs in a circle, and gives
a synonimous term instead of a definition.
Shall we then rest contented with these two
relations of contiguity and succession, as
affording a complete idea of causation? By,
no means. An object may be contiguous and
prior to another, without being considered
as its cause. There is a NECESSARY CONNEXION
to be taken into consideration; and that
relation is of much greater importance, than
any of the other two above-mentioned.
Here again I turn the object on all sides,
in order to discover the nature of this necessary
connexion, and find the impression, or impressions,
from which its idea may be derived. When
I cast my eye on the known Qualities of objects,
I immediately discover that the relation
of cause and effect depends not in the least
on them. When I consider their relations,
I can find none but those of contiguity and
succession; which I have already regarded
as imperfect and unsatisfactory. Shall the
despair of success make me assert, that I
am here possest of an idea, which is not
preceded by any similar impression? This
would be too strong a proof of levity and
inconstancy; since the contrary principle
has been already so firmly established, as
to admit of no farther doubt; at least, till
we have more fully examined the present difficulty.
We must, therefore, proceed like those, who
being in search of any thing, that lies concealed
from them, and not finding it in the place
they expected, beat about all the neighbouring
fields, without any certain view or design,
in hopes their good fortune will at last
guide them to what they search for. It is
necessary for us to leave the direct survey
of this question concerning the nature of
that necessary connexion, which enters into
our idea of cause and effect; and endeavour
to find some other questions, the examination
of which will perhaps afford a hint, that
may serve to clear up the present difficulty.
Of these questions there occur two, which
I shall proceed to examine, viz.
First, For what reason we pronounce it necessary,
that every thing whose existence has a beginning,
should also have a cause.
Secondly, Why we conclude, that such particular
causes must necessarily have such particular
effects; and what is the nature of that inference
we draw from the one to the other, and of
the belief we repose in it?
I shall only observe before I proceed any
farther, that though the ideas of cause and
effect be derived from the impressions of
reflection as well as from those of sensation,
yet for brevity's sake, I commonly mention
only the latter as the origin of these ideas;
though I desire that whatever I say of them
may also extend to the former. Passions are
connected with their objects and with one
another; no less than external bodies are
connected together. The same relation, then,
of cause and effect, which belongs to one,
must be common to all of them.
SECT. III. WHY A CAUSE IS ALWAYS NECESSARY.
To begin with the first question concerning
the necessity of a cause: It is a general
maxim in philosophy, that whatever begins
to exist, must have a cause of existence.
This is commonly taken for granted in all
reasonings, without any proof given or demanded.
It is supposed to be founded on intuition,
and to be one of those maxims, which though
they may be denyed with the lips, it is impossible
for men in their hearts really to doubt of.
But if we examine this maxim by the idea
of knowledge above-explained, we shall discover
in it no mark of any such intuitive certainty;
but on the contrary shall find, that it is
of a nature quite foreign to that species
of conviction.
All certainty arises from the comparison
of ideas, and from the discovery of such
relations as are unalterable, so long as
the ideas continue the same. These relations
are RESEMBLANCE, PROPORTIONS IN QUANTITY
AND NUMBER, DEGREES OF ANY QUALITY, and CONTRARIETY;
none of which are implyed in this proposition,
Whatever has a beginning has also a cause
of existence. That proposition therefore
is not intuitively certain. At least any
one, who would assert it to be intuitively
certain, must deny these to be the only infallible
relations, and must find some other relation
of that kind to be implyed in it; which it
will then be time enough to examine.
But here is an argument, which proves at
once, that the foregoing proposition is neither
intuitively nor demonstrably certain. We
can never demonstrate the necessity of a
cause to every new existence, or new modification
of existence, without shewing at the same
time the impossibility there is, that any
thing can ever begin to exist without some
productive principle; and where the latter
proposition cannot be proved, we must despair
of ever being able to prove the former. Now
that the latter proposition is utterly incapable
of a demonstrative proof, we may satisfy
ourselves by considering that as all distinct
ideas are separable from each other, and
as the ideas of cause and effect are evidently
distinct, it will be easy for us to conceive
any object to be non-existent this moment,
and existent the next, without conjoining
to it the distinct idea of a cause or productive
principle. The separation, therefore, of
the idea of a cause from that of a beginning
of existence, is plainly possible for the
imagination; and consequently the actual
separation of these objects is so far possible,
that it implies no contradiction nor absurdity;
and is therefore incapable of being refuted
by any reasoning from mere ideas; without
which it is impossible to demonstrate the
necessity of a cause.
Accordingly we shall find upon examination,
that every demonstration, which has been
produced for the necessity of a cause, is
fallacious and sophistical. All the points
of time and place, say some philosophers
[Mr. Hobbes.], in which we can suppose any
object to begin to exist, are in themselves
equal; and unless there be some cause, which
is peculiar to one time and to one place,
and which by that means determines and fixes
the existence, it must remain in eternal
suspence; and the object can never begin
to be, for want of something to fix its beginning.
But I ask; Is there any more difficulty in
supposing the time and place to be fixed
without a cause, than to suppose the existence
to be determined in that manner? The first
question that occurs on this subject is always,
whether the object shall exist or not: The
next, when and where it shall begin to exist.
If the removal of a cause be intuitively
absurd in the one case, it must be so in
the other: And if that absurdity be not clear
without a proof in the one case, it will
equally require one in the other. The absurdity,
then, of the one supposition can never be
a proof of that of the other; since they
are both upon the same footing, and must
stand or fall by the same reasoning.
The second argument [Dr. Clarke and others.],
which I find used on this head, labours under
an equal difficulty. Every thing, it is said,
must have a cause; for if any thing wanted
a cause, it would produce ITSELF; that is,
exist before it existed; which is impossible.
But this reasoning is plainly unconclusive;
because it supposes, that in our denial of
a cause we still grant what we expressly
deny, viz. that there must be a cause; which
therefore is taken to be the object itself;
and that, no doubt, is an evident contradiction.
But to say that any thing is produced, or
to express myself more properly, comes into
existence, without a cause, is not to affirm,
that it is itself its own cause; but on the
contrary in excluding all external causes,
excludes a fortiori the thing itself, which
is created. An object, that exists absolutely
without any cause, certainly is not its own
cause; and when you assert, that the one
follows from the other, you suppose the very
point in questions and take it for granted,
that it is utterly impossible any thing can
ever begin to exist without a cause, but
that, upon the exclusion of one productive
principle, we must still have recourse to
another.
It is exactly the same case with the third
argument [Mr. Locke.], which has been employed
to demonstrate the necessity of a cause.
Whatever is produced without any cause, is
produced by nothing; or in other words, has
nothing for its cause. But nothing can never
be a cause, no more than it can be something,
or equal to two right angles. By the same
intuition, that we perceive nothing not to
be equal to two right angles, or not to be
something, we perceive, that it can never
be a cause; and consequently must perceive,
that every object has a real cause of its
existence.
I believe it will not be necessary to employ
many words in shewing the weakness of this
argument, after what I have said of the foregoing.
They are all of them founded on the same
fallacy, and are derived from the same turn
of thought. It is sufficient only to observe,
that when we exclude all causes we really
do exclude them, and neither suppose nothing
nor the object itself to be the causes of
the existence; and consequently can draw
no argument from the absurdity of these suppositions
to prove the absurdity of that exclusion.
If every thing must have a cause, it follows,
that upon the exclusion of other causes we
must accept of the object itself or of nothing
as causes. But it is the very point in question,
whether every thing must have a cause or
not; and therefore, according to all just
reasoning, it ought never to be taken for
granted.
They are still more frivolous, who say, that
every effect must have a cause, because it
is implyed in the very idea of effect. Every
effect necessarily pre-supposes a cause;
effect being a relative term, of which cause
is the correlative. But this does not prove,
that every being must be preceded by a cause;
no more than it follows, because every husband
must have a wife, that therefore every man
must be marryed. The true state of the question
is, whether every object, which begins to
exist, must owe its existence to a cause:
and this I assert neither to be intuitively
nor demonstratively certain, and hope to
have proved it sufficiently by the foregoing
arguments.
Since it is not from knowledge or any scientific
reasoning, that we derive the opinion of
the necessity of a cause to every new production,
that opinion must necessarily arise from
observation and experience. The next question,
then, should naturally be, how experience
gives rise to such a principle? But as I
find it will be more convenient to sink this
question in the following, Why we conclude,
that such particular causes must necessarily
have such particular erects, and why we form
an inference from one to another? we shall
make that the subject of our future enquiry.
It will, perhaps, be found in the end, that
the same answer will serve for both questions.
SECT. IV. OF THE COMPONENT PARTS OF OUR REASONINGS
CONCERNING CAUSE AND EFFECT.
Though the mind in its reasonings from causes
or effects carries its view beyond those
objects, which it sees or remembers, it must
never lose sight of them entirely, nor reason
merely upon its own ideas, without some mixture
of impressions, or at least of ideas of the
memory, which are equivalent to impressions.
When we infer effects from causes, we must
establish the existence of these causes;
which we have only two ways of doing, either
by an immediate perception of our memory
or senses, or by an inference from other
causes; which causes again we must ascertain
in the same manner, either by a present impression,
or by an inference from their causes, and
so on, till we arrive at some object, which
we see or remember. It is impossible for
us to carry on our inferences IN INFINITUM;
and the only thing, that can stop them, is
an impression of the memory or senses, beyond
which there is no room for doubt or enquiry.
To give an instance of this, we may chuse
any point of history, and consider for what
reason we either believe or reject it. Thus
we believe that Caesar was killed in the
senate-house on the ides of March; and that
because this fact is established on the unanimous
testimony of historians, who agree to assign
this precise time and place to that event.
Here are certain characters and letters present
either to our memory or senses; which characters
we likewise remember to have been used as
the signs of certain ideas; and these ideas
were either in the minds of such as were
immediately present at that action, and received
the ideas directly from its existence; or
they were derived from the testimony of others,
and that again from another testimony, by
a visible gradation, it will we arrive at
those who were eyewitnesses and spectators
of the event. It is obvious all this chain
of argument or connexion of causes and effects,
is at first founded on those characters or
letters, which are seen or remembered, and
that without the authority either of the
memory or senses our whole reasoning would
be chimerical and without foundation. Every
link of the chain would in that case hang
upon another; but there would not be any
thing fixed to one end of it, capable of
sustaining the whole; and consequently there
would be no belief nor evidence. And this
actually is the case with all hypothetical
arguments, or reasonings upon a supposition;
there being in them, neither any present
impression, nor belief of a real existence.
I need not observe, that it is no just objection
to the present doctrine, that we can reason
upon our past conclusions or principles,
without having recourse to those impressions,
from which they first arose. For even supposing
these impressions should be entirely effaced
from the memory, the conviction they produced
may still remain; and it is equally true,
that all reasonings concerning causes and
effects are originally derived from some
impression; in the same manner, as the assurance
of a demonstration proceeds always from a
comparison of ideas, though it may continue
after the comparison is forgot.
SECT. V. OF THE IMPRESSIONS OF THE SENSES
AND MEMORY.
In this kind of reasoning, then, from causation,
we employ materials, which are of a mixed
and heterogeneous nature, and which, however
connected, are yet essentially different
from each other. All our arguments concerning
causes and effects consist both of an impression
of the memory or, senses, and of the idea
of that existence, which produces the object
of the impression, or is produced by it.
Here therefore we have three things to explain,
viz. First, The original impression. Secondly,
The transition to the idea of the connected
cause or effect. Thirdly, The nature and
qualities of that idea.
As to those impressions, which arise from
the senses, their ultimate cause is, in my
opinion, perfectly inexplicable by human
reason, and it will always be impossible
to decide with certainty, whether they arise
immediately from the object, or are produced
by the creative power of the mind, or are
derived from the author of our being. Nor
is such a question any way material to our
present purpose. We may draw inferences from
the coherence of our perceptions, whether
they be true or false; whether they represent
nature justly, or be mere illusions of the
senses.
When we search for the characteristic, which
distinguishes the memory from the imagination,
we must immediately perceive, that it cannot
lie in the simple ideas it presents to us;
since both these faculties borrow their simple
ideas from the impressions, and can never
go beyond these original perceptions. These
faculties are as little distinguished from
each other by the arrangement of their complex
ideas. For though it be a peculiar property
of the memory to preserve the original order
and position of its ideas, while the imagination
transposes and changes them, as it pleases;
yet this difference is not sufficient to
distinguish them in their operation, or make
us know the one from the other; it being
impossible to recal the past impressions,
in order to compare them with our present
ideas, and see whether their arrangement
be exactly similar. Since therefore the memory,
is known, neither by the order of its complex
ideas, nor the nature of its simple ones;
it follows, that the difference betwixt it
and the imagination lies in its superior
force and vivacity. A man may indulge his
fancy in feigning any past scene of adventures;
nor would there be any possibility of distinguishing
this from a remembrance of a like kind, were
not the ideas of the imagination fainter
and more obscure.
It frequently happens, that when two men
have been engaged in any scene of action,
the one shall remember it much better than
the other, and shall have all the difficulty
in the world to make his companion recollect
it. He runs over several circumstances in
vain; mentions the time, the place, the company,
what was said, what was done on all sides;
till at last he hits on some lucky circumstance,
that revives the whole, and gives his friend
a perfect memory of every thing. Here the
person that forgets receives at first all
the ideas from the discourse of the other,
with the same circumstances of time and place;
though he considers them as mere fictions
of the imagination. But as soon as the circumstance
is mentioned, that touches the memory, the
very same ideas now appear in a new light,
and have, in a manner, a different feeling
from what they had before. Without any other
alteration, beside that of the feeling, they
become immediately ideas of the memory, and
are assented to.
Since, therefore, the imagination can represent
all the same objects that the memory can
offer to us, and since those faculties are
only distinguished by the different feeling
of the ideas they present, it may be proper
to consider what is the nature of that feeling.
And here I believe every one will readily
agree with me, that the ideas of the memory
are more strong and lively than those of
the fancy.
A painter, who intended to represent a passion
or emotion of any kind, would endeavour to
get a sight of a person actuated by a like
emotion, in order to enliven his ideas, and
give them a force and vivacity superior to
what is found in those, which are mere fictions
of the imagination. The more recent this
memory is, the clearer is the idea; and when
after a long interval he would return to
the contemplation of his object, he always
finds its idea to be much decayed, if not
wholly obliterated. We are frequently in
doubt concerning the ideas of the memory,
as they become very weak and feeble; and
are at a loss to determine whether any image
proceeds from the fancy or the memory, when
it is not drawn in such lively colours as
distinguish that latter faculty. I think,
I remember such an event, says one; but am
not sure. A long tract of time has almost
worn it out of my memory, and leaves me uncertain
whether or not it be the pure offspring of
my fancy.
And as an idea of the memory, by losing its
force and vivacity, may degenerate to such
a degree, as to be taken for an idea of the
imagination; so on the other hand an idea
of the imagination may acquire such a force
and vivacity, as to pass for an idea of the
memory, and counterfeit its effects on the
belief and judgment. This is noted in the
case of liars; who by the frequent repetition
of their lies, come at last to believe and
remember them, as realities; custom and habit
having in this case, as in many others, the
same influence on the mind as nature, and
infixing the idea with equal force and vigour.
Thus it appears, that the belief or assent,
which always attends the memory and senses,
is nothing but the vivacity of those perceptions
they present; and that this alone distinguishes
them from the imagination. To believe is
in this case to feel an immediate impression
of the senses, or a repetition of that impression
in the memory. It is merely the force and
liveliness of the perception, which constitutes
the first act of the judgment, and lays the
foundation of that reasoning, which we build
upon it, when we trace the relation of cause
and effect.
SECT. VI. OF THE INFERENCE FROM THE IMPRESSION
TO THE IDEA.
It is easy to observe, that in tracing this
relation, the inference we draw from cause
to effect, is not derived merely from a survey
of these particular objects, and from such
a penetration into their essences as may
discover the dependance of the one upon the
other. There is no object, which implies
the existence of any other if we consider
these objects in themselves, and never look
beyond the ideas which we form of them. Such
an inference would amount to knowledge, and
would imply the absolute contradiction and
impossibility of conceiving any thing different.
But as all distinct ideas are separable,
it is evident there can be no impossibility
of that kind. When we pass from a present
impression to the idea of any object, we
might possibly have separated the idea from
the impression, and have substituted any
other idea in its room.
It is therefore by EXPERIENCE only, that
we can infer the existence of one object
from that of another. The nature of experience
is this. We remember to have had frequent
instances of the existence of one species
of objects; and also remember, that the individuals
of another species of objects have always
attended them, and have existed in a regular
order of contiguity and succession with regard
to them. Thus we remember, to have seen that
species of object we call flame, and to have
felt that species of sensation we call heat.
We likewise call to mind their constant conjunction
in all past instances. Without any farther
ceremony, we call the one cause and the other
effect, and infer the existence of the one
from that of the other. In all those instances,
from which we learn the conjunction of particular
causes and effects, both the causes and effects
have been perceived by the senses, and are
remembered But in all cases, wherein we reason
concerning them, there is only one perceived
or remembered, and the other is supplyed
in conformity to our past experience.
Thus in advancing we have insensibly discovered
a new relation betwixt cause and effect,
when we least expected it, and were entirely
employed upon another subject. This relation
is their CONSTANT CONJUNCTION. Contiguity
and succession are not sufficient to make
us pronounce any two objects to be cause
and effect, unless we perceive, that these
two relations are preserved in several instances.
We may now see the advantage of quitting
the direct survey of this relation, in order
to discover the nature of that necessary
connexion, which makes so essential a part
of it. There are hopes, that by this means
we may at last arrive at our proposed end;
though to tell the truth, this new-discovered
relation of a constant conjunction seems
to advance us but very little in our way.
For it implies no more than this, that like
objects have always been placed in like relations
of contiguity and succession; and it seems
evident, at least at first sight, that by
this means we can never discover any new
idea, and can only multiply, but not enlarge
the objects of our mind. It may be thought,
that what we learn not from one object, we
can never learn from a hundred, which are
all of the same kind, and are perfectly resembling
in every circumstance. As our senses shew
us in one instance two bodies, or motions,
or qualities in certain relations of success
and contiguity; so our memory presents us
only with a multitude of instances, wherein
we always find like bodies, motions, or qualities
in like relations. From the mere repetition
of any past impression, even to infinity,
there never will arise any new original idea,
such as that of a necessary connexion; and
the number of impressions has in this case
no more effect than if we confined ourselves
to one only. But though this reasoning seems
just and obvious; yet as it would be folly
to despair too soon, we shall continue the
thread of our discourse; and having found,
that after the discovery of the constant
conjunction of any objects, we always draw
an inference from one object to another,
we shall now examine the nature of that inference,
and of the transition from the impression
to the idea. Perhaps it will appear in the
end, that the necessary connexion depends
on the inference, instead of the inference's
depending on the necessary connexion.
Since it appears, that the transition from
an impression present to the memory or senses
to the idea of an object, which we call cause
or effect, is founded on past experience,
and on our remembrance of their constant
conjunction, the next question is, Whether
experience produces the idea by means of
the understanding or imagination; whether
we are determined by reason to make the transition,
or by a certain association and relation
of perceptions. If reason determined us,
it would proceed upon that principle, that
instances, of which we have had no experience,
must resemble those, of which we have had
experience, and that the course of nature
continues always uniformly the same. In order
therefore to clear up this matter, let us
consider all the arguments, upon which such
a proposition may be supposed to be founded;
and as these must be derived either from
knowledge or probability, let us cast our
eye on each of these degrees of evidence,
and see whether they afford any just conclusion
of this nature.
Our foregoing method of reasoning will easily
convince us, that there can be no demonstrative
arguments to prove, that those instances,
of which we have, had no experience, resemble
those, of which we have had experience. We
can at least conceive a change in the course
of nature; which sufficiently proves, that
such a change is not absolutely impossible.
To form a clear idea of any thing, is an
undeniable argument for its possibility,
and is alone a refutation of any pretended
demonstration against it.
Probability, as it discovers not the relations
of ideas, considered as such, but only those
of objects, must in some respects be founded
on the impressions of our memory and senses,
and in some respects on our ideas. Were there
no mixture of any impression in our probable
reasonings, the conclusion would be entirely
chimerical: And were there no mixture of
ideas, the action of the mind, in observing
the relation, would, properly speaking, be
sensation, not reasoning. It is therefore
necessary, that in all probable reasonings
there be something present to the mind, either
seen or remembered; and that from this we
infer something connected with it, which
is not seen nor remembered.
The only connexion or relation of objects,
which can lead us beyond the immediate impressions
of our memory and senses, is that of cause
and effect; and that because it is the only
one, on which we can found a just inference
from one object to another. The idea of cause
and effect is derived from experience, which
informs us, that such particular objects,
in all past instances, have been constantly
conjoined with each other: And as an object
similar to one of these is supposed to be
immediately present in its impression, we
thence presume on the existence of one similar
to its usual attendant. According to this
account of things, which is, I think, in
every point unquestionable, probability is
founded on the presumption of a resemblance
betwixt those objects, of which we have had
experience, and those, of which we have had
none; and therefore it is impossible this
presumption can arise from probability. The
same principle cannot be both the cause and
effect of another; and this is, perhaps,
the only proposition concerning that relation,
which is either intuitively or demonstratively
certain.
Should any one think to elude this argument;
and without determining whether our reasoning
on this subject be derived from demonstration
or probability, pretend that all conclusions
from causes and effects are built on solid
reasoning: I can only desire, that this reasoning
may be produced, in order to be exposed to
our examination. It may, perhaps, be said,
that after experience of the constant conjunction
of certain objects, we reason in the following
manner. Such an object is always found to
produce another. It is impossible it coued
have this effect, if it was not endowed with
a power of production. The power necessarily
implies the effect; and therefore there is
a just foundation for drawing a conclusion
from the existence of one object to that
of its usual attendant. The past production
implies a power: The power implies a new
production: And the new production is what
we infer from the power and the past production.
It were easy for me to shew the weakness
of this reasoning, were I willing to make
use of those observations, I have already
made, that the idea of production is the
same with that of causation, and that no
existence certainly and demonstratively implies
a power in any other object; or were it proper
to anticipate what I shall have occasion
to remark afterwards concerning the idea
we form of power and efficacy. But as such
a method of proceeding may seem either to
weaken my system, by resting one part of
it on another, or to breed a confusion in
my reasoning, I shall endeavour to maintain
my present assertion without any such assistance.
It shall therefore be allowed for a moment,
that the production of one object by another
in any one instance implies a power; and
that this power is connected with its effect.
But it having been already proved, that the
power lies not in the sensible qualities
of the cause; and there being nothing but
the sensible qualities present to us; I ask,
why in other instances you presume that the
same power still exists, merely upon the
appearance of these qualities? Your appeal
to past experience decides nothing in the
present case; and at the utmost can only
prove, that that very object, which produced
any other, was at that very instant endowed
with such a power; but can never prove, that
the same power must continue in the same
object or collection of sensible qualities;
much less, that a like power is always conjoined
with like sensible qualities, should it be
said, that we have experience, that the same
power continues united with the same object,
and that like objects are endowed with like
powers, I would renew my question, why from
this experience we form any conclusion beyond
those past instances, of which we have had
experience. If you answer this question in,
the same manner as the preceding, your answer
gives still occasion to a new question of
the same kind, even in infinitum; which clearly
proves, that the foregoing reasoning had
no just foundation.
Thus not only our reason fails us in the
discovery of the ultimate connexion of causes
and effects, but even after experience has
informed us of their constant conjunction,
it is impossible for us to satisfy ourselves
by our reason, why we should extend that
experience beyond those particular instances,
which have fallen under our observation.
We suppose, but are never able to prove,
that there must be a resemblance betwixt
those objects, of which we have had experience,
and those which lie beyond the reach of our
discovery.
We have already taken notice of certain relations,
which make us pass from one object to another,
even though there be no reason to determine
us to that transition; and this we may establish
for a general rule, that wherever the mind
constantly and uniformly makes a transition
without any reason, it is influenced by these
relations. Now this is exactly the present
case. Reason can never shew us the connexion
of one object with another, though aided
by experience, and the observation of their
constant conjunction in all past instances.
When the mind, therefore, passes from the
idea or impression of one object to the idea
or belief of another, it is not determined
by reason, but by certain principles, which
associate together the ideas of these objects,
and unite them in the imagination. Had ideas
no more union in the fancy than objects seem
to have to the understanding, we coued never
draw any inference from causes to effects,
nor repose belief in any matter of fact.
The inference, therefore, depends solely
on the union of ideas.
The principles of union among ideas, I have
reduced to three general ones, and have asserted,
that the idea or impression of any object
naturally introduces the idea of any other
object, that is resembling, contiguous to,
or connected with it. These principles I
allow to be neither the infallible nor the
sole causes of an union among ideas. They
are not the infallible causes. For one may
fix his attention during Sometime on any
one object without looking farther. They
are not the sole causes. For the thought
has evidently a very irregular motion in
running along its objects, and may leap from
the heavens to the earth, from one end of
the creation to the other, without any certain
method or order. But though I allow this
weakness in these three relations, and this
irregularity in the imagination; yet I assert
that the only general principles, which associate
ideas, are resemblance, contiguity and causation.
There is indeed a principle of union among
ideas, which at first sight may be esteemed
different from any of these, but will be
found at the bottom to depend on the same
origin. When every individual of any species
of objects is found by experience to be constantly
united with an individual of another species,
the appearance of any new individual of either
species naturally conveys the thought to
its usual attendant. Thus because such a
particular idea is commonly annexed to such
a particular word, nothing is required but
the hearing of that word to produce the correspondent
idea; and it will scarce be possible for
the mind, by its utmost efforts, to prevent
that transition. In this case it is not absolutely
necessary, that upon hearing such a particular
sound we should reflect on any past experience,
and consider what idea has been usually connected
with the sound. The imagination of itself
supplies the place of this reflection, and
is so accustomed to pass from the word to
the idea, that it interposes not a moment's
delay betwixt the hearing of the one, and
the conception of the other.
But though I acknowledge this to be a true
principle of association among ideas, I assert
it to be the very same with that betwixt
the ideas of cause and effects and to be
an essential part in all our reasonings from
that relation. We have no other notion of
cause and effect, but that of certain objects,
which have been always conjoined together,
and which in all past instances have been
found inseparable. We cannot penetrate into
the reason of the conjunction. We only observe
the thing itself, and always find that from
the constant conjunction the objects acquire
an union in the imagination. When the impression
of one becomes present to us, we immediately
form an idea of its usual attendant; and
consequently we may establish this as one
part of the definition of an opinion or belief,
that it is an idea related to or associated
with a present impression.
Thus though causation be a philosophical
relation, as implying contiguity, succession,
and constant conjunction, yet it is only
so far as it is a natural relation, and produces
an union among our ideas, that we are able
to reason upon it, or draw any inference
from it.
SECT. VII. OF THE NATURE OF THE IDEA OR BELIEF.
The idea of an object is an essential part
of the belief of it, but not the whole. We
conceive many things, which we do not believe.
In order then to discover more fully the
nature of belief, or the qualities of those
ideas we assent to, let us weigh the following
considerations.
It is evident, that all reasonings from causes
or effects terminate in conclusions, concerning
matter of fact; that is, concerning the existence
of objects or of their qualities. It is also
evident, that the idea, of existence is nothing
different from the idea of any object, and
that when after the simple conception of
any thing we would conceive it as existent,
we in reality make no addition to or alteration
on our first idea. Thus when we affirm, that
God is existent, we simply form the idea
of such a being, as he is represented to
us; nor is the existence, which we attribute
to him, conceived by a particular idea, which
we join to the idea of his other qualities,
and can again separate and distinguish from
them. But I go farther; and not content with
asserting, that the conception of the existence
of any object is no addition to the simple
conception of it, I likewise maintain, that
the belief of the existence joins no new
ideas to those which compose the idea of
the object. When I think of God, when I think
of him as existent, and when I believe him
to be existent, my idea of him neither encreases
nor diminishes. But as it is certain there
is a great difference betwixt the simple
conception of the existence of an object,
and the belief of it, and as this difference
lies not in the parts or composition of the
idea, which we conceive; it follows, that
it must lie in the manner, in which we conceive
it.
Suppose a person present with me, who advances
propositions, to which I do not assent, that
Caesar dyed in his bed, that silver is more
fusible, than lead, or mercury heavier than
gold; it is evident, that notwithstanding
my incredulity, I clearly understand his
meaning, and form all the same ideas, which
he forms. My imagination is endowed with
the same powers as his; nor is it possible
for him to conceive any idea, which I cannot
conceive; nor conjoin any, which I cannot
conjoin. I therefore ask, Wherein consists
the difference betwixt believing and disbelieving
any proposition? The answer is easy with
regard to propositions, that are proved by
intuition or demonstration. In that case,
the person, who assents, not only conceives
the ideas according to the proposition, but
is necessarily determined to conceive them
in that particular manner, either immediately
or by the interposition of other ideas. Whatever
is absurd is unintelligible; nor is it possible
for the imagination to conceive any thing
contrary to a demonstration. But as in reasonings
from causation, and concerning matters of
fact, this absolute necessity cannot take
place, and the imagination is free to conceive
both sides of the question, I still ask,
Wherein consists the deference betwixt incredulity
and belief? since in both cases the conception
of the idea is equally possible and requisite.
It will not be a satisfactory answer to say,
that a person, who does not assent to a proposition
you advance; after having conceived the object
in the same manner with you; immediately
conceives it in a different manner, and has
different ideas of it. This answer is unsatisfactory;
not because it contains any falshood, but
because it discovers not all the truth. It
is contest, that in all cases, wherein we
dissent from any person, we conceive both
sides of the question; but as we can believe
only one, it evidently follows, that the
belief must make some difference betwixt
that conception to which we assent, and that
from which we dissent. We may mingle, and
unite, and separate, and confound, and vary
our ideas in a hundred different ways; but
until there appears some principle, which
fixes one of these different situations,
we have in reality no opinion: And this principle,
as it plainly makes no addition to our precedent
ideas, can only change the manner of our
conceiving them.
All the perceptions of the mind are of two
kinds, viz. impressions and ideas, which
differ from each other only in their different
degrees of force and vivacity. Our ideas
are copyed from our impressions, and represent
them in all their parts. When you would any
way vary the idea of a particular object,
you can only encrease or diminish its force
and vivacity. If you make any other change
on it, it represents a different object or
impression. The case is the same as in colours.
A particular shade of any colour may acquire
a new degree of liveliness or brightness
without any other variation. But when you
produce any other variation, it is no longer
the same shade or colour. So that as belief
does nothing but vary the manner, in which
we conceive any object, it can only bestow
on our ideas an additional force and vivacity.
An opinion, therefore, or belief may be most
accurately defined, a lively idea related
to or associated with a present impression.
We may here take occasion to observe a very
remarkable error, which being frequently
inculcated in the schools, has become a kind
of establishd maxim, and is universally received
by all logicians. This error consists in
the vulgar division of the acts of the understanding,
into CONCEPTION, JUDGMENT and REASONING,
and in the definitions we give of them. Conception
is defind to be the simple survey of one
or more ideas: Judgment to be the separating
or uniting of different ideas: Reasoning
to be the separating or uniting of different
ideas by the interposition of others, which
show the relation they bear to each other.
But these distinctions and definitions are
faulty in very considerable articles. For
FIRST, it is far from being true, that in
every judgment, which we form, we unite two
different ideas; since in that proposition,
GOD IS, or indeed any other, which regards
existence, the idea of existence is no distinct
idea, which we unite with that of the object,
and which is capable of forming a compound
idea by the union. SECONDLY, As we can thus
form a proposition, which contains only one
idea, so we may exert our reason without
employing more than two ideas, and without
having recourse to a third to serve as a
medium betwixt them. We infer a cause immediately
from its effect; and this inference is not
only a true species of reasoning, but the
strongest of all others, and more convincing
than when we interpose another idea to connect
the two extremes. What we may in general
affirm concerning these three acts of the
understanding is, that taking them in a proper
light, they all resolve themselves into the
first, and are nothing but particular ways
of conceiving our objects. Whether we consider
a single object, or several; whether we dwell
on these objects, or run from them to others;
and in whatever form or order we survey them,
the act of the mind exceeds not a simple
conception; and the only remarkable difference,
which occurs on this occasion, is, when we
join belief to the conception, and are persuaded
of the truth of what we conceive. This act
of the mind has never yet been explaind by
any philosopher; and therefore I am at liberty
to propose my hypothesis concerning it; which
is, that it is only a strong and steady conception
of any idea, and such as approaches in some
measure to an immediate impression. [FN 5.]
[FN 5. Here are the heads of those arguments,
which lead us to this conclusion. When we
infer the existence of an object from that
of others, some object must always be present
either to the memory or senses, in order
to be the foundation of our reasoning; since
the mind cannot run up with its inferences
IN INFINITUM. Reason can never satisfy us
that the existence of any one object does
ever imply that of another; so that when
we pass from the impression of one to the
idea or belief of another, we are not determined
by reason, but by custom or a principle of
association. But belief is somewhat more
than a simple idea. It is a particular manner
of forming an idea: And as the same idea
can only be varyed by a variation of its
degrees of force and vivacity; it follows
upon the whole, that belief is a lively idea
produced by a relation to a present impression,
according to the foregoing definition.] This
operation of the mind, which forms the belief
of any matter of fact, seems hitherto to
have been one of the greatest mysteries of
philosophy; though no one has so much as
suspected, that there was any difficulty
in explaining it. For my part I must own,
that I find a considerable difficulty in
the case; and that even when I think I understand
the subject perfectly, I am at a loss for
terms to express my meaning. I conclude,
by an induction which seems to me very evident,
that an opinion or belief is nothing but
an idea, that is different from a fiction,
not in the nature or the order of its parts,
but in the manner of its being conceived.
But when I would explain this manner, I scarce
find any word that fully answers the case,
but am obliged to have recourse to every
one's feeling, in order to give him a perfect
notion of this operation of the mind. An
idea assented to FEELS different from a fictitious
idea, that the fancy alone presents to us:
And this different feeling I endeavour to
explain by calling it a superior force, or
vivacity, or solidity, or FIRMNESS, or steadiness.
This variety of terms, which may seem so
unphilosophical, is intended only to express
that act of the mind, which renders realities
more present to us than fictions, causes
them to weigh more in the thought, and gives
them a superior influence on the passions
and imagination. Provided we agree about
the thing, it is needless to dispute about
the terms. The imagination has the command
over all its ideas, and can join, and mix,
and vary them in all the ways possible. It
may conceive objects with all the circumstances
of place and time. It may set them, in a
manner, before our eyes in their true colours,
just as they might have existed. But as it
is impossible, that that faculty can ever,
of itself, reach belief, it is evident, that
belief consists not in the nature and order
of our ideas, but in the manner of their
conception, and in their feeling to the mind.
T confess, that it is impossible to explain
perfectly this feeling or manner of conception.
We may make use of words, that express something
near it. But its true and proper name is
belief, which is a term that every one sufficiently
understands in common life. And in philosophy
we can go no farther, than assert, that it
is something felt by the mind, which distinguishes
the ideas of the judgment from the fictions
of the imagination. It gives them more force
and influence; makes them appear of greater
importance; infixes them in the mind; and
renders them the governing principles of
all our actions.
This definition will also be found to be
entirely conformable to every one's feeling
and experience. Nothing is more evident,
than that those ideas, to which we assent,
are more strong, firm and vivid, than the
loose reveries of a castle-builder. If one
person sits down to read a book as a romance,
and another as a true history, they plainly
receive the same ideas, and in the same order;
nor does the incredulity of the one, and
the belief of the other hinder them from
putting the very same sense upon their author.
His words produce the same ideas in both;
though his testimony has not the same influence
on them. The latter has a more lively conception
of all the incidents. He enters deeper into
the concerns of the persons: represents to
himself their actions, and characters, and
friendships, and enmities: He even goes so
far as to form a notion of their features,
and air, and person. While the former, who
gives no credit to the testimony of the author,
has a more faint and languid conception of
all these particulars; and except on account
of the style and ingenuity of the composition,
can receive little entertainment from it.
SECT. VIII. OF THE CAUSES OF BELIEF.
Having thus explained the nature of belief,
and shewn that it consists in a lively idea
related to a present impression; let us now
proceed to examine from what principles it
is derived, and what bestows the vivacity
on the idea.
I would willingly establish it as a general
maxim in the science of human nature, that
when any impression becomes present to us,
it not only transports the mind to such ideas
as are related to it, but likewise communicates
to them a share of its force and vivacity.
All the operations of the mind depend in
a great measure on its disposition, when
it performs them; and according as the spirits
are more or less elevated, and the attention
more or less fixed, the action will always
have more or less vigour and vivacity. When
therefore any object is presented, which
elevates and enlivens the thought, every
action, to which the mind applies itself,
will be more strong and vivid, as Tong as
that disposition continues, Now it is evident
the continuance of the disposition depends
entirely on the objects, about which the
mind is employed; and that any new object
naturally gives a new direction to the spirits,
and changes the disposition; as on the contrary,
when the mind fixes constantly on the same
object, or passes easily and insensibly along
related objects, the disposition has a much
longer duration. Hence it happens, that when
the mind is once inlivened by a present impression,
it proceeds to form a more lively idea of
the related objects, by a natural transition
of the disposition from the one to the other.
The change of the objects is so easy, that
the mind is scarce sensible of it, but applies
itself to the conception of the related idea
with all the force and vivacity it acquired
from the present impression.
If in considering the nature of relation,
and that facility of transition, which is
essential to it, we can satisfy ourselves
concerning the reality of this phaenomenon,
it is well: But I must confess I place my
chief confidence in experience to prove so
material a principle. We may, therefore,
observe, as the first experiment to our present
purpose, that upon the appearance of the
picture of an absent friend, our idea of
him is evidently inlivened by the resemblance,
and that every passion, which that idea occasions,
whether of joy or sorrow, acquires new force
and vigour. In producing this effect there
concur both a relation and a present impression.
Where the picture bears him no resemblance,
or at least was not intended for him, it
never so much as conveys our thought to him:
And where it is absent, as well as the person;
though the mind may pass from the thought
of the one to that of the other; it feels
its idea to be rather weekend than inlivened
by that transition. We take a pleasure in
viewing the picture of a friend, when it
is set before us; but when it is removed,
rather choose to consider him directly, than
by reflexion in an image, which is equally
distinct and obscure.
The ceremonies of the Roman Catholic religion
may be considered as experiments of the same
nature. The devotees of that strange superstition
usually plead in excuse of the mummeries,
with which they are upbraided, that they
feel the good effect of those external motions,
and postures, and actions, in enlivening
their devotion, and quickening their fervour,
which otherwise would decay away, if directed
entirely to distant and immaterial objects.
We shadow out the objects of our faith, say
they, in sensible types and images, and render
them more present to us by the immediate
presence of these types, than it is possible
for us to do, merely by an intellectual view
and contemplation. Sensible objects have
always a greater influence on the fancy than
any other; and this influence they readily
convey to those ideas, to which they are
related, and which they Resemble. I shall
only infer from these practices, and this
reasoning, that the effect of resemblance
in inlivening the idea is very common; and
as in every case a resemblance and a present
impression must concur, we are abundantly
supplyed with experiments to prove the reality
of the foregoing principle.
We may add force to these experiments by
others of a different kind, in considering
the effects of contiguity, as well as of
resemblance. It is certain, that distance
diminishes the force of every idea, and that
upon our approach to any object; though it
does not discover itself to our senses; it
operates upon the mind with an influence
that imitates an immediate impression. The
thinking on any object readily transports
the mind to what is contiguous; but it is
only the actual presence of an object, that
transports it with a superior vivacity. When
I am a few miles from home, whatever relates
to it touches me more nearly than when I
am two hundred leagues distant; though even
at that distance the reflecting on any thing
in the neighbourhood of my friends and family
naturally produces an idea of them. But as
in this latter case, both the objects of
the mind are ideas; notwithstanding there
is an easy transition betwixt them; that
transition alone is not able to give a superior
vivacity to any of the ideas, for want of
some immediate impression. [FN 6.]
[FN 6. NATURANE NOBIS, IN QUIT, DATUM DICAM,
AN ERRORE QUODAM, UT, CUM EA LOCA VIDEAMUS,
IN QUIBUS MEMORIA DIGNOS VIROS ACCEPERIMUS
MULTURN ESSE VERSATOS, MAGIS MOVEAMUR, QUAM
SIQUANDO EORUM IPSORUM AUT JACTA AUDIAMUS,
AUT SCRIPTUM ALIQUOD LEGAMUS? VELUT EGO NUNC
MOVEOR. VENIT ENIM MIHI PLATONIS IN MENTEM:
QUEM ACCIPIMUS PRIMURN HIC DISPUTARE SOLITUM:
CUJUS ETIAM ILLI HORTULI PROPINQUI NON MEMORIAM
SOLUM MIHI AFFERUNT, SED IPSUM VIDENTUR IN
CONSPECTU MEO HIC PONERE. HIC SPEUSIPPUS,
HIC XENOCRATES, HIC EJUS AUDITOR POLEMO;
CUJUS IPSA ILLA SESSIO FUIT, QUAM VIDEAMUS.
EQUIDEM ETIAM CURIAM NOSTRAM, HOSTILIAM DICO,
NON HANC NOVAM, QUAE MIHI MINOR ESSE VIDETUR
POST QUAM EST MAJOR, SOLE BARN INTUENS SCIPIONEM,
CATONEM, LACLIUM, NOSTRUM VERO IN PRIMIS
AVUM COGITARE. TANTA VIS ADMONITIONIS INEST
IN LOCIS; UT NON SINE CAUSA EX HIS MEMORIAE
DUCTA SIT DISCIPLINA. Cicero de Finibus,
lib. 5.
{"Should I, he said, "attribute
to instinct or to some kind of illusion the
fact that when we see those places in which
we are told notable men spent much of their
time, we are more powerfully affected than
when we hear of the exploits of the men themselves
or read something written? This is just what
is happening to me now; for I am reminded
of Plato who, we are told, was the first
to make a practice of holding discussions
here. Those gardens of his near by do not
merely put me in mind of him; they seem to
set the man himself before my very eyes.
Speusippus was here; so was Xenocrates; so
was his pupil, Polemo, and that very seat
which we may view was his.
"Then again, when I looked at our Senate-house
(I mean the old building of Hostilius, not
this new one; when it was enlarged, it diminished
in my estimation), I used to think of Scipio,
Cato, Laelius and in particular of my own
grandfather.
"Such is the power of places to evoke
associations; so it is with good reason that
they are used as a basis for memory training."}]
No one can doubt but causation has the same
influence as the other two relations; of
resemblance and contiguity. Superstitious
people are fond of the relicks of saints
and holy men, for the same reason that they
seek after types and images, in order to
enliven their devotion, and give them a more
intimate and strong conception of those exemplary
lives, which they desire to imitate. Now
it is evident, one of the best relicks a
devotee coued procure, would be the handywork
of a saint; and if his cloaths and furniture
are ever to be considered in this light,
it is because they were once at his disposal,
and were moved and affected by him; in which
respect they are to be considered as imperfect
effects, and as connected with him by a shorter
chain of consequences than any of those,
from which we learn the reality of his existence.
This phaenomenon clearly proves, that a present
impression with a relation of causation may,
inliven any idea, and consequently produce
belief or assent, according to the precedent
definition of it.
But why need we seek for other arguments
to prove, that a present impression with
a relation or transition of the fancy may
inliven any idea, when this very instance
of our reasonings from cause and effect will
alone suffice to that purpose? It is certain
we must have an idea of every matter of fact,
which we believe. It is certain, that this
idea arises only from a relation to a present
impression. It is certain, that the belief
super-adds nothing to the idea, but only
changes our manner of conceiving it, and
renders it more strong and lively. The present
conclusion concerning the influence of relation
is the immediate consequence of all these
steps; and every step appears to me sure
end infallible. There enters nothing into
this operation of the mind but a present
impression, a lively idea, and a relation
or association in the fancy betwixt the impression
and idea; so that there can be no suspicion
of mistake.
In order to put this whole affair in a fuller
light, let us consider it as a question in
natural philosophy, which we must determine
by experience and observation. I suppose
there is an object presented, from which
I draw a certain conclusion, and form to
myself ideas, which I am said to believe
or assent to. Here it is evident, that however
that object, which is present to my senses,
and that other, whose existence I infer by
reasoning, may be thought to influence each
other by their particular powers or qualities;
yet as the phenomenon of belief, which we
at present examine, is merely internal, these
powers and qualities, being entirely unknown,
can have no hand in producing it. It is the
present impression, which is to be considered
as the true and real cause of the idea, and
of the belief which attends it. We must therefore
endeavour to discover by experiments the
particular qualities, by which it is enabled
to produce so extraordinary an effect.
First then I observe, that the present impression
has not this effect by its own proper power
and efficacy, and when considered alone,
as a single perception, limited to the present
moment. I find, that an impression, from
which, on its first appearance, I can draw
no conclusion, may afterwards become the
foundation of belief, when I have had experience
of its usual consequences. We must in every
case have observed the same impression in
past instances, and have found it to be constantly
conjoined with some other impression. This
is confirmed by such a multitude of experiments,
that it admits not of the smallest doubt.
From a second observation I conclude, that
the belief, which attends the present impression,
and is produced by a number of past impressions
and conjunctions; that this belief, I say,
arises immediately, without any new operation
of the reason or imagination. Of this I can
be certain, because I never am conscious
of any such operation, and find nothing in
the subject, on which it can be founded.
Now as we call every thing CUSTOM, which
proceeds from a past repetition, without
any new reasoning or conclusion, we-may establish
it as a certain truth, that all the belief,
which follows upon any present impression,
is derived solely from that origin. When
we are accustomed to see two impressions
conjoined together, the appearance or idea
of the one immediately carries us to the
idea of the other.
Being fully satisfyed on this head, I make
a third set of experiments, in order to know,
whether any thing be requisite, beside the
customary transition, towards the production
of this phaenomenon of belief. I therefore
change the first impression into an idea;
and observe, that though the customary transition
to the correlative idea still remains, yet
there is in reality no belief nor perswasion.
A present impression, then, is absolutely
requisite to this whole operation; and when
after this I compare an impression with an
idea, and find that their only difference
consists in their different degrees of force
and vivacity, I conclude upon the whole,
that belief is a more vivid and intense conception
of an idea, proceeding from its relation
to a present impression.
Thus all probable reasoning is nothing but
a species of sensation. It is not solely
in poetry and music, we must follow our taste
and sentiment, but likewise in philosophy.
When I am convinced of any principle, it
is only an idea, which strikes more strongly
upon me. When I give the preference to one
set of arguments above another, I do nothing
but decide from my feeling concerning the
superiority of their influence. Objects have
no discoverable connexion together; nor is
it from any other principle but custom operating
upon the imagination, that we can draw any
inference from the appearance of one to the
existence of another.
It will here be worth our observation, that
the past experience, on which all our judgments
concerning cause and effect depend, may operate
on our mind in such an insensible manner
as never to be taken notice of, and may even
in some measure be unknown to us. A person,
who stops short in his journey upon meeting
a river in his way, foresees the consequences
of his proceeding forward; and his knowledge
of these consequences is conveyed to him
by past experience, which informs him of
such certain conjunctions of causes and effects.
But can we think, that on this occasion he
reflects on any past experience, and calls
to remembrance instances, that he has seen
or heard of, in order to discover the effects
of water on animal bodies? No surely; this
is not the method, in which he proceeds in
his reasoning. The idea of sinking is so
closely connected with that of water, and
the idea of suffocating with that of sinking,
that the mind makes the transition without
the assistance of the memory. The custom
operates before we have time for reflection.
The objects seem so inseparable, that we
interpose not a moment's delay in passing
from the one to the other. But as this transition
proceeds from experience, and not from any
primary connexion betwixt the ideas, we must
necessarily acknowledge, that experience
may produce a belief and a judgment of causes
and effects by a secret operation, and without
being once thought of. This removes all pretext,
if there yet remains any, for asserting that
the mind is convinced by reasoning of that
principle, that instances of which we have
no experience, must necessarily resemble
those, of which we have. For we here find,
that the understanding or imagination can
draw inferences from past experience, without
reflecting on it; much more without forming
any principle concerning it, or reasoning
upon that principle.
In general we may observe, that in all the
most established and uniform conjunctions
of causes and effects, such as those of gravity,
impulse, solidity, &c. the mind never
carries its view expressly to consider any
past experience: Though in other associations
of objects, which are more rare and unusual,
it may assist the custom and transition of
ideas by this reflection. Nay we find in
some cases, that the reflection produces
the belief without the custom; or more properly
speaking, that the reflection produces the
custom in an oblique and artificial manner.
I explain myself. It is certain, that not
only in philosophy, but even in common life,
we may attain the knowledge of a particular
cause merely by one experiment, provided
it be made with judgment, and after a careful
removal of all foreign and superfluous circumstances.
Now as after one experiment of this kind,
the mind, upon the appearance either of the
cause or the effect, can draw an inference
concerning the existence of its correlative;
and as a habit can never be acquired merely
by one instance; it may be thought, that
belief cannot in this case be esteemed the
effect of custom. But this difficulty will
vanish, if we consider, that though we are
here supposed to have had only one experiment
of a particular effect, yet we have many
millions to convince us of this principle;
that like objects placed in like circumstances,
will always produce like effects; and as
this principle has established itself by
a sufficient custom, it bestows an evidence
and firmness on any opinion, to which it
can be applied. The connexion of the ideas
is not habitual after one experiment: but
this connexion is comprehended under another
principle, that is habitual; which brings
us back to our hypothesis. In all cases we
transfer our experience to instances, of
which we have no experience, either expressly
or tacitly, either directly or indirectly.
I must not conclude this subject without
observing, that it is very difficult to talk
of the operations of the mind with perfect
propriety and exactness; because common language
has seldom made any very nice distinctions
among them, but has generally called by the
same term all such as nearly resemble each
other. And as this is a source almost inevitable
of obscurity and confusion in the author;
so it may frequently give rise to doubts
and objections in the reader, which otherwise
he would never have dreamed of. Thus my general
position, that an opinion or belief is nothing
but a strong and lively idea derived from
a present impression related to it, maybe
liable to the following objection, by reason
of a little ambiguity in those words strong
and lively. It may be said, that not only
an impression may give rise to reasoning,
but that an idea may also have the same influence;
especially upon my principle, that all our
ideas are derived from correspondent impressions.
For suppose I form at present an idea, of
which I have forgot the correspondent impression,
I am able to conclude from this idea, that
such an impression did once exist; and as
this conclusion is attended with belief,
it may be asked, from whence are the qualities
of force and vivacity derived, which constitute
this belief? And to this I answer very readily,
from the present idea. For as this idea is
not here considered, as the representation
of any absent object, but as a real perception
in the mind, of which we are intimately conscious,
it must be able to bestow on whatever is
related to it the same quality, call it firmness,
or solidity, or force, or vivacity, with
which the mind reflects upon it, and is assured
of its present existence. The idea here supplies
the place of an impression, and is entirely
the same, so far as regards our present purpose.
Upon the same principles we need not be surprized
to hear of the remembrance of an idea: that
is, of the idea of an idea, and of its force
and vivacity superior to the loose conceptions
of the imagination. In thinking of our past
thoughts we not only delineate out the objects,
of which we were thinking, but also conceive
the action of the mind in the meditation,
that certain JE-NE-SCAI-QUOI, of which it
is impossible to give any definition or description,
but which every one sufficiently understands.
When the memory offers an idea of this, and
represents it as past, it is easily conceived
how that idea may have more vigour and firmness,
than when we think of a past thought, of
which we have no remembrance.
After this any one will understand how we
may form the idea of an impression and of
an idea, and how we way believe the existence
of an impression and of an idea.
SECT. IX. OF THE EFFECTS OF OTHER RELATIONS
AND OTHER HABITS.
However convincing the foregoing arguments
may appear, we must not rest contented with
them, but must turn the subject on every
side, in order to find some new points of
view, from which we may illustrate and confirm
such extraordinary, and such fundamental
principles. A scrupulous hesitation to receive
any new hypothesis is so laudable a disposition
in philosophers, and so necessary to the
examination of truth, that it deserves to
be complyed with, and requires that every
argument be produced, which may tend to their
satisfaction, and every objection removed,
which may stop them in their reasoning.
I have often observed, that, beside cause
and effect, the two relations of resemblance
and contiguity, are to be considered as associating
principles of thought, and as capable of
conveying the imagination from one idea to
another. I have also observed, that when
of two objects connected to-ether by any
of these relations, one is immediately present
to the memory or senses, not only the mind
is conveyed to its co-relative by means of
the associating principle; but likewise conceives
it with an additional force and vigour, by
the united operation of that principle, and
of the present impression. All this I have
observed, in order to confirm by analogy,
my explication of our judgments concerning
cause and effect. But this very argument
may, perhaps, be turned against me, and instead
of a confirmation of my hypothesis, may become
an objection to it. For it may be said, that
if all the parts of that hypothesis be true,
viz. that these three species of relation
are derived from the same principles; that
their effects in informing and enlivening
our ideas are the same; and that belief is
nothing but a more forcible and vivid conception
of an idea; it should follow, that that action
of the mind may not only be derived from
the relation of cause and effect, but also
from those of contiguity and resemblance.
But as we find by experience, that belief
arises only from causation, and that we can
draw no inference from one object to another,
except they be connected by this relation,
we may conclude, that there is some error
in that reasoning, which leads us into such
difficulties.
This is the objection; let us now consider
its solution. It is evident, that whatever
is present to the memory, striking upon the
mind with a vivacity, which resembles an
immediate impression, must become of considerable
moment in all the operations of the mind,
and must easily distinguish itself above
the mere fictions of the imagination. Of
these impressions or ideas of the memory
we form a kind of system, comprehending whatever
we remember to have been present, either
to our internal perception or senses; and
every particular of that system, joined to
the present impressions, we are pleased to
call a reality. But the mind stops not here.
For finding, that with this system of perceptions,
there is another connected by custom, or
if you will, by the relation of cause or
effect, it proceeds to the consideration
of their ideas; and as it feels that it is
in a manner necessarily determined to view
these particular ideas, and that the custom
or relation, by which it is determined, admits
not of the least change, it forms them into
a new system, which it likewise dignifies
with the title of realities. The first of
these systems is the object of the memory
and senses; the second of the judgment.
It is this latter principle, which peoples
the world, and brings us acquainted with
such existences, as by their removal in time
and place, lie beyond the reach of the senses
and memory. By means of it I paint the universe
in my imagination, and fix my attention on
any part of it I please. I form an idea of
ROME, which I neither see nor remember; but
which is connected with such impressions
as I remember to have received from the conversation
and books of travellers and historians. This
idea of Rome I place in a certain situation
on the idea of an object, which I call the
globe. I join to it the conception of a particular
government, and religion, and manners. I
look backward and consider its first foundation;
its several revolutions, successes, and misfortunes.
All this, and everything else, which I believe,
are nothing but ideas; though by their force
and settled order, arising from custom and
the relation of cause and effect, they distinguish
themselves from the other ideas, which are
merely the offspring of the imagination.
As to the influence of contiguity and resemblance,
we may observe, that if the contiguous and
resembling object be comprehended in this
system of realities, there is no doubt but
these two relations will assist that of cause
and effect, and infix the related idea with
more force in the imagination. This I shall
enlarge upon presently. Mean while I shall
carry my observation a step farther, and
assert, that even where the related object
is but feigned, the relation will serve to
enliven the idea, and encrease its influence.
A poet, no doubt, will be the better able
to form a strong description of the Elysian
fields, that he prompts his imagination by
the view of a beautiful meadow or garden;
as at another time he may by his fancy place
himself in the midst of these fabulous regions,
that by the feigned contiguity he may enliven
his imagination.
But though I cannot altogether exclude the
relations of resemblance and contiguity from
operating on the fancy in this manner, it
is observable that, when single, their influence
is very feeble and uncertain. As the relation
of cause and effect is requisite to persuade
us of any real existence, so is this persuasion
requisite to give force to these other relations.
For where upon the appearance of an impression
we not only feign another object, but likewise
arbitrarily, and of our mere good-will and
pleasure give it a particular relation to
the impression, this can have but a small
effect upon the mind; nor is there any reason,
why, upon the return of the same impression,
we should be determined to place the same
object in the same relation to it. There
is no manner of necessity for the mind to
feign any resembling and contiguous objects;
and if it feigns such, there is as little
necessity for it always to confine itself
to the same, without any difference or variation.
And indeed such a fiction is founded on so
little reason, that nothing but pure caprice
can determine the mind to form it; and that
principle being fluctuating and uncertain,
it is impossible it can ever operate with
any considerable degree of force and constancy.
The mind forsees and anticipates the change;
and even from the very first instant feels
the looseness of its actions, and the weak
hold it has of its objects. And as this imperfection
is very sensible in every single instance,
it still encreases by experience and observation,
when we compare the several instances we
may remember, and form a general rule against
the reposing any assurance in those momentary
glimpses of light, which arise in the imagination
from a feigned resemblance and contiguity.
The relation of cause and effect has all
the opposite advantages. The objects it presents
are fixt and unalterable. The impressions
of the memory never change in any considerable
degree; and each impression draws along with
it a precise idea, which takes its place
in the imagination as something solid and
real, certain and invariable. The thought
is always determined to pass from the impression
to the idea, and from that particular impression
to that particular idea, without any choice
or hesitation.
But not content with removing this objection,
I shall endeavour to extract from it a proof
of the present doctrine. Contiguity and resemblance
have an effect much inferior to causation;
but still have some effect, and augment the
conviction of any opinion, and the vivacity
of any conception. If this can be proved
in several new instances, beside what we
have already observed, it will be allowed
no inconsiderable argument, that belief is
nothing but a lively idea related to a present
impression.
To begin with contiguity; it has been remarked
among the Mahometans as well as Christians,
that those pilgrims, who have seen MECCA
or the HOLY LAND, are ever after more faithful
and zealous believers, than those who have
not had that advantage. A man, whose memory
presents him with a lively image of the Red-Sea,
and the Desert, and Jerusalem, and Galilee,
can never doubt of any miraculous events,
which are related either by Moses or the
Evangelists. The lively idea of the places
passes by an easy transition to the facts,
which are supposed to have been related to
them by contiguity, and encreases the belief
by encreasing the vivacity of the conception.
The remembrance of these fields and rivers
has the same influence on the vulgar as a
new argument; and from the same causes.
We may form a like observation concerning
resemblance. We have remarked, that the conclusion,
which we draw from a present object to its
absent cause or effect, is never founded
on any qualities, which we observe in that
object, considered in itself, or, in other
words, that it is impossible to determine,
otherwise than by experience, what will result
from any phenomenon, or what has preceded
it. But though this be so evident in itself,
that it seemed not to require any, proof;
yet some philosophers have imagined that
there is an apparent cause for the communication
of motion, and that a reasonable man might
immediately infer the motion of one body
from the impulse of another, without having
recourse to any past observation. That this
opinion is false will admit of an easy proof.
For if such an inference may be drawn merely
from the ideas of body, of motion, and of
impulse, it must amount to a demonstration,
and must imply the absolute impossibility
of any contrary supposition. Every effect,
then, beside the communication of motion,
implies a formal contradiction; and it is
impossible not only that it can exist, but
also that it can be conceived. But we may
soon satisfy ourselves of the contrary, by
forming a clear and consistent idea of one
body's moving upon another, and of its rest
immediately upon the contact, or of its returning
back in the same line in which it came; or
of its annihilation; or circular or elliptical
motion: and in short, of an infinite number
of other changes, which we may suppose it
to undergo. These suppositions are all consistent
and natural; and the reason, Why we imagine
the communication of motion to be more consistent
and natural not only than those suppositions,
but also than any other natural effect, is
founded on the relation of resemblance betwixt
the cause and effect, which is here united
to experience, and binds the objects in the
closest and most intimate manner to each
other, so as to make us imagine them to be
absolutely inseparable. Resemblance, then,
has the same or a parallel influence with
experience; and as the only immediate effect
of experience is to associate our ideas together,
it follows, that all belief arises from the
association of ideas, according to my hypothesis.
It is universally allowed by the writers
on optics, that the eye at all times sees
an equal number of physical points, and that
a man on the top of a mountain has no larger
an image presented to his senses, than when
he is cooped up in the narrowest court or
chamber. It is only by experience that he
infers the greatness of the object from some
peculiar qualities of the image; and this
inference of the judgment he confounds with
sensation, as is common on other occasions.
Now it is evident, that the inference of
the judgment is here much more lively than
what is usual in our common reasonings, and
that a man has a more vivid conception of
the vast extent of the ocean from the image
he receives by the eye, when he stands on
the top of the high promontory, than merely
from hearing the roaring of the waters. He
feels a more sensible pleasure from its magnificence;
which is a proof of a more lively idea: And
he confounds his judgment with sensation,
which is another proof of it. But as the
inference is equally certain and immediate
in both cases, this superior vivacity of
our conception in one case can proceed from
nothing but this, that in drawing an inference
from the sight, beside the customary conjunction,
there is also a resemblance betwixt the image
and the object we infer; which strengthens
the relation, and conveys the vivacity of
the impression to the related idea with an
easier and more natural movement.
No weakness of human nature is more universal
and conspicuous than what we commonly call
CREDULITY, or a too easy faith in the testimony
of others; and this weakness is also very
naturally accounted for from the influence
of resemblance. When we receive any matter
of fact upon human testimony, our faith arises
from the very same origin as our inferences
from causes to effects, and from effects
to causes; nor is there anything but our
experience of the governing principles of
human nature, which can give us any assurance
of the veracity of men. But though experience
be the true standard of this, as well as
of all other judgments, we seldom regulate
ourselves entirely by it; but have a remarkable
propensity to believe whatever is reported,
even concerning apparitions, enchantments,
and prodigies, however contrary to daily
experience and observation. The words or
discourses of others have an intimate connexion
with certain ideas in their mind; and these
ideas have also a connexion with the facts
or objects, which they represent. This latter
connexion is generally much over-rated, and
commands our assent beyond what experience
will justify; which can proceed from nothing
beside the resemblance betwixt the ideas
and the facts. Other effects only point out
their causes in an oblique manner; but the
testimony of men does it directly, and is
to be considered as an image as well as an
effect. No wonder, therefore, we are so rash
in drawing our inferences from it, and are
less guided by experience in our judgments
concerning it, than in those upon any other
subject.
As resemblance, when conjoined with causation,
fortifies our reasonings; so the want of
it in any very great degree is able almost
entirely to destroy them. Of this there is
a remarkable instance in the universal carelessness
and stupidity of men with regard to a future
state, where they show as obstinate an incredulity,
as they do a blind credulity on other occasions.
There is not indeed a more ample matter of
wonder to the studious, and of regret to
the pious man, than to observe the negligence
of the bulk of mankind concerning their approaching
condition; and it is with reason, that many
eminent theologians have not scrupled to
affirm, that though the vulgar have no formal
principles of infidelity, yet they are really
infidels in their hearts, and have nothing
like what we can call a belief of the eternal
duration of their souls. For let us consider
on the one hand what divines have displayed
with such eloquence concerning the importance
of eternity; and at the same time reflect,
that though in matters of rhetoric we ought
to lay our account with some exaggeration,
we must in this case allow, that the strongest
figures are infinitely inferior to the subject:
And after this let us view on the other hand,
the prodigious security of men in this particular:
I ask, if these people really believe what
is inculcated on them, and what they pretend
to affirm; and the answer is obviously in
the negative. As belief is an act of the
mind arising from custom, it is not strange
the want of resemblance should overthrow
what custom has established, and diminish
the force of the idea, as much as that latter
principle encreases it. A future state is
so far removed from our comprehension, and
we have so obscure an idea of the manner,
in which we shall exist after the dissolution
of the body, that all the reasons we can
invent, however strong in themselves, and
however much assisted by education, are never
able with slow imaginations to surmount this
difficulty, or bestow a sufficient authority
and force on the idea. I rather choose to
ascribe this incredulity to the faint idea
we form of our future condition, derived
from its want of resemblance to the present
life, than to that derived from its remoteness.
For I observe, that men are everywhere concerned
about what may happen after their death,
provided it regard this world; and that there
are few to whom their name, their family,
their friends, and their country are in any
period of time entirely indifferent.
And indeed the want of resemblance in this
case so entirely destroys belief, that except
those few, who upon cool reflection on the
importance of the subject, have taken care
by repeated meditation to imprint in their
minds the arguments for a future state, there
scarce are any, who believe the immortality
of the soul with a true and established judgment;
such as is derived from the testimony of
travellers and historians. This appears very
conspicuously wherever men have occasion
to compare the pleasures and pains, the rewards
and punishments of this life with those of
a future; even though the case does not concern
themselves, and there is no violent passion
to disturb their judgment. The Roman Clatholicks
are certainly the most zealous of any sect
in the Christian world; and yet you'll find
few among the more sensible people of that
communion who do not blame the Gunpowder-treason,
and the massacre of St. Bartholomew, as cruel
and barbarous, though projected or executed
against those very people, whom without any
scruple they condemn to eternal and infinite
punishments. All we can say in excuse for
this inconsistency is, that they really do
not believe what they affirm concerning a
future state; nor is there any better proof
of it than the very inconsistency.
We may add to this a remark; that in matters
of religion men take a pleasure in being
terrifyed, and that no preachers are so popular,
as those who excite the most dismal and gloomy
passions. In the common affairs of life,
where we feel and are penetrated with the
solidity of the subject, nothing can be more
disagreeable than fear and terror; and it
is only in dramatic performances and in religious
discourses, that they ever give pleasure.
In these latter cases the imagination reposes
itself indolently on the idea; and the passion,
being softened by the want of belief in the
subject, has no more than the agreeable effect
of enlivening the mind, and fixing the attention.
The present hypothesis will receive additional
confirmation, if we examine the effects of
other kinds of custom, as well as of other
relations. To understand this we must consider,
that custom, to which I attribute all belief
and reasoning, may operate upon the mind
in invigorating an idea after two several
ways. For supposing that in all past experience
we have found two objects to have been always
conjoined together, it is evident, that upon
the appearance of one of these objects in
an impression, we must from custom make an
easy transition to the idea of that object,
which usually attends it; and by means of
the present impression and easy transition
must conceive that idea in a stronger and
more lively manner, than we do any loose
floating image of the fancy. But let us next
suppose, that a mere idea alone, without
any of this curious and almost artificial
preparation, should frequently make its appearance
in the mind, this idea must by degrees acquire
a facility and force; and both by its firm
hold and easy introduction distinguish itself
from any new and unusual idea. This is the
only particular, in which these two kinds
of custom agree; and if it appear, that their
effects on the judgment, are similar and
proportionable, we may certainly conclude,
that the foregoing explication of that faculty
is satisfactory. But can we doubt of this
agreement in their influence on the judgment,
when we consider the nature and effects Of
EDUCATION?
All those opinions and notions of things,
to which we have been accustomed from our
infancy, take such deep root, that it is
impossible for us, by all the powers of reason
and experience, to eradicate them; and this
habit not only approaches in its influence,
but even on many occasions prevails over
that which a-rises from the constant and
inseparable union of causes and effects.
Here we most not be contented with saying,
that the vividness of the idea produces the
belief: We must maintain that they are individually
the same. The frequent repetition of any
idea infixes it in the imagination; but coued
never possibly of itself produce belief,
if that act of the mind was, by the original
constitution of our natures, annexed only
to a reasoning and comparison of ideas. Custom
may lead us into some false comparison of
ideas. This is the utmost effect we can conceive
of it. But it is certain it coued never supply
the place of that comparison, nor produce
any act of the mind, which naturally belonged
to that principle.
A person, that has lost a leg or an arm by
amputation, endeavours for a long time afterwards
to serve himself with them. After the death
of any one, it is a common remark of the
whole family, but especially of the servants,
that they can scarce believe him to be dead,
but still imagine him to be in his chamber
or in any other place, where they were accustomed
to find him. I have often heard in conversation,
after talking of a person, that is any way
celebrated, that one, who has no acquaintance
with him, will say, I have never seen such-a-one,
but almost fancy I have; so often have I
heard talk of him. All these are parallel
instances.
If we consider this argument from EDUCATION
in a proper light, it will appear very convincing;
and the more so, that it is founded on one
of the most common phaenomena, that is any
where to be met with. I am persuaded, that
upon examination we shall find more than
one half of those opinions, that prevail
among mankind, to be owing to education,
and that the principles, which are thus implicitely
embraced, overballance those, which are owing
either to abstract reasoning or experience.
As liars, by the frequent repetition of their
lies, come at last to remember them; so the
judgment, or rather the imagination, by the
like means, may have ideas so strongly imprinted
on it, and conceive them in so full a light,
that they may operate upon the mind in the
same manner with those, which the senses,
memory or reason present to us. But as education
is an artificial and not a natural cause,
and as its maxims are frequently contrary
to reason, and even to themselves in different
times and places, it is never upon that account
recognized by philosophers; though in reality
it be built almost on the same foundation
of custom and repetition as our reasonings
from causes and effects.
[FN 7. In general we may observe, that as
our assent to all probable reasonings is
founded on the vivacity of ideas, It resembles
many of those whimsies and prejudices, which
are rejected under the opprobrious character
of being the offspring of the imagination.
By this expression it appears that the word,
imagination, is commonly usd in two different
senses; and tho nothing be more contrary
to true philosophy, than this inaccuracy,
yet in the following reasonings I have often
been obligd to fall into it. When I oppose
the Imagination to the memory, I mean the
faculty, by which we form our fainter ideas.
When I oppose it to reason, I mean the same
faculty, excluding only our demonstrative
and probable reasonings. When I oppose it
to neither, it is indifferent whether it
be taken in the larger or more limited sense,
or at least the context will sufficiently
explain the meaning.]
SECT. X. OF THE INFLUENCE OF BELIEF.
But though education be disclaimed by philosophy,
as a fallacious ground of assent to any opinion,
it prevails nevertheless in the world, and
is the cause why all systems are apt to be
rejected at first as new and unusual. This
perhaps will be the fate of what I have here
advanced concerning belief, and though the
proofs I have produced appear to me perfectly
conclusive, I expect not to make many proselytes
to my opinion. Men will scarce ever be persuaded,
that effects of such consequence can flow
from principles, which are seemingly so inconsiderable,
and that the far greatest part of our reasonings
with all our actions and passions, can be
derived from nothing but custom and habit.
To obviate this objection, I shall here anticipate
a little what would more properly fall under
our consideration afterwards, when we come
to treat of the passions and the sense of
beauty.
There is implanted in the human mind a perception
of pain and pleasure, as the chief spring
and moving principle of all its actions.
But pain and pleasure have two ways of making
their appearance in the mind; of which the
one has effects very different from the other.
They may either appear in impression to the
actual feeling, or only in idea, as at present
when I mention them. It is evident the influence
of these upon our actions is far from being
equal. Impressions always actuate the soul,
and that in the highest degree; but it is
not every idea which has the same effect.
Nature has proceeded with caution in this
came, and seems to have carefully avoided
the inconveniences of two extremes. Did impressions
alone influence the will, we should every
moment of our lives be subject to the greatest
calamities; because, though we foresaw their
approach, we should not be provided by nature
with any principle of action, which might
impel us to avoid them. On the other hand,
did every idea influence our actions, our
condition would not be much mended. For such
is the unsteadiness and activity of thought,
that the images of every thing, especially
of goods and evils, are always wandering
in the mind; and were it moved by every idle
conception of this kind, it would never enjoy
a moment's peace and tranquillity.
Nature has, therefore, chosen a medium, and
has neither bestowed on every idea of good
and evil the power of actuating the will,
nor yet has entirely excluded them from this
influence. Though an idle fiction has no
efficacy, yet we find by experience, that
the ideas of those objects, which we believe
either are or will be existent, produce in
a lesser degree the same effect with those
impressions, which are immediately present
to the senses and perception. The effect,
then, of belief is to raise up a simple idea
to an equality with our impressions, and
bestow on it a like influence on the passions.
This effect it can only have by making an
idea approach an impression in force and
vivacity. For as the different degrees of
force make all the original difference betwixt
an impression and an idea, they must of consequence
be the source of all the differences in the
effects of these perceptions, and their removal,
in whole or in part, the cause of every new
resemblance they acquire. Wherever we can
make an idea approach the impressions in
force and vivacity, it will likewise imitate
them in its influence on the mind; and vice
versa, where it imitates them in that influence,
as in the present case, this must proceed
from its approaching them in force and vivacity.
Belief, therefore, since it causes an idea
to imitate the effects of the impressions,
must make it resemble them in these qualities,
and is nothing but A MORE VIVID AND INTENSE
CONCEPTION OF ANY IDEA. This, then, may both
serve as an additional argument for the present
system, and may give us a notion after what
manner our reasonings from causation are
able to operate on the will and passions.
As belief is almost absolutely requisite
to the exciting our passions, so the passions
in their turn are very favourable to belief;
and not only such facts as convey agreeable
emotions, but very often such as give pain,
do upon that account become more readily
the objects of faith and opinion. A coward,
whose fears are easily awakened, readily
assents to every account of danger he meets
with; as a person of a sorrowful and melancholy
disposition is very credulous of every thing,
that nourishes his prevailing passion. When
any affecting object is presented, it gives
the alarm, and excites immediately a degree
of its proper passion; especially in persons
who are naturally inclined to that passion.
This emotion passes by an easy transition
to the imagination; and diffusing itself
over our idea of the affecting object, makes
us form that idea with greater force and
vivacity, and consequently assent to it,
according to the precedent system. Admiration
and surprize have the same effect as the
other passions; and accordingly we may observe,
that among the vulgar, quacks and projectors
meet with a more easy faith upon account
of their magnificent pretensions, than if
they kept themselves within the bounds of
moderation. The first astonishment, which
naturally attends their miraculous relations,
spreads itself over the whole soul, and so
vivifies and enlivens the idea, that it resembles
the inferences we draw from experience. This
is a mystery, with which we may be already
a little acquainted, and which we shall have
farther occasion to be let into in the progress
of this treatise.
After this account of the influence of belief
on the passions, we shall find less difficulty
in explaining its effects on the imagination,
however extraordinary they may appear. It
is certain we cannot take pleasure in any
discourse, where our judgment gives no assent
to those images which are presented to our
fancy. The conversation of those who have
acquired a habit of lying, though in affairs
of no moment, never gives any satisfaction;
and that because those ideas they present
to us, not being attended with belief, make
no impression upon the mind. Poets themselves,
though liars by profession, always endeavour
to give an air of truth to their fictions;
and where that is totally neglected, their
performances, however ingenious, will never
be able to afford much pleasure. In short,
we may observe, that even when ideas have
no manner of influence on the will and passions,
truth and reality are still requisite, in
order to make them entertaining to the imagination.
But if we compare together all the phenomena
that occur on this head, we shall find, that
truth, however necessary it may seem in all
works of genius, has no other effect than
to procure an easy reception for the ideas,
and to make the mind acquiesce in them with
satisfaction, or at least without reluctance.
But as this is an effect, which may easily
be supposed to flow from that solidity and
force, which, according to my system, attend
those ideas that are established by reasonings
from causation; it follows, that all the
influence of belief upon the fancy may be
explained from that system. Accordingly we
may observe, that wherever that influence
arises from any other principles beside truth
or reality, they supply its place, and give
an equal entertainment to the imagination.
Poets have formed what they call a poetical
system of things, which though it be believed
neither by themselves nor readers, is commonly
esteemed a sufficient foundation for any
fiction. We have been so much accustomed
to the names of MARS, JUPITER, VENUS, that
in the same manner as education infixes any
opinion, the constant repetition of these
ideas makes them enter into the mind with
facility, and prevail upon the fancy, without
influencing the judgment. In like manner
tragedians always borrow their fable, or
at least the names of their principal actors,
from some known passage in history; and that
not in order to deceive the spectators; for
they will frankly confess, that truth is
not in any circumstance inviolably observed:
but in order to procure a more easy reception
into the imagination for those extraordinary
events, which they represent. But this is
a precaution, which is not required of comic
poets, whose personages and incidents, being
of a more familiar kind, enter easily into
the conception, and are received without
any such formality, even though at first
night they be known to be fictitious, and
the pure offspring of the fancy.
This mixture of truth and falshood in the
fables of tragic poets not only serves our
present purpose, by shewing, that the imagination
can be satisfyed without any absolute belief
or assurance; but may in another view be
regarded as a very strong confirmation of
this system. It is evident, that poets make
use of this artifice of borrowing the names
of their persons, and the chief events of
their poems, from history, in order to procure
a more easy reception for the whole, and
cause it to make a deeper impression on the
fancy and affections. The several incidents
of the piece acquire a kind of relation by
being united into one poem or representation;
and if any of these incidents be an object
of belief, it bestows a force and vivacity
on the others, which are related to it. The
vividness of the first conception diffuses
itself along the relations, and is conveyed,
as by so many pipes or canals, to every idea
that has any communication with the primary
one. This, indeed, can never amount to a
perfect assurance; and that because the union
among the ideas is, in a manner, accidental:
But still it approaches so near, in its influence,
as may convince us, that they are derived
from the same origin. Belief must please
the imagination by means of the force and
vivacity which attends it; since every idea,
which has force and vivacity, is found to
be agreeable to that faculty.
To confirm this we may observe, that the
assistance is mutual betwixt the judgment
and fancy, as well as betwixt the judgment
and passion; and that belief not only gives
vigour to the imagination, but that a vigorous
and strong imagination is of all talents
the most proper to procure belief and authority.
It is difficult for us to withhold our assent
from what is painted out to us in all the
colours of eloquence; and the vivacity produced
by the fancy is in many cases greater than
that which arises from custom and experience.
We are hurried away by the lively imagination
of our author or companion; and even he himself
is often a victim to his own fire and genius.
Nor will it be amiss to remark, that as a
lively imagination very often degenerates
into madness or folly, and bears it a great
resemblance in its operations; so they influence
the judgment after the same manner, and produce
belief from the very same principles. When
the imagination, from any extraordinary ferment
of the blood and spirits, acquires such a
vivacity as disorders all its powers and
faculties, there is no means of distinguishing
betwixt truth and falshood; but every loose
fiction or idea, having the same influence
as the impressions of the memory, or the
conclusions of the judgment, is received
on the same footing, and operates with equal
force on the passions. A present impression
and a customary transition are now no longer
necessary to enliven our ideas. Every chimera
of the brain is as vivid and intense as any
of those inferences, which we formerly dignifyed
with the name of conclusions concerning matters
of fact, and sometimes as the present impressions
of the senses.
We may observe the same effect of poetry
in a lesser degree; and this is common both
to poetry and madness, that the vivacity
they bestow on the ideas is not derived from
the particular situations or connexions of
the objects of these ideas, but from the
present temper and disposition of the person.
But how great soever the pitch may be, to
which this vivacity rises, it is evident,
that in poetry it never has the same feeling
with that which arises in the mind, when
we reason, though even upon the lowest species
of probability. The mind can easily distinguish
betwixt the one and the other; and whatever
emotion the poetical enthusiasm may give
to the spirits, it is still the mere phantom
of belief or persuasion. The case is the
same with the idea, as with the passion it
occasions. There is no passion of the human
mind but what may arise from poetry; though
at the same time the feelings of the passions
are very different when excited by poetical
fictions, from what they are when they are
from belief and reality. A passion, which
is disagreeable in real life, may afford
the highest entertainment in a tragedy, or
epic poem. In the latter case, it lies not
with that weight upon us: It feels less firm
and solid: And has no other than the agreeable
effect of exciting the spirits, and rouzing
the attention. The difference in the passions
is a clear proof of a like difference in
those ideas, from which the passions are
derived. Where the vivacity arises from a
customary conjunction with a present impression;
though the imagination may not, in appearance,
be so much moved; yet there is always something
more forcible and real in its actions, than
in the fervors of poetry and eloquence. The
force of our mental actions in this case,
no more than in any other, is not to be measured
by the apparent agitation of the mind. A
poetical description may have a more sensible
effect on the fancy, than an historical narration.
It may collect more of those circumstances,
that form a compleat image or picture. It
may seem to set the object before us in more
lively colours. But still the ideas it presents
are different to the feeling from those,
which arise from the memory and the judgment.
There is something weak and imperfect amidst
all that seeming vehemence of thought and
sentiment, which attends the fictions of
poetry.
We shall afterwards have occasion to remark
both the resemblance and differences betwixt
a poetical enthusiasm, and a serious conviction.
In the mean time I cannot forbear observing,
that the great difference in their feeling
proceeds in some measure from reflection
and GENERAL RULES. We observe, that the vigour
of conception, which fictions receive from
poetry and eloquence, is a circumstance merely
accidental, of which every idea is equally
susceptible; and that such fictions are connected
with nothing that is real. This observation
makes us only lend ourselves, so to speak,
to the fiction: But causes the idea to feel
very different from the eternal established
persuasions founded on memory and custom.
They are somewhat of the same kind: But the
one is much inferior to the other, both in
its causes and effects.
A like reflection on general rules keeps
us from augmenting our belief upon every
encrease of the force and vivacity of our
ideas. Where an opinion admits of no doubt,
or opposite probability, we attribute to
it a full conviction: though the want of
resemblance, or contiguity, may render its
force inferior to that of other opinions.
It is thus the understanding corrects the
appearances of the senses, and makes us imagine,
that an object at twenty foot distance seems
even to the eye as large as one of the same
dimensions at ten.
We may observe the same effect of poetry
in a lesser degree; only with this difference,
that the least reflection dissipates the
illusions of poetry, and Places the objects
in their proper light. It is however certain,
that in the warmth of a poetical enthusiasm,
a poet has a counterfeit belief, and even
a kind of vision of his objects: And if there
be any shadow of argument to support this
belief, nothing contributes more to his full
conviction than a blaze of poetical figures
and images, which have their effect upon
the poet himself, as well as upon his readers.
SECT. XI. OF THE PROBABILITY OF CHANCES.
But in order to bestow on this system its
full force and evidence, we must carry our
eye from it a moment to consider its consequences,
and explain from the same principles some
other species of reasoning, which are derived
from the same origin.
Those philosophers, who have divided human
reason into knowledge and probability, and
have defined the first to be that evidence,
which arises from the comparison of ideas,
are obliged to comprehend all our arguments
from causes or effects under the general
term of probability. But though every one
be free to use his terms in what sense he
pleases; and accordingly in the precedent
part of this discourse, I have followed this
method of expression; it is however certain,
that in common discourse we readily affirm,
that many arguments from causation exceed
probability, and may be received as a superior
kind of evidence. One would appear ridiculous,
who would say, that it is only probable the
sun will rise to-morrow, or that all men
must dye; though it is plain we have no further
assurance of these facts, than what experience
affords us. For this reason, it would perhaps
be more convenient, in order at once to preserve
the common signification of words, and mark
the several degrees of evidence, to distinguish
human reason into three kinds, viz. THAT
FROM KNOWLEDGE, FROM PROOFS, AND FROM PROBABILITIES.
By knowledge, I mean the assurance arising
from the comparison of ideas. By proofs,
those arguments, which are derived from the
relation of cause and effect, and which are
entirely free from doubt and uncertainty.
By probability, that evidence, which is still
attended with uncertainty. It is this last
species of reasoning, I proceed to examine.
Probability or reasoning from conjecture
may be divided into two kinds, viz. that
which is founded on chance, and that which
arises from causes. We shall consider each
of these in order.
The idea of cause and effect is derived from
experience, which presenting us with certain
objects constantly conjoined with each other,
produces such a habit of surveying them in
that relation, that we cannot without a sensible
violence survey them iii any other. On the
other hand, as chance is nothing real in
itself, and, properly speaking, is merely
the negation of a cause, its influence on
the mind is contrary to that of causation;
and it is essential to it, to leave the imagination
perfectly indifferent, either to consider
the existence or non-existence of that object,
which is regarded as contingent. A cause
traces the way to our thought, and in a manner
forces us to survey such certain objects,
in such certain relations. Chance can only
destroy this determination of the thought,
and leave the mind in its native situation
of indifference; in which, upon the absence
of a cause, it is instantly re-instated.
Since therefore an entire indifference is
essential to chance, no one chance can possibly
be superior to another, otherwise than as
it is composed of a superior number of equal
chances. For if we affirm that one chance
can, after any other manner, be superior
to another, we must at the same time affirm,
that there is something, which gives it the
superiority, and determines the event rather
to that side than the other: That is, in
other words, we must allow of a cause, and
destroy the supposition of chance; which
we had before established. A perfect and
total indifference is essential to chance,
and one total indifference can never in itself
be either superior or inferior to another.
This truth is not peculiar to my system,
but is acknowledged by every one, that forms
calculations concerning chances.
And here it is remarkable, that though chance
and causation be directly contrary, yet it
is impossible for us to conceive this combination
of chances, which is requisite to render
one hazard superior to another, without supposing
a mixture of causes among the chances, and
a conjunction of necessity in some particulars,
with a total indifference in others. Where
nothing limits the chances, every notion,
that the most extravagant fancy can form,
is upon a footing of equality; nor can there
be any circumstance to give one the advantage
above another. Thus unless we allow, that
there are some causes to make the dice fall,
and preserve their form in their fall, and
lie upon some one of their sides, we can
form no calculation concerning the laws of
hazard. But supposing these causes to operate,
and supposing likewise all the rest to be
indifferent and to be determined by chance,
it is easy to arrive at a notion of a superior
combination of chances. A dye that has four
sides marked with a certain number of spots,
and only two with another, affords us an
obvious and easy instance of this superiority.
The mind is here limited by the causes to
such a precise number and quality of the
events; and at the same time is undetermined
in its choice of any particular event.
Proceeding then in that reasoning, wherein
we have advanced three steps; that chance
is merely the negation of a cause, and produces
a total indifference in the mind; that one
negation of a cause and one total indifference
can never be superior or inferior to another;
and that there must always be a mixture of
causes among the chances, in order to be
the foundation of any reasoning: We are next
to consider what effect a superior combination
of chances can have upon the mind, and after
what manner it influences our judgment and
opinion. Here we may repeat all the same
arguments we employed in examining that belief,
which arises from causes; and may prove,
after the same manner, that a superior number
of chances produces our assent neither by
demonstration nor probability. It is indeed
evident that we can never by the comparison
of mere ideas make any discovery, which can
be of consequence in this affairs and that
it is impossible to prove with certainty,
that any event must fall on that side where
there is a superior number of chances. To,
suppose in this case any certainty, were
to overthrow what we have established concerning
the opposition of chances, and their perfect
equality and indifference.
Should it be said, that though in an opposition
of chances it is impossible to determine
with certainty, on which side the event will
fall, yet we can pronounce with certainty,
that it is more likely and probable, it will
be on that side where there is a superior
number of chances, than where there is an
inferior: should this be said, I would ask,
what is here meant by likelihood and probability?
The likelihood and probability of chances
is a superior number of equal chances; and
consequently when we say it is likely the
event win fall on the side, which is superior,
rather than on the inferior, we do no more
than affirm, that where there is a superior
number of chances there is actually a superior,
and where there is an inferior there is an
inferior; which are identical propositions,
and of no consequence. The question is, by
what means a superior number of equal chances
operates upon the mind, and produces belief
or assent; since it appears, that it is neither
by arguments derived from demonstration,
nor from probability.
In order to clear up this difficulty, we
shall suppose a person to take a dye, formed
after such a manner as that four of its sides
are marked with one figure, or one number
of spots, and two with another; and to put
this dye into the box with an intention of
throwing it: It is plain, he must conclude
the one figure to be more probable than the
other, and give the preference to that which
is inscribed on the greatest number of sides.
He in a manner believes, that this will lie
uppermost; though still with hesitation and
doubt, in proportion to the number of chances,
which are contrary: And according as these
contrary chances diminish, and the superiority
encreases on the other side, his belief acquires
new degrees of stability and assurance. This
belief arises from an operation of the mind
upon the simple and limited object before
us; and therefore its nature will be the
more easily discovered and explained. We
have nothing but one single dye to contemplate,
in order to comprehend one of the most curious
operations of the understanding.
This dye, formed as above, contains three
circumstances worthy of our attention. First,
Certain causes, such as gravity, solidity,
a cubical figure, &c. which determine
it to fall, to preserve its form in its fall,
and to turn up one of its sides. Secondly,
A certain number of sides, which are supposed
indifferent. Thirdly, A certain figure inscribed
on each side. These three particulars form
the whole nature of the dye, so far as relates
to our present purpose; and consequently
are the only circumstances regarded by the
mind in its forming a judgment concerning
the result of such a throw. Let us, therefore,
consider gradually and carefully what must
be the influence of these circumstances on
the thought and imagination.
First, We have already observed, that the
mind is determined by custom to pass from
any cause to its effect, and that upon the
appearance of the one, it is almost impossible
for it not to form an idea of the other.
Their constant conjunction in past instances
has produced such a habit in the mind, that
it always conjoins them in its thought, and
infers the existence of the one from that
of its usual attendant. When it considers
the dye as no longer supported by the box,
it can not without violence regard it as
suspended in the air; but naturally places
it on the table, and views it as turning
up one of its sides. This is the effect of
the intermingled causes, which are requisite
to our forming any calculation concerning
chances.
Secondly, It is supposed, that though the
dye be necessarily determined to fall, and
turn up one of its sides, yet there is nothing
to fix the particular side, but that this
is determined entirely by chance. The very
nature and essence of chance is a negation
of causes, and the leaving the mind in a
perfect indifference among those events,
which are supposed contingent. When therefore
the thought is determined by the causes to
consider the dye as falling and turning up
one of its sides, the chances present all
these sides as equal, and make us consider
every one of them, one after another, as
alike probable and possible. The imagination
passes from the cause, viz. the throwing
of the dye, to the effect, viz. the turning
up one of the six sides; and feels a kind
of impossibility both of stopping short in
the way, and of forming any other idea. But
as all these six sides are incompatible,
and the dye cannot turn up above one at once,
this principle directs us not to consider
all of them at once as lying uppermost; which
we look upon as impossible: Neither does
it direct us with its entire force to any
particular side; for in that case this side
would be considered as certain and inevitable;
but it directs us to the whole six sides
after such a manner as to divide its force
equally among them. We conclude in general,
that some one of them must result from the
throw: We run all of them over in our minds:
The determination of the thought is common
to all; but no more of its force falls to
the share of any one, than what is suitable
to its proportion with the rest. It is after
this manner the original impulse, and consequently
the vivacity of thought, arising from the
causes, is divided and split in pieces by
the intermingled chances.
We have already seen the influence of the
two first qualities of the dye, viz. the
causes, and the number and indifference of
the sides, and have learned how they give
an impulse to the thought, and divide that
impulse into as many parts as there are unites
in the number of sides. We must now consider
the effects of the third particular, viz.
the figures inscribed on each side. It is
evident that where several sides have the
same figure inscribe on them, they must concur
in their influence on the mind, and must
unite upon one image or idea of a figure
all those divided impulses, that were dispersed
over the several sides, upon which that figure
is inscribed. Were the question only what
side will be turned up, these are all perfectly
equal, and no one coued ever have any advantage
above another. But as the question is concerning
the figure, and as the same figure is presented
by more than one side: it is evident, that
the impulses belonging to all these sides
must re-unite in that one figure, and become
stronger and more forcible by the union.
Four sides are supposed in the present case
to have the same figure inscribed on them,
and two to have another figure. The impulses
of the former are, therefore, superior to
those of the latter. But as the events are
contrary, and it is impossible both these
figures can be turned up; the impulses likewise
become contrary, and the inferior destroys
the superior, as far as its strength goes.
The vivacity of the idea is always proportionable
to the degrees of the impulse or tendency
to the transition; and belief is the same
with the vivacity of the idea, according
to the precedent doctrine.
SECT. XII. OF THE PROBABILITY OF CAUSES.
What I have said concerning the probability
of chances can serve to no other purpose,
than to assist us in explaining the probability
of causes; since it is commonly allowed by
philosophers, that what the vulgar call chance
is nothing but a secret and concealed cause.
That species of probability, therefore, is
what we must chiefly examine.
The probabilities of causes are of several
kinds; but are all derived from the same
origin, viz. THE ASSOCIATION OF IDEAS TO
A PRESENT IMPRESSION. As the habit, which
produces the association, arises from the
frequent conjunction of objects, it must
arrive at its perfection by degrees, and
must acquire new force from each instance,
that falls under our observation. The first
instance has little or no force: The second
makes some addition to it: The third becomes
still more sensible; and it is by these slow
steps, that our judgment arrives at a full
assurance. But before it attains this pitch
of perfection, it passes through several
inferior degrees, and in all of them is only
to be esteemed a presumption or probability.
The gradation, therefore, from probabilities
to proofs is in many cases insensible; and
the difference betwixt these kinds of evidence
is more easily perceived in the remote degrees,
than in the near and contiguous.
It is worthy of remark on this occasion,
that though the species of probability here
explained be the first in order, and naturally
takes place before any entire proof can exist,
yet no one, who is arrived at the age of
maturity, can any longer be acquainted with
it. It is true, nothing is more common than
for people of the most advanced knowledge
to have attained only an imperfect experience
of many particular events; which naturally
produces only an imperfect habit and transition:
But then we must consider, that the mind,
having formed another observation concerning
the connexion of causes and effects, gives
new force to its reasoning from that observation;
and by means of it can build an argument
on one single experiment, when duly prepared
and examined. What we have found once to
follow from any object, we conclude will
for ever follow from it; and if this maxim
be not always built upon as certain, it is
not for want of a sufficient number of experiments,
but because we frequently meet with instances
to the contrary; which leads us to the second
species of probability, where there is a
contrariety in our experience and observation.
It would be very happy for men in the conduct
of their lives and actions, were the same
objects always conjoined together, and, we
had nothing to fear but the mistakes of our
own judgment, without having any reason to
apprehend the uncertainty of nature. But
as it is frequently found, that one observation
is contrary to another, and that causes and
effects follow not in the same order, of
which we have I had experience, we are obliged
to vary our reasoning on, account of this
uncertainty, and take into consideration
the contrariety of events. The first question,
that occurs on this head, is concerning the
nature and causes of the contrariety.
The vulgar, who take things according to
their first appearance, attribute the uncertainty
of events to such an uncertainty in the causes,
as makes them often fail of their usual influence,
though they meet with no obstacle nor impediment
in their operation. But philosophers observing,
that almost in every part of nature there
is contained a vast variety of springs and
principles, which are hid, by reason of their
minuteness or remoteness, find that it is
at least possible the contrariety of events
may not proceed from any contingency in the
cause, but from the secret operation of contrary
causes. This possibility is converted into
certainty by farther observation, when they
remark, that upon an exact scrutiny, a contrariety
of effects always betrays a contrariety of
causes, and proceeds from their mutual hindrance
and opposition. A peasant can give no better
reason for the stopping of any clock or watch
than to say, that commonly it does not go
right: But an artizan easily perceives, that
the same force in the spring or pendulum
has always the same influence on the wheels;
but fails of its usual effect, perhaps by
reason of a grain of dust, which puts a stop
to the whole movement. From the observation
of several parallel instances, philosophers
form a maxim, that the connexion betwixt
all causes and effects is equally necessary,
and that its seeming uncertainty in some
instances proceeds from the secret opposition
of contrary causes.
But however philosophers and the vulgar may
differ in their explication of the contrariety
of events, their inferences from it are always
of the same kind, and founded on the same
principles. A contrariety of events in the
past may give us a kind of hesitating belief
for the future after two several ways. First,
By producing an imperfect habit and transition
from the present impression to the related
idea. When the conjunction of any two objects
is frequent, without being entirely constant,
the mind is determined to pass from one object
to the other; but not with so entire a habit,
as when the union is uninterrupted, and all
the instances we have ever met with are uniform
and of a piece-.. We find from common experience,
in our actions as well as reasonings, that
a constant perseverance in any course of
life produces a strong inclination and tendency
to continue for the future; though there
are habits of inferior degrees of force,
proportioned to the inferior degrees of steadiness
and uniformity in our conduct.
There is no doubt but this principle sometimes
takes place, and produces those inferences
we draw from contrary phaenomena: though
I am perswaded, that upon examination we
shall not find it to be the principle, that
most commonly influences the mind in this
species of reasoning. When we follow only
the habitual determination of the mind, we
make the transition without any reflection,
and interpose not a moment's delay betwixt
the view of one object and the belief of
that, which is often found to attend it.
As the custom depends not upon any deliberation,
it operates immediately, without allowing
any time for reflection. But this method
of proceeding we have but few instances of
in our probable reasonings; and even fewer
than in those, which are derived from the
uninterrupted conjunction of objects. In
the former species of reasoning we commonly
take knowingly into consideration the contrariety
of past events; we compare the different
sides of the contrariety, and carefully weigh
the experiments, which we have on each side:
Whence we may conclude, that our reasonings
of this kind arise not directly from the
habit, but in an oblique manner; which we
must now endeavour to explain.
It is evident, that when an object is attended
with contrary effects, we judge of them only
by our past experience, and always consider
those as possible, which we have observed
to follow from it. And as past experience
regulates our judgment concerning the possibility
of these effects, so it does that concerning
their probability; and that effect, which
has been the most common, we always esteem
the most likely. Here then are two things
to be considered, viz. the reasons which
determine us to make the past a standard
for the future, and the manner how we extract
a single judgment from a contrariety of past
events.
First we may observe, that the supposition,
that the future resembles the past, is not
founded on arguments of any kind, but is
derived entirely from habit, by which we
are determined to expect for the future the
same train of objects, to which we have been
accustomed. This habit or determination to
transfer the past to the future is full and
perfect; and consequently the first impulse
of the imagination in this species of reasoning
is endowed with the same qualities.
But, secondly, when in considering past experiments
we find them of a contrary nature, this determination,
though full and perfect in itself, presents
us with no steady object, but offers us a
number of disagreeing images in a certain
order and proportion. The first impulse,
therefore, is here broke into pieces, and
diffuses itself over all those images, of
which each partakes an equal share of that
force and vivacity, that is derived from
the impulse. Any of these past events may
again happen; and we judge, that when they
do happen, they will be mixed in the same
proportion as in the past.
If our intention, therefore, be to consider
the proportions of contrary events in a great
number of instances, the images presented
by our past experience must remain in their
FIRST FORM, and preserve their first proportions.
Suppose, for instance, I have found by long
observation, that of twenty ships, which
go to sea, only nineteen return. Suppose
I see at present twenty ships that leave
the port: I transfer my past experience to
the future, and represent to myself nineteen
of these ships as returning in safety, and
one as perishing. Concerning this there can
be no difficulty. But as we frequently run
over those several ideas of past events,
in order to form a judgment concerning one
single event, which appears uncertain; this
consideration must change the FIRST FORM
of our ideas, and draw together the divided
images presented by experience; since it
is to it we refer the determination of that
particular event, upon which we reason. Many
of these images are supposed to concur, and
a superior number to concur on one side.
These agreeing images unite together, and
render the idea more strong and lively, not
only than a mere fiction of the imagination,
but also than any idea, which is supported
by a lesser number of experiments. Each new
experiment is as a new stroke of the pencil,
which bestows an additional vivacity on the
colours without either multiplying or enlarging
the figure. This operation of the mind has
been so fully explained in treating of the
probability of chance, that I need not here
endeavour to render it more intelligible.
Every past experiment may be considered as
a kind of chance; I it being uncertain to
us, whether the object will exist conformable
to one experiment or another. And for this
reason every thing that has been said on
the one subject is applicable to both.
Thus upon the whole, contrary experiments
produce an imperfect belief, either by weakening
the habit, or by dividing and afterwards
joining in different parts, that perfect
habit, which makes us conclude in general,
that instances, of which we have no experience,
must necessarily resemble those of which
we have.
To justify still farther this account of
the second species of probability, where
we reason with knowledge and reflection from
a contrariety of past experiments, I shall
propose the following considerations, without
fearing to give offence by that air of subtilty,
which attends them. Just reasoning ought
still, perhaps, to retain its force, however
subtile; in the same manner as matter preserves
its solidity in the air, and fire, and animal
spirits, as well as in the grosser and more
sensible forms.
First, We may observe, that there is no probability
so great as not to allow of a contrary possibility;
because otherwise it would cease to be a
probability, and would become a certainty.
That probability of causes, which is most
extensive, and which we at present examine,
depends on a contrariety of experiments:
and it is evident An experiment in the past
proves at least a possibility for the future.
Secondly, The component parts of this possibility
and probability are of the same nature, and
differ in number only, but not in kind. It
has been observed, that all single chances
are entirely equal, and that the only circumstance,
which can give any event, that is contingent,
a superiority over another is a superior
number of chances. In like manner, as the
uncertainty of causes is discovery by experience,
which presents us with a view of contrary
events, it is plain, that when we transfer
the past to the future, the known to the
unknown, every past experiment has the same
weight, and that it is only a superior number
of them, which can throw the ballance on
any side. The possibility, therefore, which
enters into every reasoning of this kind,
is composed of parts, which are of the same
nature both among themselves, and with those,
that compose the opposite probability.
Thirdly, We may establish it as a certain
maxim, that in all moral as well as natural
phaenomena, wherever any cause consists of
a number of parts, and the effect encreases
or diminishes, according to the variation
of that number, the effects properly speaking,
is a compounded one, and arises from the
union of the several effects, that proceed
from each part of the cause. Thus, because
the gravity of a body encreases or diminishes
by the encrease or diminution of its parts,
we conclude that each part contains this
quality and contributes to the gravity of
the whole. The absence or presence of a part
of the cause is attended with that of a proportionable
part of the effect. This connexion or constant
conjunction sufficiently proves the one part
to be the cause of the other. As the belief
which we have of any event, encreases or
diminishes according to the number of chances
or past experiments, it is to be considered
as a compounded effect, of which each part
arises from a proportionable number of chances
or experiments.
Let us now join these three observations,
and see what conclusion we can draw from
them. To every probability there is an opposite
possibility. This possibility is composed
of parts, that are entirely of the same nature
with those of the probability; and consequently
have the same influence on the mind and understanding.
The belief, which attends the probability,
is a compounded effect, and is formed by
the concurrence of the several effects, which
proceed from each part of the probability.
Since therefore each part of the probability
contributes to the production of the belief,
each part of the possibility must have the
same influence on the opposite side; the
nature of these parts being entirely the
same. The contrary belief, attending the
possibility, implies a view of a certain
object, as well as the probability does an
opposite view. In this particular both these
degrees of belief are alike. The only manner
then, in which the superior number of similar
component parts in the one can exert its
influence, and prevail above the inferior
in the other, is by producing a stronger
and more lively view of its object. Each
part presents a particular view; and all
these views uniting together produce one
general view, which is fuller and more distinct
by the greater number of causes or principles,
from which it is derived.
The component parts of the probability and
possibility, being alike in their nature,
must produce like effects; and the likeness
of their effects consists in this, that each
of them presents a view of a particular object.
But though these parts be alike in their
nature, they are very different in their
quantity and number; and this difference
must appear in the effect as well as the
similarity. Now as the view they present
is in both cases full and entire, and comprehends
the object in all its parts, it is impossible
that in this particular there can be any
difference; nor is there any thing but a
superior vivacity in the probability, arising
from the concurrence of a superior number
of views, which can distinguish these effects.
Here is almost the same argument in a different
light. All our reasonings concerning the
probability of causes are founded on the
transferring of past to future. The transferring
of any past experiment to the future is sufficient
to give us a view of the object; whether
that experiment be single or combined with
others of the same kind; whether it be entire,
or opposed by others of a contrary kind.
Suppose, then, it acquires both these qualities
of combination and opposition, it loses not
upon that account its former power of presenting
a view of the object, but only concurs with
and opposes other experiments, that have
a like influence. A question, therefore,
may arise concerning the manner both of the
concurrence and opposition. As to the concurrence,
there is only the choice left betwixt these
two hypotheses. First, That the view of the
object, occasioned by the transference of
each past experiment, preserves itself entire,
and only multiplies the number of views.
Or, SECONDLY, That it runs into the other
similar and correspondent views, and gives
them a superior degree of force and vivacity.
But that the first hypothesis is erroneous,
is evident from experience, which informs
us, that the belief, attending any reasoning,
consists in one conclusion, not in a multitude
of similar ones, which would only distract
the mind, and in many cases would be too
numerous to be comprehended distinctly by
any finite capacity. It remains, therefore,
as the only reasonable opinion, that these
similar views run into each other, and unite
their forces; so as to produce a stronger
and clearer view, than what arises from any
one alone. This is the manner, in which past
experiments concur, when they are transfered
to any future event. As to the manner of
their opposition, it is evident, that as
the contrary views are incompatible with
each other, and it is impossible the object
can at once exist conformable to both of
them, their influence becomes mutually destructive,
and the mind is determined to the superior
only with that force, which remains, after
subtracting the inferior.
I am sensible how abstruse all this reasoning
must appear to the generality of readers,
who not being accustomed to such profound
reflections on the intellectual faculties
of the mind, will be apt to reject as chimerical
whatever strikes not in with the common received
notions, and with the easiest and most obvious
principles of philosophy. And no doubt there
are some pains required to enter into these
arguments; though perhaps very little are
necessary to perceive the imperfection of
every vulgar hypothesis on this subject,
and the little light, which philosophy can
yet afford us in such sublime and such curious
speculations. Let men be once fully perswaded
of these two principles, THAT THERE, IS NOTHING
IN ANY OBJECT, CONSIDERed IN ITSELF, WHICH
CAN AFFORD US A REASON FOR DRAWING A CONCLUSION
BEYOND it; and, THAT EVEN AFTER THE OBSERVATION
OF THE FREQUENT OR CONSTANT CONJUNCTION OF
OBJECTS, WE HAVE NO REASON TO DRAW ANY INFERENCE
CONCERNING ANY OBJECT BEYOND THOSE OF WHICH
WE HAVE HAD EXPERIENCE; I say, let men be
once fully convinced of these two principles,
and this will throw them so loose from all
common systems, that they will make no difficulty
of receiving any, which may appear the most
extraordinary. These principles we have found
to be sufficiently convincing, even with
regard to our most certain reasonings from
causation: But I shall venture to affirm,
that with regard to these conjectural or
probable reasonings they still acquire a
new degree of evidence.
First, It is obvious, that in reasonings
of this kind, it is not the object presented
to us, which, considered in itself, affords
us any reason to draw a conclusion concerning
any other object or event. For as this latter
object is supposed uncertain, and as the
uncertainty is derived from a concealed contrariety
of causes in the former, were any of the
causes placed in the known qualities of that
object, they would no longer be concealed,
nor would our conclusion be uncertain.
But, secondly, it is equally obvious in this
species of reasoning, that if the transference
of the past to the future were founded merely
on a conclusion of the understanding, it
coued never occasion any belief or assurance.
When we transfer contrary experiments to
the future, we can only repeat these contrary
experiments with their particular proportions;
which coued not produce assurance in any
single event, upon which we reason, unless
the fancy melted together all those images
that concur, and extracted from them one
single idea or image, which is intense and
lively in proportion to the number of experiments
from which it is derived, and their superiority
above their antagonists. Our past experience
presents no determinate object; and as our
belief, however faint, fixes itself on a
determinate object, it is evident that the
belief arises not merely from the transference
of past to future, but from some operation
of the fancy conjoined with it. This may
lead us to conceive the manner, in which
that faculty enters into all our reasonings.
I shall conclude this subject with two reflections,
which may deserve our attention. The FIRST
may be explained after this manner. When
the mind forms a reasoning concerning any
matter of fact, which is only probable, it
casts its eye backward upon past experience,
and transferring it to the future, is presented
with so many contrary views of its object,
of which those that are of the same kind
uniting together, and running into one act
of the mind, serve to fortify and inliven
it. But suppose that this multitude of views
or glimpses of an object proceeds not from
experience, but from a voluntary act of the
imagination; this effect does not follow,
or at least, follows not in the same degree.
For though custom and education produce belief
by such a repetition, as is not derived from
experience, yet this requires a long tract
of time, along with a very frequent and undesigned
repetition. In general we may pronounce,
that a person who would voluntarily repeat
any idea in his mind, though supported by
one past experience, would be no more inclined
to believe the existence of its object, than
if he had contented himself with one survey
of it. Beside the effect of design; each
act of the mind, being separate and independent,
has a separate influence, and joins not its
force with that of its fellows. Not being
united by any common object, producing them,
they have no relation to each other; and
consequently make no transition or union
of forces. This phaenomenon we shall understand
better afterwards.
My second reflection is founded on those
large probabilities, which the mind can judge
of, and the minute differences it can observe
betwixt them. When the chances or experiments
on one side amount to ten thousand, and on
the other to ten thousand and one, the judgment
gives the preference to the latter, upon
account of that superiority; though it is
plainly impossible for the mind to run over
every particular view, and distinguish the
superior vivacity of the image arising from
the superior number, where the difference
is so inconsiderable. We have a parallel
instance in the affections. It is evident,
according to the principles above-mentioned,
that when an object produces any passion
in us, which varies according to the different
quantity of the object; I say, it is evident,
that the passion, properly speaking, is not
a simple emotion, but a compounded one, of
a great number of weaker passions, derived
from a view of each part of the object. For
otherwise it were impossible the passion
should encrease by the encrease of these
parts. Thus a man, who desires a thousand
pound, has in reality a thousand or more
desires which uniting together, seem to make
only one passion; though the composition
evidently betrays itself upon every alteration
of the object, by the preference he gives
to the larger number, if superior only by
an unite. Yet nothing can be more certain,
than that so small a difference would not
be discernible in the passions, nor coued
render them distinguishable from each other.
The difference, therefore, of our conduct
in preferring the greater number depends
not upon our passions, but upon custom, and
general rules. We have found in a multitude
of instances, that the augmenting the numbers
of any sum augments the passion, where the
numbers are precise and the difference sensible.
The mind can perceive from its immediate
feeling, that three guineas produce a greater
passion than two; and this it transfers to
larger numbers, because of the resemblance;
and by a general rule assigns to a thousand
guineas, a stronger passion than to nine
hundred and ninety nine. These general rules
we shall explain presently.
But beside these two species of probability,
which a-re derived from an imperfect experience
and from contrary causes, there is a third
arising from ANALOGY, which differs from
them in some material circumstances. According
to the hypothesis above explained all kinds
of reasoning from causes or effects are founded
on two particulars, viz., the constant conjunction
of any two objects in all past experience,
and the resemblance of a present object to
any one of them. The effect of these two
particulars is, that the present object invigorates
and inlivens the imagination; and the resemblance,
along with the constant union, conveys this
force and vivacity to the related idea; which
we are therefore said to believe, or assent
to. If you weaken either the union or resemblance,
you weaken the principle of transition, and
of consequence that belief, which arises
from it. The vivacity of the first impression
cannot be fully conveyed to the related idea,
either where the conjunction of their objects
is not constant, or where the present impression
does not perfectly resemble any of those,
whose union we are accustomed to observe.
In those probabilities of chance and causes
above-explained, it is the constancy of the
union, which is diminished; and in the probability
derived from analogy, it is the resemblance
only, which is affected. Without some degree
of resemblance, as well as union, it is impossible
there can be any reasoning: but as this resemblance
admits of many different degrees, the reasoning
becomes proportionably more or less firm
and certain. An experiment loses of its force,
when transferred to instances, which are
not exactly resembling; though it is evident
it may still retain as much as may be the
foundation of probability, as long as there
is any resemblance remaining.
SECT. XIII. OF UNPHILOSOPHICAL PROBABILITY.
All these kinds of probability are received
by philosophers, and allowed to be reasonable
foundations of belief and opinion. But there
are others, that are derived from the same
principles, though they have not had the
good fortune to obtain the same sanction.
The first probability of this kind may be
accounted for thus. The diminution of the
union, and of the resemblance, as above explained,
diminishes the facility of the transition,
and by that means weakens the evidence; and
we may farther observe, that the same diminution
of the evidence will follow from a diminution
of the impression, and from the shading of
those colours, under which it appears to
the memory or senses. The argument, which
we found on any matter of fact we remember,
is more or less convincing according as the
fact is recent or remote; and though the
difference in these degrees of evidence be
not received by philosophy as solid and legitimate;
because in that case an argument must have
a different force to day, from what it shall
have a month hence; yet notwithstanding the
opposition of philosophy, it is certain,
this circumstance has a considerable influence
on the understanding, and secretly changes
the authority of the same argument, according
to the different times, in which it is proposed
to us. A greater force and vivacity in the
impression naturally conveys a greater to
the related idea; and it is on the degrees
of force and vivacity, that the belief depends,
according to the foregoing system.
There is a second difference, which we may
frequently observe in our degrees of belief
and assurance, and which never fails to take
place, though disclaimed by philosophers.
An experiment, that is recent and fresh in
the memory, affects us more than one that
is in some measure obliterated; and has a
superior influence on the judgment, as well
as on the passions. A lively impression produces
more assurance than a faint one; because
it has more original force to communicate
to the related idea, which thereby acquires
a greater force and vivacity. A recent observation
has a like effect; because the custom and
transition is there more entire, and preserves
better the original force in the communication.
Thus a drunkard, who has seen his companion
die of a debauch, is struck with that instance
for some time, and dreads a like accident
for himself: But as the memory of it decays
away by degrees, his former security returns,
and the danger seems less certain and real.
I add, as a third instance of this kind,
that though our reasonings from proofs and
from probabilities be considerably different
from each other, yet the former species of
reasoning often degenerates insensibly into
the latter, by nothing but the multitude
of connected arguments. It is certain, that
when an inference is drawn immediately from
an object, without any intermediate cause
or effect, the conviction is much stronger,
and the persuasion more lively, than when
the imagination is carryed through a long
chain of connected arguments, however infallible
the connexion of each link may be esteemed.
It is from the original impression, that
the vivacity of all the ideas is derived,
by means of the customary transition of the
imagination; and it is evident this vivacity
must gradually decay in proportion to the
distance, and must lose somewhat in each
transition. Sometimes this distance has a
greater influence than even contrary experiments
would have; and a man may receive a more
lively conviction from a probable reasoning,
which is close and immediate, than from a
long chain of consequences, though just and
conclusive in each part. Nay it is seldom
such reasonings produce any conviction; and
one must have a very strong and firm imagination
to preserve the evidence to the end, where
it passes through so many, stages.
But here it may not be amiss to remark a
very curious phaenomenon, which the present
subject suggests to us. It is evident there
is no point of ancient history, of which
we can have any assurance, but by passing
through many millions of causes and effects,
and through a chain of arguments of almost
an immeasurable length. Before the knowledge
of the fact coued come to the first historian,
it must be conveyed through many mouths;
and after it is committed to writing, each
new copy is a new object, of which the connexion
with the foregoing is known only by experience
and observation. Perhaps, therefore, it may
be concluded from the precedent reasoning,
that the evidence of all ancient history
must now be lost; or at least, will be lost
in time, as the chain of causes encreases,
and runs on to a greater length. But as it
seems contrary to common sense to think,
that if the republic of letters, and the
art of printing continue on the same footing
as at present, our posterity, even after
a thousand ages, can ever doubt if there
has been such a man as JULIUS CAESAR; this
may be considered as an objection to the
present system. If belief consisted only
in a certain vivacity, conveyed from an original
impression, it would decay by the length
of the transition, and must at last be utterly
extinguished: And vice versa, if belief on
some occasions be not capable of such an
extinction; it must be something different
from that vivacity.
Before I answer this objection I shall observe,
that from this topic there has been borrowed
a very celebrated argument against the Christian
Religion; but with this difference, that
the connexion betwixt each link of the chain
in human testimony has been there supposed
not to go beyond probability, and to be liable
to a degree of doubt and uncertainty. And
indeed it must be confest, that in this manner
of considering the subject, (which however
is not a true one) there is no history or
tradition, but what must in the end lose
all its force and evidence. Every new probability
diminishes the original conviction; and however
great that conviction may be supposed, it
is impossible it can subsist under such re-iterated
diminutions. This is true in general; though
we shall find [Part IV. Sect. 1.] afterwards,
that there is one very memorable exception,
which is of vast consequence in the present
subject of the understanding.
Mean while to give a solution of the preceding
objection upon the supposition, that historical
evidence amounts at first to an entire proof;
let us consider, that though the links are
innumerable, that connect any original fact
with the present impression, which is the
foundation of belief; yet they are all of
the same kind, and depend on the fidelity
of Printers and Copyists. One edition passes
into another, and that into a third, and
so on, till we come to that volume we peruse
at present. There is no variation in the
steps. After we know one we know all of them;
and after we have made one, we can have no
scruple as to the rest. This circumstance
alone preserves the evidence of history,
and will perpetuate the memory of the present
age to the latest posterity. If all the long
chain of causes and effects, which connect
any past event with any volume of history,
were composed of parts different from each
other, and which it were necessary for the
mind distinctly to conceive, it is impossible
we should preserve to the end any belief
or evidence. But as most of these proofs
are perfectly resembling, the mind runs easily
along them, jumps from one part to another
with facility, and forms but a confused and
general notion of each link. By this means
a long chain of argument, has as little effect
in diminishing the original vivacity, as
a much shorter would have, if composed of
parts, which were different from each other,
and of which each required a distinct consideration.
A fourth unphilosophical species of probability
is that derived from general rules, which
we rashly form to ourselves, and which are
the source of what we properly call PREJUDICE.
An IRISHMAN cannot have wit, and a Frenchman
cannot have solidity; for which reason, though
the conversation of the former in any instance
be visibly very agreeable, and of the latter
very judicious, we have entertained such
a prejudice against them, that they must
be dunces or fops in spite of sense and reason.
Human nature is very subject to errors of
this kind; and perhaps this nation as much
as any other.
Should it be demanded why men form general
rules, and allow them to influence their
judgment, even contrary to present observation
and experience, I should reply, that in my
opinion it proceeds from those very principles,
on which all judgments concerning causes
and effects depend. Our judgments concerning
cause and effect are derived from habit and
experience; and when we have been accustomed
to see one object united to another, our
imagination passes from the first to the
second, by a natural transition, which precedes
reflection, and which cannot be prevented
by it. Now it is the nature of custom not
only to operate with its full force, when
objects are presented, that are exactly the
same with those to which we have been accustomed;
but also to operate in an inferior degree,
when we discover such as are similar; and
though the habit loses somewhat of its force
by every difference, yet it is seldom entirely
destroyed, where any considerable circumstances
remain the same. A man, who has contracted
a custom of eating fruit by the use of pears
or peaches, will satisfy himself with melons,
where he cannot find his favourite fruit;
as one, who has become a drunkard by the
use of red wines, will be carried almost
with the same violence to white, if presented
to him. From this principle I have accounted
for that species of probability, derived
from analogy, where we transfer our experience
in past instances to objects which are resembling,
but are not exactly the same with those concerning
which we have had experience. In proportion
as the resemblance decays, the probability
diminishes; but still has some force as long
as there remain any traces of the resemblance.
This observation we may carry farther; and
may remark, that though custom be the foundation
of all our judgments, yet sometimes it has
an effect on the imagination in opposition
to the judgment, and produces a contrariety
in our sentiments concerning the same object.
I explain myself. In almost all kinds of
causes there is a complication of circumstances,
of which some are essential, and others superfluous;
some are absolutely requisite to the production
of the effect, and others are only conjoined
by accident. Now we may observe, that when
these superfluous circumstances are numerous,
and remarkable, and frequently conjoined
with the essential, they have such an influence
on the imagination, that even in the absence
of the latter they carry us on to t-he conception
of the usual effect, and give to that conception
a force and vivacity, which make it superior
to the mere fictions of the fancy. We may
correct this propensity by a reflection on
the nature of those circumstances: but it
is still certain, that custom takes the start,
and gives a biass to the imagination.
To illustrate this by a familiar instance,
let us consider the case of a man, who, being
hung out from a high tower in a cage of iron
cannot forbear trembling, when he surveys
the precipice below him, though he knows
himself to be perfectly secure from falling,
by his experience of the solidity of the
iron, which supports him; and though the
ideas of fall and descent, and harm and death,
be derived solely from custom and experience.
The same custom goes beyond the instances,
from which it is derived, and to which it
perfectly corresponds; and influences his
ideas of such objects as are in some respect
resembling, but fall not precisely under
the same rule. The circumstances of depth
and descent strike so strongly upon him,
that their influence can-not be destroyed
by the contrary circumstances of support
and solidity, which ought to give him a perfect
security. His imagination runs away with
its object, and excites a passion proportioned
to it. That passion returns back upon the
imagination and inlivens the idea; which
lively idea has a new influence on the passion,
and in its turn augments its force and violence;
and both his fancy and affections, thus mutually
supporting each other, cause the whole to
have a very great influence upon him.
But why need we seek for other instances,
while the present subject of philosophical
probabilities offers us so obvious an one,
in the opposition betwixt the judgment and
imagination arising from these effects of
custom? According to my system, all reasonings
are nothing but the effects of custom; and
custom has no influence, but by inlivening
the imagination, and giving us a strong conception
of any object. It may, therefore, be concluded,
that our judgment and imagination can never
be contrary, and that custom cannot operate
on the latter faculty after such a manner,
as to render it opposite to the former. This
difficulty we can remove after no other manner,
than by supposing the influence of general
rules. We shall afterwards take [Sect. 15.]
notice of some general rules, by which we
ought to regulate our judgment concerning
causes and effects; and these rules are formed
on the nature of our understanding, and on
our experience of its operations in the judgments
we form concerning objects. By them we learn
to distinguish the accidental circumstances
from the efficacious causes; and when we
find that an effect can be produced without
the concurrence of any particular circumstance,
we conclude that that circumstance makes
not a part of the efficacious cause, however
frequently conjoined with it. But as this
frequent conjunction necessity makes it have
some effect on the imagination, in spite
of the opposite conclusion from general rules,
the opposition of these two principles produces
a contrariety in our thoughts, and causes
us to ascribe the one inference to our judgment,
and the other to our imagination. The general
rule is attributed to our judgment; as being
more extensive and constant. The exception
to the imagination, as being more capricious
and uncertain.
Thus our general rules are in a manner set
in opposition to each other. When an object
appears, that resembles any cause in very
considerable circumstances, the imagination
naturally carries us to a lively conception
of the usual effect, Though the object be
different in the most material and most efficacious
circumstances from that cause. Here is the
first influence of general rules. But when
we take a review of this act of the mind,
and compare it with the more general and
authentic operations of the understanding,
we find it to be of an irregular nature,
and destructive of all the most established
principles of reasonings; which is the cause
of our rejecting it. This is a second influence
of general rules, and implies the condemnation
of the former. Sometimes the one, sometimes
the other prevails, according to the disposition
and character of the person. The vulgar are
commonly guided by the first, and wise men
by the second. Mean while the sceptics may
here have the pleasure of observing a new
and signal contradiction in our reason, and
of seeing all philosophy ready to be subverted
by a principle of human nature, and again
saved by a new direction of the very same
principle. The following of general rules
is a very unphilosophical species of probability;
and yet it is only by following them that
we can correct this, and all other unphilosophical
probabilities.
Since we have instances, where general rules
operate on the imagination even contrary
to the judgment, we need not be surprized
to see their effects encrease, when conjoined
with that latter faculty, and to observe
that they bestow on the ideas they present
to us a force superior to what attends any
other. Every one knows, there is an indirect
manner of insinuating praise or blame, which
is much less shocking than the open flattery
or censure of any person. However he may
communicate his sentiments by such secret
insinuations, and make them known with equal
certainty as by the open discovery of them,
it is certain that their influence is not
equally strong and powerful. One who lashes
me with concealed strokes of satire, moves
not my indignation to such a degree, as if
he flatly told me I was a fool and coxcomb;
though I equally understand his meaning,
as if he did. This difference is to be attributed
to the influence of general rules.
Whether a person openly, abuses me, or slyly
intimates his contempt, in neither case do
I immediately perceive his sentiment or opinion;
and it is only by signs, that is, by its
effects, I become sensible of it. The only
difference, then, betwixt these two cases
consists in this, that in the open discovery
of his sentiments he makes use of signs,
which are general and universal; and in the
secret intimation employs such as are more
singular and uncommon. The effect of this
circumstance is, that the imagination, in
running from the present impression to the
absent idea, makes the transition with greater
facility, and consequently conceives the
object with greater force, where the connexion
is common and universal, than where it is
more rare and particular. Accordingly we
may observe, that the open declaration of
our sentiments is called the taking off the
mask, as the secret intimation of our opinions
is said to be the veiling of them. The difference
betwixt an idea produced by a general connexion,
and that arising from a particular one is
here compared to the difference betwixt an
impression and an idea. This difference in
the imagination has a suitable effect on
the passions; and this effect is augmented
by another circumstance. A secret intimation
of anger or contempt shews that we still
have some consideration for the person, and
avoid the directly abusing him. This makes
a concealed satire less disagreeable; but
still this depends on the same principle.
For if an idea were not more feeble, when
only intimated, it would never be esteemed
a mark of greater respect to proceed in this
method than in the other.
Sometimes scurrility is less displeasing
than delicate satire, because it revenges
us in a manner for the injury at the very
time it is committed, by affording us a just
reason to blame and contemn the person, who
injures us. But this phaenomenon likewise
depends upon the same principle. For why
do we blame all gross and injurious language,
unless it be, because we esteem it contrary
to good breeding and humanity? And why is
it contrary, unless it be more shocking than
any delicate satire? The rules of good breeding
condemn whatever is openly disobliging, and
gives a sensible pain and confusion to those,
with whom we converse. After this is once
established, abusive language is universally
blamed, and gives less pain upon account
of its coarseness and incivility, which render
the person despicable, that employs it. It
becomes less disagreeable, merely because
originally it is more so; and it is more
disagreeable, because it affords an inference
by general and common rules, that are palpable
and undeniable.
To this explication of the different influence
of open and concealed flattery or satire,
I shall add the consideration of another
phenomenon, which is analogous to it. There
are many particulars in the point of honour
both of men and women, whose violations,
when open and avowed, the world never excuses,
but which it is more apt to overlook, when
the appearances are saved, and the transgression
is secret and concealed. Even those, who
know with equal certainty, that the fault
is committed, pardon it more easily, when
the proofs seem in some measure oblique and
equivocal, than when they are direct and
undeniable. The same idea is presented in
both cases, and, properly speaking, is equally
assented to by the judgment; and yet its
influence is different, because of the different
manner, in which it is presented.
Now if we compare these two cases, of the
open and concealed violations of the laws
of honour, we shall find, that the difference
betwixt them consists in this, that in the
first ease the sign, from which we infer
the blameable action, is single, and suffices
alone to be the foundation of our reasoning
and judgment; whereas in the latter the signs
are numerous, and decide little or nothing
when alone and unaccompanyed with many minute
circumstances, which are almost imperceptible.
But it is certainly true, that any reasoning
is always the more convincing, the more single
and united it is to the eye, and the less
exercise it gives to the imagination to collect
all its parts, and run from them to the correlative
idea, which forms the conclusion. The labour
of the thought disturbs the regular progress
of the sentiments, as we shall observe presently.[Part
IV. Sect. 1.] The idea strikes not on us
with ouch vivacity; and consequently has
no such influence on the passion and imagination.
From the same principles we may account for
those observations of the CARDINAL DE RETZ,
that there are many things, in which the
world wishes to be deceived; and that it
more easily excuses a person in acting than
in talking contrary to the decorum of his
profession and character. A fault in words
is commonly more open and distinct than one
in actions, which admit of many palliating
excuses, and decide not so clearly concerning
the intention and views of the actor.
Thus it appears upon the whole, that every
kind of opinion or judgment, which amounts
not to knowledge, is derived entirely from
the force and vivacity of the perception,
and that these qualities constitute in the
mind, what we call the BELIEF Of the existence
of any object. This force and this vivacity
are most conspicuous in the memory; and therefore
our confidence in the veracity of that faculty
is the greatest imaginable, and equals in
many respects the assurance of a demonstration.
The next degree of these qualities is that
derived from the relation of cause and effect;
and this too is very great, especially when
the conjunction is found by experience to
be perfectly constant, and when the object,
which is present to us, exactly resembles
those, of which we have had experience. But
below this degree of evidence there are many
others, which have an influence on the passions
and imagination, proportioned to that degree
of force and vivacity, which they communicate
to the ideas. It is by habit we make the
transition from cause to effect; and it is
from some present impression we borrow that
vivacity, which we diffuse over the correlative
idea. But when we have not observed a sufficient
number of instances, to produce a strong
habit; or when these instances are contrary
to each other; or when the resemblance is
not exact; or the present impression is faint
and obscure; or the experience in some measure
obliterated from the memory; or the connexion
dependent on a long chain of objects; or
the inference derived from general rules,
and yet not conformable to them: In all these
cases the evidence diminishes by the diminution
of the force and intenseness of the idea.
This therefore is the nature of the judgment
and probability.
What principally gives authority to this
system is, beside the undoubted arguments,
upon which each part is founded, the agreement
of these parts, and the necessity of one
to explain another. The belief, which attends
our memory, is of the same nature with that,
which is derived from our judgments: Nor
is there any difference betwixt that judgment,
which is derived from a constant and uniform
connexion of causes and effects, and that
which depends upon an interrupted and uncertain.
It is indeed evident, that in all determinations,
where the mind decides from contrary experiments,
it is first divided within itself, and has
an inclination to either side in proportion
to the number of experiments we have seen
and remember. This contest is at last determined
to the advantage of that side, where we observe
a superior number of these experiments; but
still with a diminution of force in the evidence
correspondent to the number of the opposite
experiments. Each possibility, of which the
probability is composed, operates separately
upon the imagination; and it is the larger
collection of possibilities, which at last
prevails, and that with a force proportionable
to its superiority. All these phenomena lead
directly to the precedent system; nor will
it ever be possible upon any other principles
to give a satisfactory and consistent explication
of them. Without considering these judgments
as the effects of custom on the imagination,
we shall lose ourselves in perpetual contradiction
and absurdity.
SECT. XIV. OF THE IDEA OF NECESSARY CONNEXION.
Having thus explained the manner, in which
we reason beyond our immediate impressions,
and conclude that such particular causes
must have such particular effects; we must
now return upon our footsteps to examine
that question, which [Sect. 2.] first occured
to us, and which we dropt in our way, viz.
What is our idea of necessity, when we say
that two objects are necessarily connected
together. Upon this head I repeat what I
have often had occasion to observe, that
as we have no idea, that is not derived from
an impression, we must find some impression,
that gives rise to this idea of necessity,
if we assert we have really such an idea.
In order to this I consider, in what objects
necessity is commonly supposed to lie; and
finding that it is always ascribed to causes
and effects, I turn my eye to two objects
supposed to be placed in that relation; and
examine them in all the situations, of which
they are susceptible. I immediately perceive,
that they are contiguous in time and place,
and that the object we call cause precedes
the other we call effect. In no one instance
can I go any farther, nor is it possible
for me to discover any third relation betwixt
these objects. I therefore enlarge my view
to comprehend several instances; where I
find like objects always existing in like
relations of contiguity and succession. At
first sight this seems to serve but little
to my purpose. The reflection on several
instances only repeats the same objects;
and therefore can never give rise to a new
idea. But upon farther enquiry I find, that
the repetition is not in every particular
the same, but produces a new impression,
and by that means the idea, which I at present
examine. For after a frequent repetition,
I find, that upon the appearance of one of
the objects, the mind is determined by custom
to consider its usual attendant, and to consider
it in a stronger light upon account of its
relation to the first object. It is this
impression, then, or determination, which
affords me the idea of necessity.
I doubt not but these consequences will at
first sight be received without difficulty,
as being evident deductions from principles,
which we have already established, and which
we have often employed in our reasonings.
This evidence both in the first principles,
and in the deductions, may seduce us unwarily
into the conclusion, and make us imagine
it contains nothing extraordinary, nor worthy
of our curiosity. But though such an inadvertence
may facilitate the reception of this reasoning,
it will make it be the more easily forgot;
for which reason I think it proper to give
warning, that I have just now examined one
of the most sublime questions in philosophy,
viz. that concerning the power and efficacy
of causes; where all the sciences seem so
much interested. Such a warning will naturally
rouze up the attention of the reader, and
make him desire a more full account of my
doctrine, as well as of the arguments, on
which it is founded. This request is so reasonable,
that I cannot refuse complying with it; especially
as I am hopeful that these principles, the
more they are examined, will acquire the
more force and evidence.
There is no question, which on account of
its importance, as well as difficulty, has
caused more disputes both among antient and
modern philosophers, than this concerning
the efficacy of causes, or that quality which
makes them be followed by their effects.
But before they entered upon these disputes,
methinks it would not have been improper
to have examined what idea we have of that
efficacy, which is the subject of the controversy.
This is what I find principally wanting in
their reasonings, and what I shall here endeavour
to supply.
I begin with observing that the terms of
EFFICACY, AGENCY, POWER, FORCE, ENERGY, NECESSITY,
CONNEXION, and PRODUCTIVE QUALITY, are all
nearly synonymous; and therefore it is an
absurdity to employ any of them in defining
the rest. By this observation we reject at
once all the vulgar definitions, which philosophers
have given of power and efficacy; and instead
of searching for the idea in these definitions,
must look for it in the impressions, from
which it is originally derived. If it be
a compound idea, it must arise from compound
impressions. If simple, from simple impressions.
I believe the most general and most popular
explication of this matter, is to say [See
Mr. Locke, chapter of power.], that finding
from experience, that there are several new
productions in matter, such as the motions
and variations of body, and concluding that
there must somewhere be a power capable of
producing them, we arrive at last by this
reasoning at the idea of power and efficacy.
But to be convinced that this explication
is more popular than philosophical, we need
but reflect on two very obvious principles.
First, That reason alone can never give rise
to any original idea, and secondly, that
reason, as distinguished from experience,
can never make us conclude, that a cause
or productive quality is absolutely requisite
to every beginning of existence. Both these
considerations have been sufficiently explained:
and therefore shall not at present be any
farther insisted on.
I shall only infer from them, that since
reason can never give rise to the idea of
efficacy, that idea must be derived from
experience, and from some particular instances
of this efficacy, which make their passage
into the mind by the common channels of sensation
or reflection. Ideas always represent their
objects or impressions; and vice versa, there
are some objects necessary to give rise to
every idea. If we pretend, therefore, to
have any just idea of this efficacy, we must
produce some instance, wherein the efficacy
is plainly discoverable to the mind, and
its operations obvious to our consciousness
or sensation. By the refusal of this, we
acknowledge, that the idea is impossible
and imaginary, since the principle of innate
ideas, which alone can save us from this
dilemma, has been already refuted, and is
now almost universally rejected in the learned
world. Our present business, then, must be
to find some natural production, where the
operation and efficacy of a cause can be
clearly conceived and comprehended by the
mind, without any danger of obscurity or
mistake.
In this research we meet with very little
encouragement from that prodigious diversity,
which is found in the opinions of those philosophers,
who have pretended to explain the secret
force and energy of causes. [See Father Malbranche,
Book vi. Part 2, chap. 3. And the illustrations
upon it.] There are some, who maintain, that
bodies operate by their substantial form;
others, by their accidents or qualities;
several, by their matter and form; some,
by their form and accidents; others, by certain
virtues and faculties distinct from all this.
All these sentiments again are mixed and
varyed in a thousand different ways; and
form a strong presumption, that none of them
have any solidity or evidence, and that the
supposition of an efficacy in any of the
known qualities of matter is entirely without
foundation. This presumption must encrease
upon us, when we consider, that these principles
of substantial forms, and accidents, and
faculties, are not in reality any of the
known properties of bodies, but are perfectly
unintelligible and inexplicable. For it is
evident philosophers would never have had
recourse to such obscure and uncertain principles,
had they met with any satisfaction in such
as are clear and intelligible; especially
in such an affair as this, which must be
an object of the simplest understanding,
if not of the senses. Upon the whole, we
may conclude, that it is impossible in any
one instance to shew the principle, in which
the force and agency of a cause is placed;
and that the most refined and most vulgar
understandings are equally at a loss in this
particular. If any one think proper to refute
this assertion, he need not put himself to
the trouble of inventing any long reasonings:
but may at once shew us an instance of a
cause, where we discover the power or operating
principle. This defiance we are obliged frequently
to make use of, as being almost the only
means of proving a negative in philosophy.
The small success, which has been met with
in all the attempts to fix this power, has
at last obliged philosophers to conclude,
that the ultimate force and efficacy of nature
is perfectly unknown to us, and that it is
in vain we search for it in all the known
qualities of matter. In this opinion they
are almost unanimous; and it is only in the
inference they draw from it, that they discover
any difference in their sentiments. For some
of them, as the CARTESIANS in particular,
having established it as a principle, that
we are perfectly acquainted with the essence
of matter, have very naturally inferred,
that it is endowed with no efficacy, and
that it is impossible for it of itself to
communicate motion, or produce any of those
effects, which we ascribe to it. As the essence
of matter consists in extension, and as extension
implies not actual motion, but only mobility;
they conclude, that the energy, which produces
the motion, cannot lie in the extension.
This conclusion leads them into another,
which they regard as perfectly unavoidable.
Matter, say they, is in itself entirely unactive,
and deprived of any power, by which it may
produce, or continue, or communicate motion:
But since these effects are evident to our
senses, and since the power, that produces
them, must be placed somewhere, it must lie
in the DEITY, or that divine being, who contains
in his nature all excellency and perfection.
It is the deity, therefore, who is the prime
mover of the universe, and who not only first
created matter, and gave it it's original
impulse, but likewise by a continued exertion
of omnipotence, supports its existence, and
successively bestows on it all those motions,
and configurations, and qualities, with which
it is endowed.
This opinion is certainly very curious, and
well worth our attention; but it will appear
superfluous to examine it in this place,
if we reflect a moment on our present purpose
in taking notice of it. We have established
it as a principle, that as all ideas are
derived from impressions, or some precedent
perceptions, it is impossible we can have
any idea of power and efficacy, unless some
instances can be produced, wherein this power
is perceived to exert itself. Now, as these
instances can never be discovered in body,
the Cartesians, proceeding upon their principle
of innate ideas, have had recourse to a supreme
spirit or deity, whom they consider as the
only active being in the universe, and as
the immediate cause of every alteration in
matter. But the principle of innate ideas
being allowed to be false, it follows, that
the supposition of a deity can serve us in
no stead, in accounting for that idea of
agency, which we search for in vain in all
the objects, which are presented to our senses,
or which we are internally conscious of in
our own minds. For if every idea be derived
from an impression, the idea of a deity proceeds
from the same origin; and if no impression,
either of sensation or reflection, implies
any force or efficacy, it is equally impossible
to discover or even imagine any such active
principle in the deity. Since these philosophers,
therefore, have concluded, that matter cannot
be endowed with any efficacious principle,
because it is impossible to discover in it
such a principle; the same course of reasoning
should determine them to exclude it from
the supreme being. Or if they esteem that
opinion absurd and impious, as it really
is, I shall tell them how they may avoid
it; and that is, by concluding from the very
first, that they have no adequate idea of
power or efficacy in any object; since neither
in body nor spirit, neither in superior nor
inferior natures, are they able to discover
one single instance of it.
The same conclusion is unavoidable upon the
hypothesis of those, who maintain the efficacy
of second causes, and attribute a derivative,
but a real power and energy to matter. For
as they confess, that this energy lies not
in any of the known qualities of matter,
the difficulty still remains concerning the
origin of its idea. If we have really an
idea of power, we may attribute power to
an unknown quality: But as it is impossible,
that that idea can be derived from such a
quality, and as there is nothing in known
qualities, which can produce it; it follows
that we deceive ourselves, when we imagine
we are possest of any idea of this kind,
after the manner we commonly understand it.
All ideas are derived from, and represent
impressions. We never have any impression,
that contains any power or efficacy. We never
therefore have any idea of power.
Some have asserted, that we feel an energy,
or power, in our own mind; and that having
in this manner acquired the idea of power,
we transfer that quality to matter, where
we are not able immediately to discover it.
The motions of our body, and the thoughts
and sentiments of our mind, (say they) obey
the will; nor do we seek any farther to acquire
a just notion of force or power. But to convince
us how fallacious this reasoning is, we need
only consider, that the will being here considered
as a cause, has no more a discoverable connexion
with its effects, than any material cause
has with its proper effect. So far from perceiving
the connexion betwixt an act of volition,
and a motion of the body; it is allowed that
no effect is more inexplicable from the powers
and essence of thought and matter. Nor is
the empire of the will over our mind more
intelligible. The effect is there distinguishable
and separable from the cause, and coued not
be foreseen without the experience of their
constant conjunction. We have command over
our mind to a certain degree, but beyond
that, lose all empire over it: And it is
evidently impossible to fix any precise bounds
to our authority, where we consult not experience.
In short, the actions of the mind are, in
this respect, the same with those of matter.
We perceive only their constant conjunction;
nor can we ever reason beyond it. No internal
impression has an apparent energy, more than
external objects have. Since, therefore,
matter is confessed by philosophers to operate
by an unknown force, we should in vain hope
to attain an idea of force by consulting
our own minds. [FN 8.]
[FN 8. The same imperfection attends our
ideas of the Deity; but this can have no
effect either on religion or morals. The
order of the universe proves an omnipotent
mind; that is, a mind whose wili is CONSTANTLY
ATTENDED with the obedience of every creature
and being. Nothing more is requisite to give
a foundation to all the articles of religion,
nor is It necessary we shoud form a distinct
idea of the force and energy of the supreme
Being.] It has been established as a certain
principle, that general or abstract ideas
are nothing but individual ones taken in
a certain light, and that, in reflecting
on any object, it is as impossible to exclude
from our thought all particular degrees of
quantity and quality as from the real nature
of things. If we be possest, therefore, of
any idea of power in general, we must also
be able to conceive some particular species
of it; and as power cannot subsist alone,
but is always regarded as an attribute of
some being or existence, we must be able
to place this power in some particular being,
and conceive that being as endowed with a
real force and energy, by which such a particular
effect necessarily results from its operation.
We must distinctly and particularly conceive
the connexion betwixt the cause and effect,
and be able to pronounce, from a simple view
of the one, that it must be followed or preceded
by the other. This is the true manner of
conceiving a particular power in a particular
body: and a general idea being impossible
without an individual; where the latter is
impossible, it is certain the former can
never exist. Now nothing is more evident,
than that the human mind cannot form such
an idea of two objects, as to conceive any
connexion betwixt them, or comprehend distinctly
that power or efficacy, by which they are
united. Such a connexion would amount to
a demonstration, and would imply the absolute
impossibility for the one object not to follow,
or to be conceived not to follow upon the
other: Which kind of connexion has already
been rejected in all cases. If any one is
of a contrary opinion, and thinks he has
attained a notion of power in any particular
object, I desire he may point out to me that
object. But till I meet with such-a-one,
which I despair of, I cannot forbear concluding,
that since we can never distinctly conceive
how any particular power can possibly reside
in any particular object, we deceive ourselves
in imagining we can form any such general
idea.
Thus upon the whole we may infer, that when
we talk of any being, whether of a superior
or inferior nature, as endowed with a power
or force, proportioned to any effect; when
we speak of a necessary connexion betwixt
objects, and suppose, that this connexion
depends upon an efficacy or energy, with
which any of these objects are endowed; in
all these expressions, so applied, we have
really no distinct meaning, and make use
only of common words, without any clear and
determinate ideas. But as it is more probable,
that these expressions do here lose their
true meaning by being wrong applied, than
that they never have any meaning; it will
be proper to bestow another consideration
on this subject, to see if possibly we can
discover the nature and origin of those ideas,
we annex to them.
Suppose two objects to be presented to us,
of which the one is the cause and the other
the effect; it is plain, that from the simple
consideration of one, or both these objects
we never shall perceive the tie by which
they are united, or be able certainly to
pronounce, that there is a connexion betwixt
them. It is not, therefore, from any one
instance, that we arrive at the idea of cause
and effect, of a necessary connexion of power,
of force, of energy, and of efficacy. Did
we never see any but particular conjunctions
of objects, entirely different from each
other, we should never be able to form any
such ideas.
But again; suppose we observe several instances,
in which the same objects are always conjoined
together, we immediately conceive a connexion
betwixt them, and begin to draw an inference
from one to another. This multiplicity of
resembling instances, therefore, constitutes
the very essence of power or connexion, and
is the source from which the idea of it arises.
In order, then, to understand the idea of
power, we must consider that multiplicity;
nor do I ask more to give a solution of that
difficulty, which has so long perplexed us.
For thus I reason. The repetition of perfectly
similar instances can never alone give rise
to an original idea, different from what
is to be found in any particular instance,
as has been observed, and as evidently follows
from our fundamental principle, that all
ideas are copyed from impressions. Since
therefore the idea of power is a new original
idea, not to be found in any one instance,
and which yet arises from the repetition
of several instances, it follows, that the
repetition alone has not that effect, but
must either discover or produce something
new, which is the source of that idea. Did
the repetition neither discover nor produce
anything new, our ideas might be multiplyed
by it, but would not be enlarged above what
they are upon the observation of one single
instance. Every enlargement, therefore, (such
as the idea of power or connexion) which
arises from the multiplicity of similar instances,
is copyed from some effects of the multiplicity,
and will be perfectly understood by understanding
these effects. Wherever we find anything
new to be discovered or produced by the repetition,
there we must place the power, and must never
look for it in any other object.
But it is evident, in the first place, that
the repetition of like objects in like relations
of succession and contiguity discovers nothing
new in any one of them: since we can draw
no inference from it, nor make it a subject
either of our demonstrative or probable reasonings;[Sect.
6.] as has been already proved. Nay suppose
we coued draw an inference, it would be of
no consequence in the present case; since
no kind of reasoning can give rise to a new
idea, such as this of power is; but wherever
we reason, we must antecedently be possest
of clear ideas, which may be the objects
of our reasoning. The conception always precedes
the understanding; and where the one is obscure,
the other is uncertain; where the one fails,
the other must fail also.
Secondly, It is certain that this repetition
of similar objects in similar situations
produces nothing new either in these objects,
or in any external body. For it will readily
be allowed, that the several instances we
have of the conjunction of resembling causes
and effects are in themselves entirely independent,
and that the communication of motion, which
I see result at present from the shock of
two billiard-balls, is totally distinct from
that which I saw result from such an impulse
a twelve-month ago. These impulses have no
influence on each other. They are entirely
divided by time and place; and the one might
have existed and communicated motion, though
the other never had been in being.
There is, then, nothing new either discovered
or produced in any objects by their constant
conjunction, and by the uninterrupted resemblance
of their relations of succession and contiguity.
But it is from this resemblance, that the
ideas of necessity, of power, and of efficacy,
are derived. These ideas, therefore, represent
not anything, that does or can belong to
the objects, which are constantly conjoined.
This is an argument, which, in every view
we can examine it, will be found perfectly
unanswerable. Similar instances are still
the first source of our idea of power or
necessity; at the same time that they have
no influence by their similarity either on
each other, or on any external object. We
must, therefore, turn ourselves to some other
quarter to seek the origin of that idea.
Though the several resembling instances,
which give rise to the idea of power, have
no influence on each other, and can never
produce any new quality in the object, which
can be the model of that idea, yet the observation
of this resemblance produces a new impression
in the mind, which is its real model. For
after we have observed the resemblance in
a sufficient number of instances, we immediately
feel a determination of the mind to pass
from one object to its usual attendant, and
to conceive it in a stronger light upon account
of that relation. This determination is the
only effect of the resemblance; and therefore
must be the same with power or efficacy,
whose idea is derived from the resemblance.
The several instances of resembling conjunctions
lead us into the notion of power and necessity.
These instances are in themselves totally
distinct from each other, and have no union
but in the mind, which observes them, and
collects their ideas. Necessity, then, is
the effect of this observation, and is nothing
but an internal impression of the mind, or
a determination to carry our thoughts from
one object to another. Without considering
it in this view, we can never arrive at the
most distant notion of it, or be able to
attribute it either to external or internal
objects, to spirit or body, to causes or
effects.
The necessary connexion betwixt causes and
effects is the foundation of our inference
from one to the other. The foundation of
our inference is the transition arising from
the accustomed union. These are, therefore,
the same.
The idea of necessity arises from some impression.
There is no impression conveyed by our senses,
which can give rise to that idea. It must,
therefore, be derived from some internal
impression, or impression of reflection.
There is no internal impression, which has
any relation to the present business, but
that propensity, which custom produces, to
pass from an object to the idea of its usual
attendant. This therefore is the essence
of necessity. Upon the whole, necessity is
something, that exists in the mind, not in
objects; nor is it possible for us ever to
form the most distant idea of it, considered
as a quality in bodies. Either we have no
idea of necessity, or necessity is nothing
but that determination of the thought to
pass from causes to effects, and from effects
to causes, according to their experienced
union.
Thus as the necessity, which makes two times
two equal to four, or three angles of a triangle
equal to two right ones, lies only in the
act of the understanding, by which we consider
and compare these ideas; in like manner the
necessity or power, which unites causes and
effects, lies in the determination of the
mind to pass from the one to the other. The
efficacy or energy of causes is neither placed
in the causes themselves, nor in the deity,
nor in the concurrence of these two principles;
but belongs entirely to the soul, which considers
the union of two or more objects in all past
instances. It is here that the real power
of causes is placed along with their connexion
and necessity.
I am sensible, that of all the paradoxes,
which I, have had, or shall hereafter have
occasion to advance in the course of this
treatise, the present one is the most violent,
and that it is merely by dint of solid proof
and reasoning I can ever hope it will have
admission, and overcome the inveterate prejudices
of mankind. Before we are reconciled to this
doctrine, how often must we repeat to ourselves,
that the simple view of any two objects or
actions, however related, can never give
us any idea, of power, or of a connexion
betwixt them: that this idea arises from
the repetition of their union: that the repetition
neither discovers nor causes any thing in
the objects, but has an influence only on
the mind, by that customary transition it
produces: that this customary transition
is, therefore, the same with the power and
necessity; which are consequently qualities
of perceptions, not of objects, and are internally
felt by the soul, and not perceivd externally
in bodies? There is commonly an astonishment
attending every thing extraordinary; and
this astonishment changes immediately into
the highest degree of esteem or contempt,
according as we approve or disapprove of
the subject. I am much afraid, that though
the foregoing reasoning appears to me the
shortest and most decisive imaginable; yet
with the generality of readers the biass
of the mind will prevail, and give them a
prejudice against the present doctrine.
This contrary biass is easily accounted for.
It is a common observation, that the mind
has a great propensity to spread itself on
external objects, and to conjoin with them
any internal impressions, which they occasion,
and which always make their appearance at
the same time that these objects discover
themselves to the senses. Thus as certain
sounds and smells are always found to attend
certain visible objects, we naturally imagine
a conjunction, even in place, betwixt the
objects and qualities, though the qualities
be of such a nature as to admit of no such
conjunction, and really exist no where. But
of this more fully hereafter [Part IV, Sect.
5.]. Mean while it is sufficient to observe,
that the same propensity is the reason, why
we suppose necessity and power to lie in
the objects we consider, not in our mind
that considers them; notwithstanding it is
not possible for us to form the most distant
idea of that quality, when it is not taken
for the determination of the mind, to pass
from the idea of an object to that of its
usual attendant.
But though this be the only reasonable account
we can give of necessity, the contrary notion
if; so riveted in the mind from the principles
above-mentioned, that I doubt not but my
sentiments will be treated by many as extravagant
and ridiculous. What! the efficacy of causes
lie in the determination of the mind! As
if causes did not operate entirely independent
of the mind, and would not continue their
operation, even though there was no mind
existent to contemplate them, or reason concerning
them. Thought may well depend on causes for
its operation, but not causes on thought.
This is to reverse the order of nature, and
make that secondary, which is really primary,
To every operation there is a power proportioned;
and this power must be placed on the body,
that operates. If we remove the power from
one cause, we must ascribe it to another:
But to remove it from all causes, and bestow
it on a being, that is no ways related to
the cause or effect, but by perceiving them,
is a gross absurdity, and contrary to the
most certain principles of human reason.
I can only reply to all these arguments,
that the case is here much the same, as if
a blind man should pretend to find a great
many absurdities in the supposition, that
the colour of scarlet is not the same with
the sound of a trumpet, nor light the same
with solidity. If we have really no idea
of a power or efficacy in any object, or
of any real connexion betwixt causes and
effects, it will be to little purpose to
prove, that an efficacy is necessary in all
operations. We do not understand our own
meaning in talking so, but ignorantly confound
ideas, which are entirely distinct from each
other. I am, indeed, ready to allow, that
there may be several qualities both in material
and immaterial objects, with which we are
utterly unacquainted; and if we please to
call these POWER or EFFICACY, it will be
of little consequence to the world. But when,
instead of meaning these unknown qualities,
we make the terms of power and efficacy signify
something, of which we have a clear idea,
and which is incompatible with those objects,
to which we apply it, obscurity and error
begin then to take place, and we are led
astray by a false philosophy. This is the
case, when we transfer the determination
of the thought to external objects, and suppose
any real intelligible connexion betwixt them;
that being a quality, which can only belong
to the mind that considers them.
As to what may be said, that the operations
of nature are independent of our thought
and reasoning, I allow it; and accordingly
have observed, that objects bear to each
other the relations of contiguity and succession:
that like objects may be observed in several
instances to have like relations; and that
all this is independent of, and antecedent
to the operations of the understanding. But
if we go any farther, and ascribe a power
or necessary connexion to these objects;
this is what we can never observe in them,
but must draw the idea of it from what we
feel internally in contemplating them. And
this I carry so far, that I am ready to convert
my present reasoning into an instance of
it, by a subtility, which it will not be
difficult to comprehend.
When any object is presented to us, it immediately
conveys to the mind a lively idea of that
object, which is usually found to attend
it; and this determination of the mind forms
the necessary connexion of these objects.
But when we change the point of view, from
the objects to the perceptions; in that case
the impression is to be considered as the
cause, and the lively idea as the effect;
and their necessary connexion is that new
determination, which we feel to pass from
the idea of the one to that of the other.
The uniting principle among our internal
perceptions is as unintelligible as that
among external objects, and is not known
to us any other way than by experience. Now
the nature and effects of experience have
been already sufficiently examined and explained.
It never gives us any insight into the internal
structure or operating principle of objects,
but only accustoms the mind to pass from
one to another.
It is now time to collect all the different
parts of this reasoning, and by joining them
together form an exact definition of the
relation of cause and effect, which makes
the subject of the present enquiry. This
order would not have been excusable, of first
examining our inference from the relation
before we had explained the relation itself,
had it been possible to proceed in a different
method. But as the nature of the relation
depends so much on that of the inference,
we have been obliged to advance in this seemingly
preposterous manner, and make use of terms
before we were able exactly to define them,
or fix their meaning. We shall now correct
this fault by giving a precise definition
of cause and effect.
There may two definitions be given of this
relation, which are only different, by their
presenting a different view of the same object,
and making us consider it either as a philosophical
or as a natural relation; either as a comparison
of two ideas, or as an association betwixt
them. We may define a CAUSE to be An object
precedent and contiguous to another, and
where all the objects resembling the former
are placed in like relations of precedency
and contiguity to those objects that resemble
the latter. I If this definition be esteemed
defective, because drawn from objects foreign
to the cause, we may substitute this other
definition in its place, viz. A CAUSE is
an object precedent and contiguous to another,
and so united with it, that the idea, of
the one determines the mind to form the idea
of the other, and the impression of the one
to form a more lively idea of the other.
2 should this definition also be rejected
for the same reason, I know no other remedy,
than that the persons, who express this delicacy,
should substitute a juster definition in
its place. But for my part I must own my
incapacity for such an undertaking. When
I examine with the utmost accuracy those
objects, which are commonly denominated causes
and effects, I find, in considering a single
instance, that the one object is precedent
and contiguous to the other; and in inlarging
my view to consider several instances, I
find only, that like objects are constantly
placed in like relations of succession and
contiguity. Again, when I consider the influence
of this constant conjunction, I perceive,
that such a relation can never be an object
of reasoning, and can never operate upon
the mind, but by means of custom, which determines
the imagination to make a transition from
the idea of one object to that of its usual
attendant, and from the impression of one
to a more lively idea of the other. However
extraordinary these sentiments may appear,
I think it fruitless to trouble myself with
any farther enquiry or reasoning upon the
subject, but shall repose myself on them
as on established maxims.
It will only be proper, before we leave this
subject, to draw some corrollaries from it,
by which we may remove several prejudices
and popular errors, that have very much prevailed
in philosophy. First, We may learn from the
foregoing, doctrine, that all causes are
of the same kind, and that in particular
there is no foundation for that distinction,
which we sometimes make betwixt efficient
causes and causes sine qua non; or betwixt
efficient causes, and formal, and material,
and exemplary, and final causes. For as our
idea of efficiency is derived from the constant
conjunction of two objects, wherever this
is observed, the cause is efficient; and
where it is not, there can never be a cause
of any kind. For the same reason we must
reject the distinction betwixt cause and
occasion, when supposed to signify any thing
essentially different from each other. If
constant conjunction be implyed in what we
call occasion, it is a real cause. If not,
it is no relation at all, and cannot give
rise to any argument or reasoning.
Secondly, The same course of reasoning will
make us conclude, that there is but one kind
of necessity, as there is but one kind of
cause, and that the common distinction betwixt
moral and physical necessity is without any
foundation in nature. This clearly appears
from the precedent explication of necessity.
It is the constant conjunction of objects,
along with the determination of the mind,
which constitutes a physical necessity: And
the removal of these is the same thing with
chance. As objects must either be conjoined
or not, and as the mind must either be determined
or not to pass from one object to another,
it is impossible to admit of any medium betwixt
chance and an absolute necessity. In weakening
this conjunction and determination you do
not change the nature of the necessity; since
even in the operation of bodies, these have
different degrees of constancy and force,
without producing a different species of
that relation.
The distinction, which we often make betwixt
POWER and the EXERCISE of it, is equally
without foundation.
Thirdly, We may now be able fully to overcome
all that repugnance, which it is so natural
for us to entertain against the foregoing
reasoning, by which we endeavoured to prove,
that the necessity of a cause to every beginning
of existence is not founded on any arguments
either demonstrative or intuitive. Such an
opinion will not appear strange after the
foregoing definitions. If we define a cause
to be an object precedent and contiguous
to another, and where all the objects resembling
the farmer are placed in a like relation
of priority and contiguity to those objects,
that resemble the latter; we may easily conceive,
that there is no absolute nor metaphysical
necessity, that every beginning of existence
should be attended with such an object. If
we define a cause to be, AN OBJECT PRECEDENT
AND CONTIGUOUS TO ANOTHER, AND SO UNITED
WITH IT IN THE IMAGINATION, THAT THE IDEA
OF THE ONE DETERMINES THE MIND TO FORM THE
IDEA OF THE OTHER, AND THE IMPRESSION OF
THE ONE TO FORM A MORE LIVELY IDEA OF THE
OTHER; we shall make still less difficulty
of assenting to this opinion. Such an influence
on the mind is in itself perfectly extraordinary
and incomprehensible; nor can we be certain
of its reality, but from experience and observation.
I shall add as a fourth corrollary that we
can never have reason to believe that any
object exists, of which we cannot form an
idea. For as all our reasonings concerning
existence are derived from causation, and
as all our reasonings concerning causation
are derived from the experienced conjunction
of objects, not from any reasoning or reflection,
the same experience must give us a notion
of these objects, and must remove all mystery
from our conclusions. This is so evident,
that it would scarce have merited our attention,
were it not to obviate certain objections
of this kind, which might arise against the
following reasonings concerning matter and
substance. I need not observe, that a full
knowledge of the object is not requisite,
but only of those qualities of it, which
we believe to exist.
SECT. XV. RULES BY WHICH TO JUDGE OF CAUSES
AND EFFECTS.
According to the precedent doctrine, there
are no objects which by the mere survey,
without consulting experience, we can determine
to be the causes of any other; and no objects,
which we can certainly determine in the same
manner not to be the causes. Any thing may
produce any thing. Creation, annihilation,
motion, reason, volition; all these may arise
from one another, or from any other object
we can imagine. Nor will this appear strange,
if we compare two principles explained above,
THAT THE CONSTANT CONJUNCTION OF OBJECTS
DETERMINES THEIR CAUSATION, AND [Part I.
Sect. 5.] THAT, PROPERTY SPEAKING, NO OBJECTS
ARE CONTRARY TO EACH OTHER BUT EXISTENCE
AND NON-EXISTENCE. Where objects are not
contrary, nothing hinders them from having
that constant conjunction, on which the relation
of cause and effect totally depends.
Since therefore it is possible for all objects
to become causes or effects to each other,
it may be proper to fix some general rules,
by which we may know when they really are
so.
(1) The cause and effect must be contiguous
in space and time.
(2) The cause must be prior to the effect.
(3) There must be a constant union betwixt
the cause and effect. It is chiefly this
quality, that constitutes the relation.
(4) The same cause always produces the same
effect, and the same effect never arises
but from the same cause. This principle we
derive from experience, and is the source
of most of our philosophical reasonings.
For when by any clear experiment we have
discovered the causes or effects of any phaenomenon,
we immediately extend our observation to
every phenomenon of the same kind, without
waiting for that constant repetition, from
which the first idea of this relation is
derived.
(5) There is another principle, which hangs
upon this, viz. that where several different
objects produce the same effect, it must
be by means of some quality, which we discover
to be common amongst them. For as like effects
imply like causes, we must always ascribe
the causation to the circumstance, wherein
we discover the resemblance.
(6) The following principle is founded on
the same reason. The difference in the effects
of two resembling objects must proceed from
that particular, in which they differ. For
as like causes always produce like effects,
when in any instance we find our expectation
to be disappointed, we must conclude that
this irregularity proceeds from some difference
in the causes.
(7) When any object encreases or diminishes
with the encrease or diminution of its cause,
it is to be regarded as a compounded effect,
derived from the union of the several different
effects, which arise from the several different
parts of the cause. The absence or presence
of one part of the cause is here supposed
to be always attended with the absence or
presence of a proportionable part of the
effect. This constant conjunction sufficiently
proves, that the one part is the cause of
the other. We must, however, beware not to
draw such a conclusion from a few experiments.
A certain degree of heat gives pleasure;
if you diminish that heat, the pleasure diminishes;
but it does not follow, that if you augment
it beyond a certain degree, the pleasure
will likewise augment; for we find that it
degenerates into pain.
(8) The eighth and last rule I shall take
notice of is, that an object, which exists
for any time in its full perfection without
any effect, is not the sole cause of that
effect, but requires to be assisted by some
other principle, which may forward its influence
and operation. For as like effects necessarily
follow from like causes, and in a contiguous
time and place, their separation for a moment
shews, that these causes are not compleat
ones.
Here is all the LOGIC I think proper to employ
in my reasoning; and perhaps even this was
not very necessary, but might have been supplyd
by the natural principles of our understanding.
Our scholastic head-pieces and logicians
shew no such superiority above the mere vulgar
in their reason and ability, as to give us
any inclination to imitate them in delivering
a long system of rules and precepts to direct
our judgment, in philosophy. All the rules
of this nature are very easy in their invention,
but extremely difficult in their application;
and even experimental philosophy, which seems
the most natural and simple of any, requires
the utmost stretch of human judgment. There
is no phaenomenon in nature, but what is
compounded and modifyd by so many different
circumstances, that in order to arrive at
the decisive point, we must carefully separate
whatever is superfluous, and enquire by new
experiments, if every particular circumstance
of the first experiment was essential to
it. These new experiments are liable to a
discussion of the same kind; so that the
utmost constancy is requird to make us persevere
in our enquiry, and the utmost sagacity to
choose the right way among so many that present
themselves. If this be the case even in natural
philosophy, how much more in moral, where
there is a much greater complication of circumstances,
and where those views and sentiments, which
are essential to any action of the mind,
are so implicit and obscure, that they often
escape our strictest attention, and are not
only unaccountable in their causes, but even
unknown in their existence? I am much afraid
lest the small success I meet with in my
enquiries will make this observation bear
the air of an apology rather than of boasting.
If any thing can give me security in this
particular, it will be the enlarging of the
sphere of my experiments as much as possible;
for which reason it may be proper in this
place to examine the reasoning faculty of
brutes, as well as that of human creatures.
SECT. XVI OF THE REASON OF ANIMALS
Next to the ridicule of denying an evident
truth, is that of taking much pains to defend
it; and no truth appears to me more evident,
than that beasts are endowd with thought
and reason as well as men. The arguments
are in this case so obvious, that they never
escape the most stupid and ignorant.
We are conscious, that we ourselves, in adapting
means to ends, are guided by reason and design,
and that it is not ignorantly nor casually
we perform those actions, which tend to self-preservation,
to the obtaining pleasure, and avoiding pain.
When therefore we see other creatures, in
millions of instances, perform like actions,
and direct them to the ends, all our principles
of reason and probability carry us with an
invincible force to believe the existence
of a like cause. It is needless in my opinion
to illustrate this argument by the enumeration
of particulars. The smallest attention will
supply us with more than are requisite. The
resemblance betwixt the actions of animals
and those of men is so entire in this respect,
that the very first action of the first animal
we shall please to pitch on, will afford
us an incontestable argument for the present
doctrine.
This doctrine is as useful as it is obvious,
and furnishes us with a kind of touchstone,
by which we may try every system in this
species of philosophy. It is from the resemblance
of the external actions of animals to those
we ourselves perform, that we judge their
internal likewise to resemble ours; and the
same principle of reasoning, carryd one step
farther, will make us conclude that since
our internal actions resemble each other,
the causes, from which they are derivd, must
also be resembling. When any hypothesis,
therefore, is advancd to explain a mental
operation, which is common to men and beasts,
we must apply the same hypothesis to both;
and as every true hypothesis will abide this
trial, so I may venture to affirm, that no
false one will ever be able to endure it.
The common defect of those systems, which
philosophers have employd to account for
the actions of the mind, is, that they suppose
such a subtility and refinement of thought,
as not only exceeds the capacity of mere
animals, but even of children and the common
people in our own species; who are notwithstanding
susceptible of the same emotions and affections
as persons of the most accomplishd genius
and understanding. Such a subtility is a
dear proof of the falshood, as the contrary
simplicity of the truth, of any system.
Let us therefore put our present system concerning
the nature of the understanding to this decisive
trial, and see whether it will equally account
for the reasonings of beasts as for these
of the human species.
Here we must make a distinction betwixt those
actions of animals, which are of a vulgar
nature, and seem to be on a level with their
common capacities, and those more extraordinary
instances of sagacity, which they sometimes
discover for their own preservation, and
the propagation of their species. A dog,
that avoids fire and precipices, that shuns
strangers, and caresses his master, affords
us an instance of the first kind. A bird,
that chooses with such care and nicety the
place and materials of her nest, and sits
upon her eggs for a due time, and in suitable
season, with all the precaution that a chymist
is capable of in the most delicate projection,
furnishes us with a lively instance of the
second.
As to the former actions, I assert they proceed
from a reasoning, that is not in itself different,
nor founded on different principles, from
that which appears in human nature. It is
necessary in the first place, that there
be some impression immediately present to
their memory or senses, in order to be the
foundation of their judgment. From the tone
of voice the dog infers his masters anger,
and foresees his own punishment. From a certain
sensation affecting his smell, he judges
his game not to be far distant from him.
Secondly, The inference he draws from the
present impression is built on experience,
and on his observation of the conjunction
of objects in past instances. As you vary
this experience, he varies his reasoning.
Make a beating follow upon one sign or motion
for some time, and afterwards upon another;
and he will successively draw different conclusions,
according to his most recent experience.
Now let any philosopher make a trial, and
endeavour to explain that act of the mind,
which we call BELIEF, and give an account
of the principles, from which it is derivd,
independent of the influence of custom on
the imagination, and let his hypothesis be
equally applicable to beasts as to the human
species; and after he has done this, I promise
to embrace his opinion. But at the same time
I demand as an equitable condition, that
if my system be the only one, which can answer
to all these terms, it may be receivd as
entirely satisfactory and convincing. And
that it is the only one, is evident almost
without any reasoning. Beasts certainly never
perceive any real connexion among objects.
It is therefore by experience they infer
one from another. They can never by any arguments
form a general conclusion, that those objects,
of which they have had no experience, resemble
those of which they have. It is therefore
by means of custom alone, that experience
operates upon them. All this was sufficiently
evident with respect to man. But with respect
to beasts there cannot be the least suspicion
of mistake; which must be ownd to be a strong
confirmation, or rather an invincible proof
of my system.
Nothing shews more the force of habit in
reconciling us to any phaenomenoun, than
this, that men are not astonished at the
operations of their own reason, at the same
time, that they admire the instinct of animals,
and find a difficulty in explaining it, merely
because it cannot be reducd tothe very same
principles. To consider the matter aright,
reason is nothing but a wonderful and unintelligible
instinct in our souls, which carries us along
a certain train of ideas, and endows them
with particular qualities, according to their
particular situations and relations. This
instinct, it is true, arises from past observation
and experience; but can any one give the
ultimate reason, why past experience and
observation produces such an effect, any
more than why nature alone shoud produce
it? Nature may certainly produce whatever
can arise from habit: Nay, habit is nothing
but one of the principles of nature, and
derives all its force from that origin.
PART IV. OF THE SCEPTICAL AND OTHER SYSTEMS
OF PHILOSOPHY.
SECT. I. OF SCEPTICISM WITH REGARD TO REASON.
In all demonstrative sciences the rules are
certain and infallible; but when we apply
them, our fallible said uncertain faculties
are very apt to depart from them, and fall
into error. We must, therefore, in every
reasoning form a new judgment, as a check
or controul on our first judgment or belief;
and must enlarge our view to comprehend a
kind of history of all the instances, wherein
our understanding has deceived us, compared
with those, wherein its testimony was just
and true. Our reason must be considered as
a kind of cause, of which truth is the natural
effect; but such-a-one as by the irruption
of other causes, and by the inconstancy of
our mental powers, may frequently be prevented.
By this means all knowledge degenerates into
probability; and this probability is greater
or less, according to our experience of the
veracity or deceitfulness of our understanding,
and according to the simplicity or intricacy
of the question.
There is no Algebraist nor Mathematician
so expert in his science, as to place entire
confidence in any truth immediately upon
his discovery of it, or regard it as any
thing, but a were probability. Every time
he runs over his proofs, his confidence encreases;
but still more by the approbation of his
friends; and is raised to its utmost perfection
by the universal assent and applauses of
the learned world. Now it is evident, that
this gradual encrease of assurance is nothing
but the addition of new probabilities, and
is derived from the constant union of causes
and effects, according to past experience
and observation.
In accompts of any length or importance,
Merchants seldom trust to the infallible
certainty of numbers for their security;
but by the artificial structure of the accompts,
produce a probability beyond what is derived
from the skill and experience of the accomptant.
For that is plainly of itself some degree
of probability; though uncertain and variable,
according to the degrees of his experience
and length of the accompt. Now as none will
maintain, that our assurance in a long numeration
exceeds probability, I may safely affirm,
that there scarce is any proposition concerning
numbers, of which we can have a fuller security.
For it is easily possible, by gradually diminishing
the numbers, to reduce the longest series
of addition to the most simple question,
which can be formed, to an addition of two
single numbers; and upon this supposition
we shall find it impracticable to shew the
precise limits of knowledge and of probability,
or discover that particular number, at which
the one ends and the other begins. But knowledge
and probability are of such contrary and
disagreeing natures, that they cannot well
run insensibly into each other, and that
because they will not divide, but must be
either entirely present, or entirely absent.
Besides, if any single addition were certain,
every one would be so, and consequently the
whole or total sum; unless the whole can
be different from all its parts. I had almost
said, that this was certain; but I reflect
that it must reduce itself, as well as every
other reasoning, and from knowledge degenerate
into probability.
Since therefore all knowledge resolves itself
into probability, and becomes at last of
the same nature with that evidence, which
we employ in common life, we must now examine
this latter species of reasoning, and see
on what foundation it stands.
In every judgment, which we can form concerning
probability, as well as concerning knowledge,
we ought always to correct the first judgment,
derived from the nature of the object, by
another judgment, derived from the nature
of the understanding. It is certain a man
of solid sense and long experience ought
to have, and usually has, a greater assurance
in his opinions, than one that is foolish
and ignorant, and that our sentiments have
different degrees of authority, even with
ourselves, in proportion to the degrees of
our reason and experience. In the man of
the best sense and longest experience, this
authority is never entire; since even such-a-one
must be conscious of many errors in the past,
and must still dread the like for the future.
Here then arises a new species of probability
to correct and regulate the first, and fix
its just standard and proportion. As demonstration
is subject to the controul of probability,
so is probability liable to a new correction
by a reflex act of the mind, wherein the
nature of our understanding, and our reasoning
from the first probability become our objects.
Having thus found in every probability, beside
the original uncertainty inherent in the
subject, a new uncertainty derived from the
weakness of that faculty, which judges, and
having adjusted these two together, we are
obliged by our reason to add a new doubt
derived from the possibility of error in
the estimation we make of the truth and fidelity
of our faculties. This is a doubt, which
immediately occurs to us, and of which, if
we would closely pursue our reason, we cannot
avoid giving a decision. But this decision,
though it should be favourable to our preceding
judgment, being founded only on probability,
must weaken still further our first evidence,
and must itself be weakened by a fourth doubt
of the same kind, and so on in infinitum:
till at last there remain nothing of the
original probability, however great we may
suppose it to have been, and however small
the diminution by every new uncertainty.
No finite object can subsist under a decrease
repeated IN INFINITUM; and even the vastest
quantity, which can enter into human imagination,
must in this manner be reduced to nothing.
Let our first belief be never so strong,
it must infallibly perish by passing through
so many new examinations, of which each diminishes
somewhat of its force and vigour. When I
reflect on the natural fallibility of my
judgment, I have less confidence in my opinions,
than when I only consider the objects concerning
which I reason; and when I proceed still
farther, to turn the scrutiny against every
successive estimation I make of my faculties,
all the rules of logic require a continual
diminution, and at last a total extinction
of belief and evidence.
Should it here be asked me, whether I sincerely
assent to this argument, which I seem to
take such pains to inculcate, and whether
I be really one of those sceptics, who hold
that all is uncertain, and that our judgment
is not in any thing possest of any measures
of truth and falshood; I should reply, that
this question is entirely superfluous, and
that neither I, nor any other person was
ever sincerely and constantly of that opinion.
Nature, by an absolute and uncontroulable
necessity has determined us to judge as well
as to breathe and feel; nor can we any more
forbear viewing certain objects in a stronger
and fuller light, upon account of their customary
connexion with a present impression, than
we can hinder ourselves from thinking as
long, as we are awake, or seeing the surrounding
bodies, when we turn our eyes towards them
in broad sunshine. Whoever has taken the
pains to refute the cavils of this total
scepticism, has really disputed without an
antagonist, and endeavoured by arguments
to establish a faculty, which nature has
antecedently implanted in the mind, and rendered
unavoidable.
My intention then in displaying so carefully
the arguments of that fantastic sect, is
only to make the reader sensible of the truth
of my hypothesis, that all our reasonings
concerning causes and effects are derived
from nothing but custom; and that belief
is more properly an act of the sensitive,
than of the cogitative part of our natures.
I have here proved, that the very same principles,
which make us form a decision upon any subject,
and correct that decision by the consideration
of our genius and capacity, and of the situation
of our mind, when we examined that subject;
I say, I have proved, that these same principles,
when carryed farther, and applied to every
new reflex judgment, must, by continually
diminishing the original evidence, at last
reduce it to nothing, and utterly subvert
all belief and opinion. If belief, therefore,
were a simple act of the thought, without
any peculiar manner of conception, or the
addition of a force and vivacity, it must
infallibly destroy itself, and in every case
terminate in a total suspense of judgment.
But as experience will sufficiently convince
any one, who thinks it worth while to try,
that though he can find no error in the foregoing
arguments, yet he still continues to believe,
and think, and reason as usual, he may safely
conclude, that his reasoning and belief is
some sensation or peculiar manner of conception,
which it is impossible for mere ideas and
reflections to destroy.
But here, perhaps, it may be demanded, how
it happens, even upon my hypothesis, that
these arguments above-explained produce not
a total suspense of judgment, and after what
manner the mind ever retains a degree of
assurance in any subject? For as these new
probabilities, which by their repetition
perpetually diminish the original evidence,
are founded on the very same principles,
whether of thought or sensation, as the primary
judgment, it may seem unavoidable, that in
either case they must equally subvert it,
and by the opposition, either of contrary
thoughts or sensations, reduce the mind to
a total uncertainty. I suppose, there is
some question proposed to me, and that after
revolving over the impressions of my memory
and senses, and carrying my thoughts from
them to such objects, as are commonly conjoined
with them, I feel a stronger and more forcible
conception on the one side, than on the other.
This strong conception forms my first decision.
I suppose, that afterwards I examine my judgment
itself, and observing from experience, that
it is sometimes just and sometimes erroneous,
I consider it as regulated by contrary principles
or causes, of which some lead to truth, and
some to error; and in ballancing these contrary
causes, I diminish by a new probability the
assurance of my first decision. This new
probability is liable to the same diminution
as the foregoing, and so on, IN INFINITUM.
It is therefore demanded, how it happens,
that even after all we retain a degree of
belief, which is sufficient for our purpose,
either in philosophy or common life.
I answer, that after the first and second
decision; as the action of the mind becomes
forced and unnatural, and the ideas faint
and obscure; though the principles of judgment,
and the ballancing of opposite causes be
the same as at the very beginning; yet their
influence on the imagination, and the vigour
they add to, or diminish from the thought,
is by no means equal. Where the mind reaches
not its objects with easiness and facility,
the same principles have not the same effect
as in a more natural conception of the ideas;
nor does the imagination feel a sensation,
which holds any proportion with that which
arises from its common judgments and opinions.
The attention is on the stretch: The posture
of the mind is uneasy; and the spirits being
diverted from their natural course, are not
governed in their movements by the same laws,
at least not to the same degree, as when
they flow in their usual channel.
If we desire similar instances, it will not
be very difficult to find them. The present
subject of metaphysics will supply us abundantly.
The same argument, which would have been
esteemed convincing in a reasoning concerning
history or politics, has little or no influence
in these abstruser subjects, even though
it be perfectly comprehended; and that because
there is required a study and an effort of
thought, in order to its being comprehended:
And this effort of thought disturbs the operation
of our sentiments, on which the belief depends.
The case is the same in other subjects. The
straining of the imagination always hinders
the regular flowing of the passions and sentiments.
A tragic poet, that would represent his heroes
as very ingenious and witty in their misfortunes,
would never touch the passions. As the emotions
of the soul prevent any subtile reasoning
and reflection, so these latter actions of
the mind are equally prejudicial to the former.
The mind, as well as the body, seems to be
endowed with a certain precise degree of
force and activity, which it never employs
in one action, but at the expense of all
the rest. This is more evidently true, where
the actions are of quite different natures;
since in that case the force of the mind
is not only diverted, but even the disposition
changed, so as to render us incapable of
a sudden transition from one action to the
other, and still more of performing both
at once. No wonder, then, the conviction,
which arises from a subtile reasoning, diminishes
in proportion to the efforts, which the imagination
makes to enter into the reasoning, and to
conceive it in all its parts. Belief, being
a lively conception, can never be entire,
where it is not founded on something natural
and easy.
This I take to be the true state of the question,
and cannot approve of that expeditious way,
which some take with the sceptics, to reject
at once all their arguments without enquiry
or examination. If the sceptical reasonings
be strong, say they, it is a proof, that
reason may have some force and authority:
if weak, they can never be sufficient to
invalidate all the conclusions of our understanding.
This argument is not just; because the sceptical
reasonings, were it possible for them to
exist, and were they not destroyed by their
subtility, would be successively both strong
and weak, according to the successive dispositions
of the mind. Reason first appears in possession
of the throne, prescribing laws, and imposing
maxims, with an absolute sway and authority.
Her enemy, therefore, is obliged to take
shelter under her protection, and by making
use of rational arguments to prove the fallaciousness
and imbecility of reason, produces, in a
manner, a patent under her band and seal.
This patent has at first an authority, proportioned
to the present and immediate authority of
reason, from which it is derived. But as
it is supposed to be contradictory to reason,
it gradually diminishes the force of that
governing power and its own at the same time;
till at last they both vanish away into nothing,
by a regulax and just diminution. The sceptical
and dogmatical reasons are of the same kind,
though contrary in their operation and tendency;
so that where the latter is strong, it has
an enemy of equal force in the former to
encounter; and as their forces were at first
equal, they still continue so, as long as
either of them subsists; nor does one of
them lose any force in the contest, without
taking as much from its antagonist. It is
happy, therefore, that nature breaks the
force of all sceptical arguments in time,
and keeps them from having any considerable
influence on the understanding. Were we to
trust entirely to their self-destruction,
that can never take place, until they have
first subverted all conviction, and have
totally destroyed human reason.
SECT. II. OF SCEPTICISM WITH REGARD TO THE
SENSES.
Thus the sceptic still continues to reason
and believe, even though be asserts, that
he cannot defend his reason by reason; and
by the same rule he must assent to the principle
concerning the existence of body, though
he cannot pretend by any arguments of philosophy
to maintain its veracity. Nature has not
left this to his choice, and has doubtless,
esteemed it an affair of too great importance
to be trusted to our uncertain reasonings
and speculations. We may well ask, What causes
induce us to believe in the existence of
body? but it is in vain to ask, Whether there
be body or not? That is a point, which we
must take for granted in all our reasonings.
The subject, then, of our present enquiry
is concerning the causes which induce us
to believe in the existence of body: And
my reasonings on this head I shall begin
with a distinction, which at first sight
may seem superfluous, but which will contribute
very much to the perfect understanding of
what follows. We ought to examine apart those
two questions, which are commonly confounded
together, viz. Why we attribute a continued
existence to objects, even when they are
not present to the senses; and why we suppose
them to have an existence DISTINCT from the
mind and perception. Under this last head
I comprehend their situation as well as relations,
their external position as well as the independence
of their existence and operation. These two
questions concerning the continued and distinct
existence of body are intimately connected
together. For if the objects of our senses
continue to exist, even when they are not
perceived, their existence is of course independent
of and distinct from the perception: and
vice versa, if their existence be independent
of the perception and distinct from it, they
must continue to exist, even though they
be not perceived. But though the decision
of the one question decides the other; yet
that we may the more easily discover the
principles of human nature, from whence the
decision arises, we shall carry along with
us this distinction, and shall consider,
whether it be the senses, reason, or the
imagination, that produces the opinion of
a continued or of a distinct existence. These
are the only questions, that are intelligible
on the present subject. For as to the notion
of external existence, when taken for something
specially different from our perceptions
[Part. II. Sect. 6.], we have already shewn
its absurdity.
To begin with the SENSES, it is evident these
faculties are incapable of giving rise to
the notion of the continued existence of
their objects, after they no longer appear
to the senses. For that is a contradiction
in terms, and suppose that the senses continue
to operate, even after they have ceased all
manner of operation. These faculties, therefore,
if they have any influence in the present
case, must produce the opinion of a distinct,
not of a continued existence; and in order
to that, must present their impressions either
as images and representations, or as these
very distinct and external existences.
That our senses offer not their impressions
as the images of something distinct, or independent,
and external, is evident; because they convey
to us nothing but a single perception, and
never give us the least intimation of any
thing beyond. A single perception can never
produce the idea of a double existence, but
by some inference either of the reason or
imagination. When the mind looks farther
than what immediately appears to it, its
conclusions can never be put to the account
of the senses; and it certainly looks farther,
when from a single perception it infers a
double existence, and supposes the relations
of resemblance and causation betwixt them.
If our senses, therefore, suggest any idea
of distinct existences, they must convey
the impressions as those very existences,
by a kind of fallacy and illusion. Upon this
bead we may observe, that all sensations
are felt by the mind, such as they really
are, and that when we doubt, whether they
present themselves as distinct objects, or
as mere impressions, the difficulty is not
concerning their nature, but concerning their
relations and situation. Now if the senses
presented our impressions as external to,
and independent of ourselves, both the objects
and ourselves must be obvious to our senses,
otherwise they coued not be compared by these
faculties. The difficulty, then, is how fax
we are ourselves the objects of our senses.
It is certain there is no question in philosophy
more abstruse than that concerning identity,
and the nature of the uniting principle,
which constitutes a person. So far from being
able by our senses merely to determine this
question, we must have recourse to the most
profound metaphysics to give a satisfactory
answer to it; and in common life it is evident
these ideas of self and person are never
very fixed nor determinate. It is absurd,
therefore, to imagine the senses can ever
distinguish betwixt ourselves and external
objects.
Add to this, that every impression, external
and internal, passions, affections, sensations,
pains and pleasures, are originally on the
same footing; and that whatever other differences
we may observe among them, they appear, all
of them, in their true colours, as impressions
or perceptions. And indeed, if we consider
the matter aright, it is scarce possible
it should be otherwise, nor is it conceivable
that our senses should be more capable of
deceiving us in the situation and relations,
than in the nature of our impressions. For
since all actions and sensations of the mind
are known to us by consciousness, they must
necessarily appear in every particular what
they are, and be what they appear. Every
thing that enters the mind, being in reality
a perception, it is impossible any thing
should to feeling appear different. This
were to suppose, that even where we are most
intimately conscious, we might be mistaken.
But not to lose time in examining, whether
it is possible for our senses to deceive
us, and represent our perceptions as distinct
from ourselves, that is as external to and
independent of us; let us consider whether
they really do so, and whether this error
proceeds from an immediate sensation, or
from some other causes.
To begin with the question concerning EXTERNAL
existence, it may perhaps be said, that setting
aside the metaphysical question of the identity
of a thinking substance, our own body evidently
belongs to us; and as several impressions
appear exterior to the body, we suppose them
also exterior to ourselves. The paper, on
which I write at present, is beyond my hand.
The table is beyond the paper. The walls
of the chamber beyond the table. And in casting
my eye towards the window, I perceive a great
extent of fields and buildings beyond my
chamber. From all this it may be infered,
that no other faculty is required, beside
the senses, to convince us of the external
existence of body. But to prevent this inference,
we need only weigh the three following considerations.
First, That, properly speaking, it is not
our body we perceive, when we regard our
limbs and members, but certain impressions,
which enter by the senses; so that the ascribing
a real and corporeal existence to these impressions,
or to their objects, is an act of the mind
as difficult to explain, as that which we
examine at present. Secondly, Sounds, and
tastes, and smelts, though commonly regarded
by the mind as continued independent qualities,
appear not to have any existence in extension,
and consequently cannot appear to the senses
as situated externally to the body. The reason,
why we ascribe a place to them, shall be:
considered afterwards. Thirdly, Even our
sight informs us not of distance or outness
(so to speak) immediately and without a certain
reasoning and experience, as is acknowledged
by the most rational philosophers.
As to the independency of our perceptions
on ourselves, this can never be an object
of the senses; but any opinion we form concerning
it, must be derived from experience and observation:
And we shall see afterwards, that our conclusions
from experience are far from being favourable
to the doctrine of the independency of our
perceptions. Mean while we may observe that
when we talk of real distinct existences,
we have commonly more in our eye their independency
than external situation in place, and think
an object has a sufficient reality, when
its Being is uninterrupted, and independent
of the incessant revolutions, which we are
conscious of in ourselves.
Thus to resume what I have said concerning
the senses; they give us no notion of continued
existence, because they cannot operate beyond
the extent, in which they really operate.
They as little produce the opinion of a distinct
existence, because they neither can offer
it to the mind as represented, nor as original.
To offer it as represented, they must present
both an object and an image. To make it appear
as original, they must convey a falshood;
and this falshood must lie in the relations
and situation: In order to which they must
be able to compare the object with ourselves;
and even in that case they do not, nor is
it possible they should, deceive us. We may,
therefore, conclude with certainty, that
the opinion of a continued and of a distinct
existence never arises from the senses.
To confirm this we may observe, that there
are three different kinds of impressions
conveyed by the senses. The first are those
of the figure, bulk, motion and solidity
of bodies. The second those of colours, tastes,
smells, sounds, heat and cold. The third
are the pains and pleasures, that arise from
the application of objects to our bodies,
as by the cutting of our flesh with steel,
and such like. Both philosophers and the
vulgar suppose the first of these to have
a distinct continued existence. The vulgar
only regard the second as on the same footing.
Both philosophers and the vulgar, again,
esteem the third to be merely perceptions
and consequently interrupted and dependent
beings.
Now it is evident, that, whatever may be
our philosophical opinion, colours, Sounds,
heat and cold, as far as appears to the senses,
exist after the same manner with motion and
solidity, and that the difference we make
betwixt them in this respect, arises not
from the mere perception. So strong the prejudice
for the distinct continued existence Of the
former qualities, that when the contrary
opinion is advanced by modern philosophers,
people imagine they can almost refute it
from their feeling and experience, and that
their very senses contradict this philosophy.
It is also evident, that colours, sounds,
&c. are originally on the same footing
with the pain that arises from steel, and
pleasure that proceeds from a fire; and that
the difference betwixt them is founded neither
on perception nor reason, but on the imagination.
For as they are confest to be, both of them,
nothing but perceptions arising from the
particular configurations and motions of
the parts of body, wherein possibly can their
difference consist? Upon the whole, then,
we may conclude, that as far as the senses
are judges, all perceptions are the same
in the manner of their existence.
We may also observe in this instance of sounds
and colours, that we can attribute a distinct
continued existence to objects without ever
consulting REASON, or weighing our opinions
by any philosophical principles. And indeed,
whatever convincing arguments philosophers
may fancy they can produce to establish the
belief of objects independent of the mind,
it is obvious these arguments are known but
to very few, and that it is not by them,
that children, peasants, and the greatest
part of mankind are induced to attribute
objects to some impressions, and deny them
to others. Accordingly we find, that all
the conclusions, which the vulgar form on
this head, are directly contrary to those,
which are confirmed by philosophy. For philosophy
informs us, that every thing, which appears
to the mind, is nothing but a perception,
and is interrupted, and dependent on the
mind: whereas the vulgar confound perceptions
and objects, and attribute a distinct continued
existence to the very things they feel or
see. This sentiment, then, as it is entirely
unreasonable, must proceed from some other
faculty than the understanding. To which
we may add, that as long as we take our perceptions
and objects to be the same, we can never
infer the existence of the one from that
of the other, nor form any argument from
the relation of cause and effect; which is
the only one that earl assure us of matter
of fact. Even after we distinguish our perceptions
from our objects, it will appear presently,
that we are still incapable of reasoning
from the existence of one to that of the
other: So that upon the whole our reason
neither does, nor is it possible it ever
should, upon any supposition, give us an
assurance of the continued and distinct existence
of body. That opinion must be entirely owing
to the IMAGINATION: which must now be the
subject of our enquiry.
Since all impressions are internal and perishing
existences, and appear as such, the notion
of their distinct and continued existence
must arise from a concurrence of some of
their qualities with the qualities of the
imagination, and since this notion does not
extend to all of them, it must arise from
certain qualities peculiar to some impressions.
It will therefore be easy for us to discover
these qualities by a comparison of the impressions,
to which we attribute a distinct and continued
existence, with those, which we regard as
internal and perishing.
We may observe, then, that it is neither
upon account of the involuntariness of certain
impressions, as is commonly supposed, nor
of their superior force and violence, that
we attribute to them a reality, and continued
existence, which we refuse to others, that
are voluntary or feeble. For it is evident
our pains and pleasures, our passions and
affections, which we never suppose to have
any existence beyond our perception, operate
with greater violence, and are equally involuntary,
as the impressions of figure and extension,
colour and sound, which we suppose to be
permanent beings. The heat of a fire, when
moderate, is supposed to exist in the fire;
but the pain, which it causes upon a near
approach, is not taken to have any being,
except in the perception.
These vulgar opinions, then, being rejected,
we must search for some other hypothesis,
by which we may discover those peculiar qualities
in our impressions, which makes us attribute
to them a distinct and continued existence.
After a little examination, we shall find,
that all those objects, to which we attribute
a continued existence, have a peculiar constancy,
which distinguishes them from the impressions,
whose existence depends upon our perception.
Those mountains, and houses, and trees, which
lie at present under my eye, have always
appeared to me in the same order; and when
I lose sight of them by shutting my eyes
or turning my head, I soon after find them
return upon me without the least alteration.
My bed and table, my books and papers, present
themselves in the same uniform manner, and
change not upon account of any interruption
in my seeing or perceivilng them. This is
the case with all the impressions, whose
objects are supposed to have an external
existence; and is the case with no other
impressions, whether gentle or violent, voluntary
or involuntary.
This constancy, however, is not so perfect
as not to admit of very considerable exceptions.
Bodies often change their position and qualities,
and after a little absence or interruption
may become hardly knowable. But here it is
observable, that even in these changes they
preserve a coherence, and have a regular
dependence on each other; which is the foundation
of a kind of reasoning from causation, and
produces the opinion of their continued existence.
When I return to my chamber after an hour's
absence, I find not my fire in the same situation,
in which I left it: But then I am accustomed
in other instances to see a like alteration
produced in a like time, whether I am present
or absent, near or remote. This coherence,
therefore, in their changes is one of the
characteristics of external objects, as well
as their constancy.
Having found that the opinion of the continued
existence of body depends on the COHERENCE,
and CONSTANCY of certain impressions, I now
proceed to examine after what manner these
qualities give rise to so extraordinary an
opinion. To begin with the coherence; we
may observe, that though those internal impressions,
which we regard as fleeting and perishing,
have also a certain coherence or regularity
in their appearances, yet it is of somewhat
a different nature, from that which we discover
in bodies. Our passions are found by experience
to have a mutual connexion with and dependence
on each other; but on no occasion is it necessary
to suppose, that they have existed and operated,
when they were not perceived, in order to
preserve the same dependence and connexion,
of which we have had experience. The case
is not the same with relation to external
objects. Those require a continued existence,
or otherwise lose, in a great measure, the
regularity of their operation. I am here
seated in my chamber with my face to the
fire; and all the objects, that strike my
senses, are contained in a few yards around
me. My memory, indeed, informs me of the
existence of many objects; but then this
information extends not beyond their past
existence, nor do either my senses or memory
give any testimony to the continuance of
their being. When therefore I am thus seated,
and revolve over these thoughts, I hear on
a sudden a noise as of a door turning upon
its hinges; and a little after see a porter,
who advances towards me. This gives occasion
to many new reflections and reasonings. First,
I never have observed, that this noise coued
proceed from any thing but the motion of
a door; and therefore conclude, that the
present phaenomenon is a contradiction to
all past experience, unless the door, which
I remember on the other side the chamber,
be still in being. Again, I have always found,
that a human body was possest of a quality,
which I call gravity, and which hinders it
from mounting in the air, as this porter
must have done to arrive at my chamber, unless
the stairs I remember be not annihilated
by my absence. But this is not all. I receive
a letter, which upon, opening it I perceive
by the hand-writing and subscription to have
come from a friend, who says he is two hundred
leagues distant. It is evident I can never
account for this phenomenon, conformable
to my experience in other instances, without
spreading out in my mind the whole sea and
continent between us, and supposing the effects
and continued existence of posts and ferries,
according to my Memory and observation. To
consider these phaenomena of the porter and
letter in a certain light, they are contradictions
to common experience, and may be regarded
as objections to those maxims, which we form
concerning the connexions of causes and effects.
I am accustomed to hear such a sound, and
see such an object in motion at the same
time. I have not received in this particular
instance both these perceptions. These observations
are contrary, unless I suppose that the door
still remains, and that it was opened without
my perceiving it: And this supposition, which
was at first entirely arbitrary and hypothetical,
acquires a force and evidence by its being
the only one, upon which I can reconcile
these contradictions. There is scarce a moment
of my life, wherein there is not a similar
instance presented to me, and I have not
occasion to suppose the continued existence
of objects, in order to connect their past
and present appearances, and give them such
an union with each other, as I have found
by experience to be suitable to their particular
natures and circumstances. Here then I am
naturally led to regard the world, as something
real and durable, and as preserving its existence,
even when it is no longer present to my perception.
But though this conclusion from the coherence
of appearances may seem to be of the same
nature with our reasonings concerning causes
and effects; as being derived from custom,
and regulated by past experience; we shall
find upon examination, that they are at the
bottom considerably different from each other,
and that this inference arises from the understanding,
and from custom in an indirect and oblique
manner. For it will readily be allowed, that
since nothing is ever really present to the
mind, besides its own perceptions, it is
not only impossible, that any habit should
ever be acquired otherwise than by the regular
succession of these perceptions, but also
that any habit should ever exceed that degree
of regularity. Any degree, therefore, of
regularity in our perceptions, can never
be a foundation for us to infer a greater
degree of regularity in some objects, which
are not perceived; since this supposes a
contradiction, viz. a habit acquired by what
was never present to the mind. But it is
evident, that whenever we infer the continued
existence of the objects of sense from their
coherence, and the frequency of their union,
it is in order to bestow on the objects a
greater regularity than what is observed
in our mere perceptions. We remark a connexion
betwixt two kinds of objects in their past
appearance to the senses, but are not able
to observe this connexion to be perfectly
constant, since the turning about of our
head or the shutting of our eyes is able
to break it. What then do we suppose in this
case, but that these objects still continue
their usual connexion, notwithstanding their
apparent interruption, and that the irregular
appearances are joined by something, of which
we are insensible? But as all reasoning concerning
matters of fact arises only from custom,
and custom can only be the effect of repeated
perceptions, the extending of custom and
reasoning beyond the perceptions can never
be the direct and natural effect of the constant
repetition and connexion, but must arise
from the co-operation of some other principles.
I have already observed [Part II, Sect. 4.],
in examining the foundation of mathematics,
that the imagination, when set into any train
of thinking, is apt to continue, even when
its object fails it, and like a galley put
in motion by the oars, carries on its course
without any new impulse. This I have assigned
for the reason, why, after considering several
loose standards of equality, and correcting
them by each other, we proceed to imagine
so correct and exact a standard of that relation,
as is not liable to the least error or variation.
The same principle makes us easily entertain
this opinion of the continued existence of
body. Objects have a certain coherence even
as they appear to our senses; but this coherence
is much greater and more uniform, if we suppose
the object.% to have a continued existence;
and as the mind is once in the train of observing
an uniformity among objects, it naturally
continues, till it renders the uniformity
as compleat as possible. The simple supposition
of their continued existence suffices for
this purpose, and gives us a notion of a
much greater regularity among objects, than
what they have when we look no farther than
our senses.
But whatever force we may ascribe to this
principle, I am afraid it is too weak to
support alone so vast an edifice, as is that
of the continued existence of all external
bodies; and that we must join the constancy
of their appearance to the coherence, in
order to give a satisfactory account of that
opinion. As the explication of this will
lead me into a considerable compass of very
profound reasoning; I think it proper, in
order to avoid confusion, to give a short
sketch or abridgment of my system, and afterwards
draw out all its parts in their full compass.
This inference from the constancy of our
perceptions, like the precedent from their
coherence, gives rise to the opinion of the
continued existence of body, which is prior
to that of its distinct existence, and produces
that latter principle.
When we have been accustomed to observe a
constancy in certain impressions, and have
found, that the perception of the sun or
ocean, for instance, returns upon us after
an absence or annihilation with like parts
and in a like order, as at its first appearance,
we are not apt to regard these interrupted
perceptions as different, (which they really
are) but on the contrary consider them as
individually the same, upon account of their
resemblance. But as this interruption of
their existence is contrary to their perfect
identity, and makes us regard the first impression
as annihilated, and the second as newly created,
we find ourselves somewhat at a loss, and
are involved in a kind of contradiction.
In order to free ourselves from this difficulty,
we disguise, as much as possible, the interruption,
or rather remove it entirely, by supposing
that these interrupted perceptions are connected
by a real existence, of which we are insensible.
This supposition, or idea of continued existence,
acquires a force and vivacity from the memory
of these broken impressions, and from that
propensity, which they give us, to suppose
them the same; and according to the precedent
reasoning, the very essence of belief consists
in the force and vivacity of the conception.
In order to justify this system, there are
four things requisite. First, To explain
the PRINCIPIUM INDIVIDUATIONIS, or principle
of identity. Secondly, Give a reason, why
the resemblance of our broken and interrupted
perceptions induces us to attribute an identity
to them. Thirdly, Account for that propensity,
which this illusion gives, to unite these
broken appearances by a continued existence.
Fourthly and lastly, Explain that force and
vivacity of conception, which arises from
the propensity.
First, As to the principle of individuation;
we may observe, that the view of any one
object is not sufficient to convey the idea
of identity. For in that proposition, an
object is the same with itself, if the idea
expressed by the word, object, were no ways
distinguished from that meant by itself;
we really should mean nothing, nor would
the proposition contain a predicate and a
subject, which however are implyed in this
affirmation. One single object conveys the
idea of unity, not that of identity.
On the other hand, a multiplicity of objects
can never convey this idea, however resembling
they may be supposed. The mind always pronounces
the one not to be the other, and considers
them as forming two, three, or any determinate
number of objects, whose existences are entirely
distinct and independent.
Since then both number and unity are incompatible
with the relation of identity, it must lie
in something that is neither of them. But
to tell the truth, at first sight this seems
utterly impossible. Betwixt unity and number
there can be no medium; no more than betwixt
existence and nonexistence. After one object
is supposed to exist, we must either suppose
another also to exist; in which case we have
the idea of number: Or we must suppose it
not to exist; in which case the first object
remains at unity.
To remove this difficulty, let us have recourse
to the idea of time or duration. I have already
observd [Part II, Sect. 5.], that time, in
a strict sense, implies succession, and that
when we apply its idea to any unchangeable
object, it is only by a fiction of the imagination,
by which the unchangeable object is supposd
to participate of the changes of the co-existent
objects, and in particular of that of our
perceptions. This fiction of the imagination
almost universally takes place; and it is
by means of it, that a single object, placd
before us, and surveyd for any time without
our discovering in it any interruption or
variation, is able to give us a notion of
identity. For when we consider any two points
of this time, we may place them in different
lights: We may either survey them at the
very same instant; in which case they give
us the idea of number, both by themselves
and by the object; which must be multiplyd,
in order to be conceivd at once, as existent
in these two different points of time: Or
on the other hand, we may trace the succession
of time by a like succession of ideas, and
conceiving first one moment, along with the
object then existent, imagine afterwards
a change in the time without any VARIATION
or INTERRUPTION in the object; in which case
it gives us the idea of unity. Here then
is an idea, which is a medium betwixt unity
and number; or more properly speaking, is
either of them, according to the view, in
which we take it: And this idea we call that
of identity. We cannot, in any propriety
of speech, say, that an object is the same
with itself, unless we mean, that the object
existent at one time is the same with itself
existent at another. By this means we make
a difference, betwixt the idea meant by the
word, OBJECT, and that meant by ITSELF, without
going the length of number, and at the same
time without restraining ourselves to a strict
and absolute unity.
Thus the principle of individuation is nothing
but the INVARIABLENESS and UNINTERRUPTEDNESS
of any object, thro a supposd variation of
time, by which the mind can trace it in the
different periods of its existence, without
any break of the view, and without being
obligd to form the idea of multiplicity or
number.
I now proceed to explain the SECOND part
of my system, and shew why the constancy
of our perceptions makes us ascribe to them
a perfect numerical identity, tho there be
very long intervals betwixt their appearance,
and they have only one of the essential qualities
of identity, VIZ, INVARIABLENESS. That I
may avoid all ambiguity and confusion on
this head, I shall observe, that I here account
for the opinions and belief of the vulgar
with regard to the existence of body; and
therefore must entirely conform myself to
their manner of thinking and of expressing
themselves. Now we have already observd,
that however philosophers may distinguish
betwixt the objects and perceptions of the
senses; which they suppose co-existent and
resembling; yet this is a distinction, which
is not comprehended by the generality of
mankind, who as they perceive only one being,
can never assent to the opinion of a double
existence and representation. Those very
sensations, which enter by the eye or ear,
are with them the true objects, nor can they
readily conceive that this pen or paper,
which is immediately perceivd, represents
another, which is different from, but resembling
it. In order, therefore, to accommodate myself
to their notions, I shall at first suppose;
that there is only a single existence, which
I shall call indifferently OBJECT or PERCEPTION,
according as it shall seem best to suit my
purpose, understanding by both of them what
any common man means by a hat, or shoe, or
stone, or any other impression, conveyd to
him by his senses. I shall be sure to give
warning, when I return to a more philosophical
way of speaking and thinking.
To enter, therefore, upon the question concerning
the source of the error and deception with
regard to identity, when we attribute it
to our resembling perceptions, notwithstanding
their interruption; I must here recal an
observation, which I have already provd and
explaind [Part II. Sect. 5.]. Nothing is
more apt to make us mistake one idea for
another, than any relation betwixt them,
which associates them together in the imagination,
and makes it pass with facility from one
to the other. Of all relations, that of resemblance
is in this respect the most efficacious;
and that because it not only causes an association
of ideas, but also of dispositions, and makes
us conceive the one idea by an act or operation
of the mind, similar to that by which we
conceive the other. This circumstance I have
observd to be of great moment; and we may
establish it for a general rule, that whatever
ideas place the mind in the same disposition
or in similar ones, are very apt to be confounded.
The mind readily passes from one to the other,
and perceives not the change without a strict
attention, of which, generally speaking,
it is wholly incapable.
In order to apply this general maxim, we
must first examine the disposition of the
mind in viewing any object which preserves
a perfect identity, and then find some other
object, that is confounded with it, by causing
a similar disposition. When we fix our thought
on any object, and suppose it to continue
the same for some time; it is evident we
suppose the change to lie only in the time,
and never exert ourselves to produce any
new image or idea of the object. The faculties
of the mind repose themselves in a manner,
and take no more exercise, than what is necessary
to continue that idea, of which we were formerly
possest, and which subsists without variation
or interruption. The passage from one moment
to another is scarce felt, and distinguishes
not itself by a different perception or idea,
which may require a different direction of
the spirits, in order to its conception.
Now what other objects, beside identical
ones, are capable of placing the mind in
the same disposition, when it considers them,
and of causing the same uninterrupted passage
of the imagination from one idea to another?
This question is of the last importance.
For if we can find any such objects, we may
certainly conclude, from the foregoing principle,
that they are very naturally confounded with
identical ones, and are taken for them in
most of our reasonings. But though this question
be very important, it is not very difficult
nor doubtful. For I immediately reply, that
a succession of related objects places the
mind in this disposition, and is considered
with the same smooth and uninterrupted progress
of the imagination, as attends the view of
the same invariable object. The very nature
and essence of relation is to connect our
ideas with each other, and upon the appearance
of one, to facilitate the transition to its
correlative. The passage betwixt related
ideas is, therefore, so smooth and easy,
that it produces little alteration on the
mind, and seems like the continuation of
the same action; and as the continuation
of the same action is an effect of the continued
view of the same object, it is for this reason
we attribute sameness to every succession
of related objects. The thought slides along
the succession with equal facility, as if
it considered only one object; and therefore
confounds the succession with the identity.
We shall afterwards see many instances of
this tendency of relation to make us ascribe
an identity to different objects; but shall
here confine ourselves to the present subject.
We find by experience, that there is such
a constancy in almost all the impressions
of the senses, that their interruption produces
no alteration on them, and hinders them not
from returning the same in appearance and
in situation as at their first existence.
I survey the furniture of my chamber; I shut
my eyes, and afterwards open them; and find
the new perceptions to resemble perfectly
those, which formerly struck my senses. This
resemblance is observed in a thousand instances,
and naturally connects together our ideas
of these interrupted perceptions by the strongest
relation, and conveys the mind with an easy
transition from one to another. An easy transition
or passage of the imagination, along the
ideas of these different and interrupted
perceptions, is almost the same disposition
of mind with that in which we consider one
constant and uninterrupted perception. It
is therefore very natural for us to mistake
the one for the other.
[FN 9 This reasoning, it must be confest,
is somewhat abstruse, and difficult to be
comprehended; but it is remarkable, that
this very difficulty may be converted into
a proof of the reasoning. We may observe,
that there are two relations, and both of
them resemblances, which contribute to our
mistaking the succession of our interrupted
perceptions for an identical object. The
first is, the resemblance of the perceptions:
The second is the resemblance, which the
act of the mind in surveying a succession
of resembling objects bears to that in surveying
an identical object. Now these resemblances
we are apt to confound with each other; and
it is natural we shoud, according to this
very reasoning. But let us keep them distinct,
and we shall find no difficulty in conceiving
the precedent argument.] The persons, who
entertain this opinion concerning the identity
of our resembling perceptions, are in general
an the unthinking and unphilosophical part
of mankind, (that is, all of us, at one time
or other) and consequently such as suppose
their perceptions to be their only objects,
and never think of a double existence internal
and external, representing and represented.
The very image, which is present to the senses,
is with us the real body; and it is to these
interrupted images we ascribe a perfect identity.
But as the interruption of the appearance
seems contrary to the identity, and naturally
leads us to regard these resembling perceptions
as different from each other, we here find
ourselves at a loss how to reconcile such
opposite opinions. The smooth passage of
the imagination along the ideas of the resembling
perceptions makes us ascribe to them a perfect
identity. The interrupted manner of their
appearance makes us consider them as so many
resembling, but still distinct beings, which
appear after certain intervals. The perplexity
arising from this contradiction produces
a propension to unite these broken appearances
by the fiction of a continued existence,
which is the third part of that hypothesis
I proposed to explain.
Nothing is more certain from experience,
than that any contradiction either to the
sentiments or passions gives a sensible uneasiness,
whether it proceeds from without or from
within; from the opposition of external objects,
or from the combat of internal principles.
On the contrary, whatever strikes in with
the natural propensities, and either externally
forwards their satisfaction, or internally
concurs with their movements, is sure to
give a sensible pleasure. Now there being
here an opposition betwixt the notion of
the identity of resembling perceptions, and
the interruption of their appearance, the
mind must be uneasy in that situation, and
will naturally seek relief from the uneasiness.
Since the uneasiness arises from the opposition
of two contrary principles, it must look
for relief by sacrificing the one to the
other. But as the smooth passage of our thought
along our resembling perceptions makes us
ascribe to them an identity, we can never
without reluctance yield up that opinion.
We must, therefore, turn to the other side,
and suppose that our perceptions are no longer
interrupted, but preserve a continued as
well as an invariable existence, and are
by that means entirely the same. But here
the interruptions in the appearance of these
perceptions are so long and frequent, that
it is impossible to overlook them; and as
the appearance of a perception in the mind
and its existence seem at first sight entirely
the same, it may be doubted, whether we can
ever assent to so palpable a contradiction,
and suppose a perception to exist without
being present to the mind. In order to clear
up this matter, and learn how the interruption
in the appearance of a perception implies
not necessarily an interruption in its existence,
it will be proper to touch upon some principles,
which we shall have occasion to explain more
fully afterwards. [Sect. 6.]
We may begin with observing, that the difficulty
in the present case is not concerning the
matter of fact, or whether the mind forms
such a conclusion concerning the continued
existence of its perceptions, but only concerning
the manner in which the conclusion is formed,
and principles from which it is derived.
It is certain, that almost all mankind, and
even philosophers themselves, for the greatest
part of their lives, take their perceptions
to be their only objects, and suppose, that
the very being, which is intimately present
to the mind, is the real body or material
existence. It is also certain, that this
very perception or object is supposed to
have a continued uninterrupted being, and
neither to be annihilated by our absence,
nor to be brought into existence by our presence.
When we are absent from it, we say it still
exists, but that we do not feel, we do not
see it. When we are present, we say we feel,
or see it. Here then may arise two questions;
First, How we can satisfy ourselves in supposing
a perception to be absent from the mind without
being annihilated. Secondly, After what manner
we conceive an object to become present to
the mind, without some new creation of a
perception or image; and what we mean by
this seeing, and feeling, and perceiving.
As to the first question; we may observe,
that what we call a mind, is nothing but
a heap or collection of different perceptions,
united together by certain relations, and
supposed, though falsely, to be endowed with
a perfect simplicity and identity. Now as
every perception is distinguishable from
another, and may be considered as separately
existent; it evidently follows, that there
is no absurdity in separating any particular
perception from the mind; that is, in breaking
off all its relations, with that connected
mass of perceptions, which constitute a thinking
being.
The same reasoning affords us an answer to
the second question. If the name of perception
renders not this separation from a mind absurd
and contradictory, the name of object, standing
for the very same thing, can never render
their conjunction impossible. External objects
are seen, and felt, and become present to
the mind; that is, they acquire such a relation
to a connected heap of perceptions, as to
influence them very considerably in augmenting
their number by present reflections and passions,
and in storing the memory with ideas. The
same continued and uninterrupted Being may,
therefore, be sometimes present to the mind,
and sometimes absent from it, without any
real or essential change in the Being itself.
An interrupted appearance to the senses implies
not necessarily an interruption in the existence.
The supposition of the continued existence
of sensible objects or perceptions involves
no contradiction. We may easily indulge our
inclination to that supposition. When the
exact resemblance of our perceptions makes
us ascribe to them an identity, we may remove
the seeming interruption by feigning a continued
being, which may fill those intervals, and
preserve a perfect and entire identity to
our perceptions.
But as we here not only feign but believe
this continued existence, the question is,
from whence arises such a belief; and this
question leads us to the fourth member of
this system. It has been proved already,
that belief in general consists in nothing,
but the vivacity of an idea; and that an
idea may acquire this vivacity by its relation
to some present impression. Impressions are
naturally the most vivid perceptions of the
mind; and this quality is in part conveyed
by the relation to every connected idea.
The relation causes a smooth passage from
the impression to the idea, and even gives
a propensity to that passage. The mind falls
so easily from the one perception to the
other, that it scarce perceives the change,
but retains in the second a considerable
share of the vivacity of the first. It is
excited by the lively impression; and this
vivacity is conveyed to the related idea,
without any great diminution in the passage,
by reason of the smooth transition and the
propensity of the imagination.
But suppose, that this propensity arises
from some other principle, besides that of
relation; it is evident it must still have
the same effect, and convey the vivacity
from the impression to the idea. Now this
is exactly the present case. Our memory presents
us with a vast number of instances of perceptions
perfectly resembling each other, that return
at different distances of time, and after
considerable interruptions. This resemblance
gives us a propension to consider these interrupted
perceptions as the same; and also a propension
to connect them by a continued existence,
in order to justify this identity, and avoid
the contradiction, in which the interrupted
appearance of these perceptions seems necessarily
to involve us. Here then we have a propensity
to feign the continued existence of all sensible
objects; and as this propensity arises from
some lively impressions of the memory, it
bestows a vivacity on that fiction: or in
other words, makes us believe the continued
existence of body. If sometimes we ascribe
a continued existence to objects, which are
perfectly new to us, and of whose constancy
and coherence we have no experience, it is
because the manner, in which they present
themselves to our senses, resembles that
of constant and coherent objects; and this
resemblance is a source of reasoning and
analogy, and leads us to attribute the same
qualities to similar objects.
I believe an intelligent reader will find
less difficulty to assent to this system,
than to comprehend it fully and distinctly,
and will allow, after a little reflection,
that every part carries its own proof along
with it. It is indeed evident, that as the
vulgar suppose their perceptions to be their
only objects, and at the same time believe
the continued existence of matter, we must
account for the origin of the belief upon
that supposition. Now upon that supposition,
it is a false opinion that any of our objects,
or perceptions, are identically the same
after an interruption; and consequently the
opinion of their identity can never arise
from reason, but must arise from the imagination.
The imagination is seduced into such an opinion
only by means of the resemblance of certain
perceptions; since we find they are only
our resembling perceptions, which we have
a propension to suppose the same. This propension
to bestow an identity on our resembling perceptions,
produces the fiction of a continued existence;
since that fiction, as well as the identity,
is really false, as is acknowledged by all
philosophers, and has no other effect than
to remedy the interruption of our perceptions,
which is the only circumstance that is contrary
to their identity. In the last place this
propension causes belief by means of the
present impressions of the memory; since
without the remembrance of former sensations,
it is plain we never should have any belief
of the continued existence of body. Thus
in examining all these parts, we find that
each of them is supported by the strongest
proofs: and that all of them together form
a consistent system, which is perfectly convincing.
A strong propensity or inclination alone,
without any present impression, will sometimes
cause a belief or opinion. How much more
when aided by that circumstance?
But though we are led after this manner,
by the natural propensity of the imagination,
to ascribe a continued existence to those
sensible objects or perceptions, which we
find to resemble each other in their interrupted
appearance; yet a very little reflection
and philosophy is sufficient to make us perceive
the fallacy of that opinion. I have already
observed, that there is an intimate connexion
betwixt those two principles, of a continued
and of a distinct or independent existence,
and that we no sooner establish the one than
the other follows, as a necessary consequence.
It is the opinion of a continued existence,
which first takes place, and without much
study or reflection draws the other along
with it, wherever the mind follows its first
and most natural tendency. But when we compare
experiments, and reason a little upon them,
we quickly perceive, that the doctrine of
the independent existence of our sensible
perceptions is contrary to the plainest experience.
This leads us backward upon our footsteps
to perceive our error in attributing a continued
existence to our perceptions, and is the
origin of many very curious opinions, which
we shall here endeavour to account for.
It will first be proper to observe a few
of those experiments, which convince us,
that our perceptions are not possest of any
independent existence. When we press one
eye with a finger, we immediately perceive
all the objects to become double, and one
half of them to be removed from their common
and natural position. But as we do not attribute
to continued existence to both these perceptions,
and as they are both of the same nature,
we clearly perceive, that all our perceptions
are dependent on our organs, and the disposition
of our nerves and animal spirits. This opinion
is confirmed by the seeming encrease and
diminution of objects, according to their
distance; by the apparent alterations in
their figure; by the changes in their colour
and other qualities from our sickness and
distempers: and by an infinite number of
other experiments of the same kind; from
all which we learn, that our sensible perceptions
are not possest of any distinct or independent
existence.
The natural consequence of this reasoning
should be, that our perceptions have no more
a continued than an independent existence;
and indeed philosophers have so far run into
this opinion, that they change their system,
and distinguish, (as we shall do for the
future) betwixt perceptions and objects,
of which the former are supposed to be interrupted,
and perishing, and different at every different
return; the latter to be uninterrupted, and
to preserve a continued existence and identity.
But however philosophical this new system
may be esteemed, I assert that it is only
a palliative remedy, and that it contains
all the difficulties of the vulgar system,
with some others, that are peculiar to itself.
There are no principles either of the understanding
or fancy, which lead us directly to embrace
this opinion of the double existence of perceptions
and objects, nor can we arrive at it but
by passing through the common hypothesis
of the identity and continuance of our interrupted
perceptions. Were we not first perswaded,
that our perceptions are our only objects,
and continue to exist even when they no longer
make their appearance to the senses, we should
never be led to think, that our perceptions
and objects are different, and that our objects
alone preserve a continued existence. The
latter hypothesis has no primary recommendation
either to reason or the imagination, but
acquires all its influence on the imagination
from the former. This proposition contains
two parts, which we shall endeavour to prove
as distinctly and clearly, as such abstruse
subjects will permit.
As to the first part of the proposition,
that this philosophical hypothesis has no
primary recommendation, either to reason,
or the imagination, we may soon satisfy ourselves
with regard to reason by the following reflections.
The only existences, of which we are certain,
are perceptions, which being immediately
present to us by consciousness, command our
strongest assent, and are the first foundation
of all our conclusions. The only conclusion
we can draw from the existence of one thing
to that of another, is by means of the relation
of cause and effect, which shews, that there
is a connexion betwixt them, and that the
existence of one is dependent on that of
the other. The idea of this relation is derived
from past experience, by which we find, that
two beings are constantly conjoined together,
and are always present at once to the mind.
But as no beings are ever present to the
mind but perceptions; it follows that we
may observe a conjunction or a relation of
cause and effect between different perceptions,
but can never observe it between perceptions
and objects. It is impossible, therefore,
that from the existence or any of the qualities
of the former, we can ever form any conclusion
concerning the existence of the latter, or
ever satisfy our reason in this particular.
It is no less certain, that this philosophical
system has no primary recommendation to the
imagination, and that that faculty would
never, of itself, and by its original tendency,
have fallen upon such a principle. I confess
it will be somewhat difficult to prove this
to the fall satisfaction of the reader; because
it implies a negative, which in many cases
will not admit of any positive proof. If
any one would take the pains to examine this
question, and would invent a system, to account
for the direct origin of this opinion from
the imagination, we should be able, by the
examination of that system, to pronounce
a certain judgment in the present subject.
Let it be taken for granted, that our perceptions
are broken, and interrupted, and however
like, are still different from each other;
and let any one upon this supposition shew
why the fancy, directly and immediately,
proceeds to the belief of another existence,
resembling these perceptions in their nature,
but yet continued, and uninterrupted, and
identical; and after he has done this to
my satisfaction, I promise to renounce my
present opinion. Mean while I cannot forbear
concluding, from the very abstractedness
and difficulty of the first supposition,
that it is an improper subject for the fancy
to work upon. Whoever would explain the origin
of the common opinion concerning the continued
and distinct existence of body, must take
the mind in its common situation, and must
proceed upon the supposition, that our perceptions
are our only objects, and continue to exist
even when they are not perceived. Though
this opinion be false, it is the most natural
of any, and has alone any primary recommendation
to the fancy.
As to the second part of the proposition,
that the philosophical system acquires all
its influence on the imagination from the
vulgar one; we may observe, that this is
a natural and unavoidable consequence of
the foregoing conclusion, that it has no
primary recommendation to reason or the imagination.
For as the philosophical system is found
by experience to take hold of many minds,
and in particular of all those, who reflect
ever so little on this subject, it must derive
all its authority from the vulgar system;
since it has no original authority of its
own. The manner, in which these two systems,
though directly contrary, are connected together,
may be explains, as follows.
The imagination naturally runs on in this
train of thinking. Our perceptions are our
only objects: Resembling perceptions are
the same, however broken or uninterrupted
in their appearance: This appealing interruption
is contrary to the identity: The interruption
consequently extends not beyond the appearance,
and the perception or object really continues
to exist, even when absent from us: Our sensible
perception s have, therefore, a continued
and uninterrupted existence. But as a little
reflection destroys this conclusion, that
our perceptions have a continued existence,
by shewing that they have a dependent one,
it would naturally be expected, that we must
altogether reject the opinion, that there
is such a thing in nature as a continued
existence, which is preserved even when it
no longer appears to the senses. The case,
however, is otherwise. Philosophers are so
far from rejecting the opinion of a continued
existence upon rejecting that of the independence
and continuance of our sensible perceptions,
that though all sects agree in the latter
sentiment, the former, which is, in a manner,
its necessary consequence, has been peculiar
to a few extravagant sceptics; who after
all maintained that opinion in words only,
and were never able to bring themselves sincerely
to believe it.
There is a great difference betwixt such
opinions as we form after a calm and profound
reflection, and such as we embrace by a kind
of instinct or natural impulse, on account
of their suitableness and conformity to the
mind. If these opinions become contrary,
it is not difficult to foresee which of them
will have the advantage. As long as our attention
is bent upon the subject, the philosophical
and studyed principle may prevail; but the
moment we relax our thoughts, nature will
display herself, and draw us back to our
former opinion. Nay she has sometimes such
an influence, that she can stop our progress,
even in the midst of our most profound reflections,
and keep us from running on with all the
consequences of any philosophical opinion.
Thus though we clearly perceive the dependence
and interruption of our perceptions, we stop
short in our career, and never upon that
account reject the notion of an independent
and continued existence. That opinion has
taken such deep root in the imagination,
that it is impossible ever to eradicate it,
nor will any strained metaphysical conviction
of the dependence of our perceptions be sufficient
for that purpose.
But though our natural and obvious principles
here prevail above our studied reflections,
it is certain there must be sonic struggle
and opposition in the case: at least so long
as these rejections retain any force or vivacity.
In order to set ourselves at ease in this
particular, we contrive a new hypothesis,
which seems to comprehend both these principles
of reason and imagination. This hypothesis
is the philosophical, one of the double existence
of perceptions and objects; which pleases
our reason, in allowing, that our dependent
perceptions are interrupted and different;
and at the same time is agreeable to the
imagination, in attributing a continued existence
to something else, which we call objects.
This philosophical system, therefore, is
the monstrous offspring of two principles,
which are contrary to each other, which are
both at once embraced by the mind, and which
are unable mutually to destroy each other.
The imagination tells us, that our resembling
perceptions have a continued and uninterrupted
existence, and are not annihilated by their
absence. Reflection tells us, that even our
resembling perceptions are interrupted in
their existence, and different from each
other. The contradiction betwixt these opinions
we elude by a new fiction, which is conformable
to the hypotheses both of reflection and
fancy, by ascribing these contrary qualities
to different existences; the interruption
to perceptions, and the continuance to objects.
Nature is obstinate, and will not quit the
field, however strongly attacked by reason;
and at the same time reason is so clear in
the point, that there is no possibility of
disguising her. Not being able to reconcile
these two enemies, we endeavour to set ourselves
at ease as much as possible, by successively
granting to each whatever it demands, and
by feigning a double existence, where each
may find something, that has all the conditions
it desires. Were we fully convinced, that
our resembling perceptions are continued,
and identical, and independent, we should
never run into this opinion of a double existence,
since we should find satisfaction in our
first supposition, and would not look beyond.
Again, were we fully convinced, that our
perceptions are dependent, and interrupted,
and different, we should be as little inclined
to embrace the opinion of a double existence;
since in that case we should clearly perceive
the error of our first supposition of a continued
existence, and would never regard it any
farther. It is therefore from the intermediate
situation of the mind, that this opinion
arises, and from such an adherence to these
two contrary principles, as makes us seek
some pretext to justify our receiving both;
which happily at last is found in the system
of a double existence.
Another advantage of this philosophical system
is its similarity to the vulgar one; by which
means we can humour our reason for a moment,
when it becomes troublesome and sollicitous;
and yet upon its least negligence or inattention,
can easily return to our vulgar and natural
notions. Accordingly we find, that philosophers
neglect not this advantage; but immediately
upon leaving their closets, mingle with the
rest of mankind in those exploded opinions,
that our perceptions are our only objects,
and continue identically and uninterruptedly
the same in all their interrupted appearances.
There are other particulars of this system,
wherein we may remark its dependence on the
fancy, in a very conspicuous manner. Of these,
I shall observe the two following. First,
We suppose external objects to resemble internal
perceptions. I have already shewn, that the
relation of cause and effect can never afford
us any just conclusion from the existence
or qualities of our perceptions to the existence
of external continued objects: And I shall
farther add, that even though they coued
afford such a conclusion, we should never
have any reason to infer, that our objects
resemble our perceptions. That opinion, therefore,
is derived from nothing but the quality of
the fancy above-explained, (that it borrows
all its ideas from some precedent perception).
We never can conceive any thing but perceptions,
and therefore must make every thing resemble
them.
Secondly, As we suppose our objects in general
to resemble our perceptions, so we take it
for granted, that every particular object
resembles that perception, which it causes.
The relation of cause and effect determines
us to join the other of resemblance; and
the ideas of these existences being already
united together in the fancy by the former
relation, we naturally add the latter to
compleat the union. We have a strong propensity
to compleat every union by joining new relations
to those which we have before observed betwixt
any ideas, as we shall have occasion to observe
presently. [Sect. 5.]
Having thus given an account of all the systems
both popular and philosophical, with regard
to external existences, I cannot forbear
giving vent to a certain sentiment, which
arises upon reviewing those systems. I begun
this subject with premising, that we ought
to have an implicit faith in our senses,
and that this would be the conclusion, I
should draw from the whole of my reasoning.
But to be ingenuous, I feel myself at present
of a quite contrary sentiment, and am more
inclined to repose no faith at all in my
senses, or rather imagination, than to place
in it such an implicit confidence. I cannot
conceive how such trivial qualities of the
fancy, conducted by such false suppositions,
can ever lead to any solid and rational system.
They are the coherence and constancy of our
perceptions, which produce the opinion of
their continued existence; though these qualities
of perceptions have no perceivable connexion
with such an existence. The constancy of
our perceptions has the most considerable
effect, and yet is attended with the greatest
difficulties. It is a gross illusion to suppose,
that our resembling perceptions are numerically
the same; and it is this illusion, which
leads us into the opinion, that these perceptions
are uninterrupted, and are still existent,
even when they are not present to the senses.
This is the case with our popular system.
And as to our philosophical one, it is liable
to the same difficulties; and is over-and-above
loaded with this absurdity, that it at once
denies and establishes the vulgar supposition.
Philosophers deny our resembling perceptions
to be identically the same, and uninterrupted;
and yet have so great a propensity to believe
them such, that they arbitrarily invent a
new set of perceptions, to which they attribute
these qualities. I say, a new set of perceptions:
For we may well suppose in general, but it
is impossible for us distinctly to conceive,
objects to be in their nature any thing but
exactly the same with perceptions. What then
can we look for from this confusion of groundless
and extraordinary opinions but error and
falshood? And how can we justify to ourselves
any belief we repose in them?
This sceptical doubt, both with respect to
reason and the senses, is a malady, which
can never be radically cured, but must return
upon us every moment, however we may chace
it away, and sometimes may seem entirely
free from it. It is impossible upon any system
to defend either our understanding or senses;
and we but expose them farther when we endeavour
to justify them in that manner. As the sceptical
doubt arises naturally from a profound and
intense reflection on those subjects, it
always encreases, the farther we carry our
reflections, whether in opposition or conformity
to it. Carelessness and in-attention alone
can afford us any remedy. For this reason
I rely entirely upon them; and take it for
granted, whatever may be the reader's opinion
at this present moment, that an hour hence
he will be persuaded there is both an external
and internal world; and going upon that supposition,
I intend to examine some general systems
both ancient and modern, which have been
proposed of both, before I proceed to a more
particular enquiry concerning our impressions.
This will not, perhaps, in the end be found
foreign to our present purpose.
SECT. III. OF THE ANTIENT PHILOSOPHY.
Several moralists have recommended it as
an excellent method of becoming acquainted
with our own hearts, and knowing our progress
in virtue, to recollect our dreams in a morning,
and examine them with the same rigour, that
we would our most serious and most deliberate
actions. Our character is the same throughout,
say they, and appears best where artifice,
fear, and policy have no place, and men can
neither be hypocrites with themselves nor
others. The generosity, or baseness of our
temper, our meekness or cruelty, our courage
or pusilanimity, influence the fictions of
the imagination with the most unbounded liberty,
and discover themselves in the most glaring
colours. In like manner, I am persuaded,
there might be several useful discoveries
made from a criticism of the fictions of
the antient philosophy, concerning substances,
and substantial form, and accidents, and
occult qualities; which, however unreasonable
and capricious, have a very intimate connexion
with the principles of human nature.
It is confest by the most judicious philosophers,
that our ideas of bodies are nothing but
collections formed by the mind of the ideas
of the several distinct sensible qualities,
of which objects are composed, and which
we find to have a constant union with each
other. But however these qualities may in
themselves be entirely distinct, it is certain
we commonly regard the compound, which they
form, as ONE thing, and as continuing the
SAME under very considerable alterations.
The acknowledged composition is evidently
contrary to this supposed simplicity, and
the variation to the identity. It may, therefore,
be worth while to consider the causes, which
make us almost universally fall into such
evident contradictions, as well as the means
by which we endeavour to conceal them.
It is evident, that as the ideas of the several
distinct, successive qualities of objects
are united together by a very close relation,
the mind, in looking along the succession,
must be carryed from one part of it to another
by an easy transition, and will no more perceive
the change, than if it contemplated the same
unchangeable object. This easy transition
is the effect, or rather essence of relation;
I and as the imagination readily takes one
idea for another, where their influence on
the mind is similar; hence it proceeds, that
any such succession of related qualities
is readily considered as one continued object,
existing without any variation. The smooth
and uninterrupted progress of the thought,
being alike in both cases, readily deceives
the mind, and makes us ascribe an identity
to the changeable succession of connected
qualities.
But when we alter our method of considering
the succession, and instead of traceing it
gradually through the successive points of
time, survey at once Any two distinct periods
of its duration, and compare the different
conditions of the successive qualities; in
that case the variations, which were insensible
when they arose gradually, do now appear
of consequence, and seem entirely to destroy
the identity. By this means there arises
a kind of contrariety in our method of thinking,
from the different points of view, in which
we survey the object, and from the nearness
or remoteness of those instants of time,
which we compare together. When we gradually
follow an object in its successive changes,
the smooth progress of the thought makes
us ascribe an identity to the succession;
because it is by a similar act of the mind
we consider an unchangeable object. When
we compare its situation after a considerable
change the progress of the thought is broke;
and consequently we are presented with the
idea of diversity: In order to reconcile
which contradictions the imagination is apt
to feign something unknown and invisible,
which it supposes to continue the same under
all these variations; and this unintelligible
something it calls a substance, or original
and first matter.
We entertain a like notion with regard to
the simplicity of substances, and from like
causes. Suppose an object perfectly simple
and indivisible to be presented, along with
another object, whose co-existent parts are
connected together by a strong relation,
it is evident the actions of the mind, in
considering these two objects, are not very
different. The imagination conceives the
simple object at once, with facility, by
a single effort of thought, without change
or variation. The connexion of parts in the
compound object has almost the same effect,
and so unites the object within itself, that
the fancy feels not the transition in passing
from one part to another. Hence the colour,
taste, figure, solidity, and other qualities,
combined in a peach or melon, are conceived
to form one thing; and that on account of
their close relation, which makes them affect
the thought in the same manner, as if perfectly
uncompounded. But the mind rests not here.
Whenever it views the object in another light,
it finds that all these qualities are different,
and distinguishable, and separable from each
other; which view of things being destructive
of its primary and more natural notions,
obliges the imagination to feign an unknown
something, or original substance and matter,
as a principle of union or cohesion among
these qualities, and as what may give the
compound object a title to be called one
thing, notwithstanding its diversity and
composition.
The peripatetic philosophy asserts the original
matter to be perfectly homogeneous in all
bodies, and considers fire, water, earth,
and air, as of the very same substance; on
account of their gradual revolutions and
changes into each other. At the same time
it assigns to each of these species of objects
a distinct substantial form, which it supposes
to be the source of all those different qualities
they possess, and to be a new foundation
of simplicity and identity to each particular
species. All depends on our manner of viewing
the objects. When we look along the insensible
changes of bodies, we suppose all of them
to be of the same substance or essence. When
we consider their sensible differences, we
attribute to each of them a substantial and
essential difference. And in order to indulge
ourselves in both these ways of considering
our objects, we suppose all bodies to have
at once a substance and a substantial form.
The notion of accidents is an unavoidable
consequence of this method of thinking with
regard to substances and substantial forms;
nor can we forbear looking upon colours,
sounds, tastes, figures, and other properties
of bodies, as existences, which cannot subsist
apart, but require a subject of inhesion
to sustain and support them. For having never
discovered any of these sensible qualities,
where, for the reasons above-mentioned, we
did not likewise fancy a substance to exist;
the same habit, which makes us infer a connexion
betwixt cause and effect, makes us here infer
a dependence of every quality on the unknown
substance. The custom of imagining a dependence
has the same effect as the custom of observing
it would have. This conceit, however, is
no more reasonable than any of the foregoing.
Every quality being a distinct thing from
another, may be conceived to exist apart,
and may exist apart, not only from every
other quality, but from that unintelligible
chimera of a substance.
But these philosophers carry their fictions
still farther in their sentiments concerning
occult qualities, and both suppose a substance
supporting, which they do not understand,
and an accident supported, of which they
have as imperfect an idea. The whole system,
therefore, is entirely incomprehensible,
and yet is derived from principles as natural
as any of these above-explained.
In considering this subject we may observe
a gradation of three opinions, that rise
above each other, according as the persons,
who form them, acquire new degrees of reason
and knowledge. These opinions are that of
the vulgar, that of a false philosophy, and
that of the true; where we shall find upon
enquiry, that the true philosophy approaches
nearer to the sentiments of the vulgar, than
to those of a mistaken knowledge. It is natural
for men, in their common and care, less way
of thinking, to imagine they perceive a connexion
betwixt such objects as they have constantly
found united together; and because custom
has rendered it difficult to separate the
ideas, they are apt to fancy such a separation
to be in itself impossible and absurd. But
philosophers, who abstract from the effects
of custom, and compare the ideas of objects,
immediately perceive the falshood of these
vulgar sentiments, and discover that there
is no known connexion among objects. Every
different object appears to them entirely
distinct and separate; and they perceive,
that it is not from a view of the nature
and qualities of objects we infer one from
another, but only when in several instances
we observe them to have been constantly conjoined.
But these philosophers, instead of drawing
a just inference from this observation, and
concluding, that we have no idea of power
or agency, separate from the mind, and belonging
to causes; I say, instead of drawing this
conclusion, they frequently search for the
qualities, in which this agency consists,
and are displeased with every system, which
their reason suggests to them, in order to
explain it. They have sufficient force of
genius to free them from the vulgar error,
that there is a natural and perceivable connexion
betwixt the several sensible qualities and
actions of matter; but not sufficient to
keep them from ever seeking for this connexion
in matter, or causes. Had they fallen upon
the just conclusion, they would have returned
back to the situation of the vulgar, and
would have regarded all these disquisitions
with indolence and indifference. At present
they seem to be in a very lamentable condition,
and such as the poets have given us but a
faint notion of in their descriptions of
the punishment of Sisyphus and Tantalus.
For what can be imagined more tormenting,
than to seek with eagerness, what for ever
flies us; and seek for it in a place, where
it is impossible it can ever exist?
But as nature seems to have observed a kind
of justice and compensation in every thing,
she has not neglected philosophers more than
the rest of the creation; but has reserved
them a consolation amid all their disappointments
and afflictions. This consolation principally
consists in their invention of the words:
faculty and occult quality. For it being
usual, after the frequent use of terms, which
are really significant and intelligible,
to omit the idea, which we would express
by them, and to preserve only the custom,
by which we recal the idea at pleasure; so
it naturally happens, that after the frequent
use of terms, which are wholly insignificant
and unintelligible, we fancy them to be on
the same footing with the precedent, and
to have a secret meaning, which we might
discover by reflection. The resemblance of
their appearance deceives the mind, as is
usual, and makes us imagine a thorough resemblance
and conformity. By this means these philosophers
set themselves at ease, and arrive at last,
by an illusion, at the same indifference,
which the people attain by their stupidity,
and true philosophers by their moderate scepticism.
They need only say, that any phenomenon,
which puzzles them, arises from a faculty
or an occult quality, and there is an end
of all dispute and enquiry upon the matter.
But among all the instances, wherein the
Peripatetics have shewn they were guided
by every trivial propensity of the imagination,
no one is more-remarkable than their sympathies,
antipathies, and horrors of a vacuum. There
is a very remarkable inclination in human
nature, to bestow on external objects the
same emotions, which it observes in itself;
and to find every where those ideas, which
are most present to it. This inclination,
it is true, is suppressed by a little reflection,
and only takes place in children, poets,
and the antient philosophers. It appears
in children, by their desire of beating the
stones, which hurt them: In poets, by their
readiness to personify every thing: And in
the antient philosophers, by these fictions
of sympathy and antipathy. We must pardon
children, because of their age; poets, because
they profess to follow implicitly the suggestions
of their fancy: But what excuse shall we
find to justify our philosophers in so signal
a weakness?
SECT. IV. OF THE MODERN PHILOSOPHY.
But here it may be objected, that the imagination,
according to my own confession, being the
ultimate judge of all systems of philosophy,
I am unjust in blaming the antient philosophers
for making use of that faculty, and allowing
themselves to be entirely guided by it in
their reasonings. In order to justify myself,
I must distinguish in the imagination betwixt
the principles which are permanent, irresistible,
and universal; such as the customary transition
from causes to effects, and from effects
to causes: And the principles, which are
changeable, weak, and irregular; such as
those I have just now taken notice of. The
former are the foundation of all our thoughts
and actions, so that upon their removal human
nature must immediately perish and go to
ruin. The latter are neither unavoidable
to mankind, nor necessary, or so much as
useful in the conduct of life; but on the
contrary are observed only to take place
in weak minds, and being opposite to the
other principles of custom and reasoning,
may easily be subverted by a due contrast
and opposition. For this reason the former
are received by philosophy, and the latter
rejected. One who concludes somebody to be
near him, when he hears an articulate voice
in the dark, reasons justly and naturally;
though that conclusion be derived from nothing
but custom, which infixes and inlivens the
idea of a human creature, on account of his
usual conjunction with the present impression.
But one, who is tormented he knows not why,
with the apprehension of spectres in the
dark, may, perhaps, be said to reason, and
to reason naturally too: But then it must
be in the same sense, that a malady is said
to be natural; as arising from natural causes,
though it be contrary to health, the most
agreeable and most natural situation of man.
The opinions of the antient philosophers,
their fictions of substance and accident,
and their reasonings concerning substantial
forms and occult qualities, are like the
spectres in the dark, and are derived from
principles, which, however common, are neither
universal nor unavoidable in human nature.
The modern philosophy pretends to be entirely
free from this defect, and to arise only
from the solid, permanent, and consistent
principles of the imagination. Upon what
grounds this pretension is founded must now
be the subject of our enquiry.
The fundamental principle of that philosophy
is the opinion concerning colours, sounds,
tastes, smells, heat and cold; which it asserts
to be nothing but impressions in the mind,
derived from the operation of external objects,
and without any resemblance to the qualities
of the objects. Upon examination, I find
only one of the reasons commonly produced
for this opinion to be satisfactory, viz.
that derived from the variations of those
impressions, even while the external object,
to all appearance, continues the same. These
variations depend upon several circumstances.
Upon the different situations of our health:
A man in a malady feels a disagreeable taste
in meats, which before pleased him the most.
Upon the different complexions and constitutions
of men That seems bitter to one, which is
sweet to another. Upon the difference of
their external situation and position: Colours
reflected from the clouds change according
to the distance of the clouds, and according
to the angle they make with the eye and luminous
body. Fire also communicates the sensation
of pleasure at one distance, and that of
pain at another. Instances of this kind are
very numerous and frequent.
The conclusion drawn from them, is likewise
as satisfactory as can possibly be imagined.
It is certain, that when different impressions
of the same sense arise from any object,
every one of these impressions has not a
resembling quality existent in the object.
For as the same object cannot, at the same
time, be endowed with different qualities
of the same sense, and as the same quality
cannot resemble impressions entirely different;
it evidently follows, that many of our impressions
have no external model or archetype. Now
from like effects we presume like causes.
Many of the impressions of colour, sound,
&c. are confest to be nothing but internal
existences, and to arise from causes, which
no ways resemble them. These impressions
are in appearance nothing different from
the other impressions of colour, sound, &c.
We conclude, therefore, that they are, all
of them, derived from a like origin.
This principle being once admitted, all the
other doctrines of that philosophy seem to
follow by an easy consequence. For upon the
removal of sounds, colours, beat, cold, and
other sensible qualities, from the rank of
continued independent existences, we are
reduced merely to what are called primary
qualities, as the only real ones, of which
we have any adequate notion. These primary
qualities are extension and solidity, with
their different mixtures and modifications;
figure, motion, gravity, and cohesion. The
generation, encrease, decay, and corruption
of animals and vegetables, are nothing but
changes of figure and motion; as also the
operations of all bodies on each other; of
fire, of light, water, air, earth, and of
all the elements and powers of nature. One
figure and motion produces another figure
and motion; nor does there remain in the
material universe any other principle, either
active or passive, of which we can form the
most distant idea.
I believe many objections might be made to
this system But at present I shall confine
myself to one, which is in my opinion very
decisive. I assert, that instead of explaining
the operations of external objects by its
means, we utterly annihilate all these objects,
and reduce ourselves to the opinions of the
most extravagant scepticism concerning them.
If colours, sounds, tastes, and smells be
merely perceptions, nothing we can conceive
is possest of a real, continued, and independent
existence; not even motion, extension and
solidity, which are the primary qualities
chiefly insisted on.
To begin with the examination of motion;
it is evident this is a quality altogether
inconceivable alone, and without a reference
to some other object. The idea of motion
necessarily supposes that of a body moving.
Now what is our idea of the moving body,
without which motion is incomprehensible?
It must resolve itself into the idea of extension
or of solidity; and consequently the reality
of motion depends upon that of these other
qualities.
This opinion, which is universally acknowledged
concerning motion, I have proved to be true
with regard to extension; and have shewn
that it is impossible to conceive extension,
but as composed of parts, endowed with colour
or solidity. The idea of extension is a compound
idea; but as it is not compounded of an infinite
number of parts or inferior ideas, it must
at last resolve itself into such as are perfectly
simple and indivisible. These simple and
indivisible parts, not being ideas of extension,
must be non entities, unless conceived as
coloured or solid. Colour is excluded from
any real existence. The reality, therefore,
of our idea of extension depends upon the
reality of that of solidity, nor can the
former be just while the latter is chimerical.
Let us, then, lend our attention to the examination
of the idea of solidity.
The idea of solidity is that of two objects,
which being impelled by the utmost force,
cannot penetrate each other; but still maintain
a separate and distinct existence. Solidity,
therefore, is perfectly incomprehensible
alone, and without the conception of some
bodies, which are solid, and maintain this
separate and distinct existence. Now what
idea have we of these bodies? The ideas of
colours, sounds, and other secondary qualities
are excluded. The idea of motion depends
on that of extension, and the idea of extension
on that of solidity. It is impossible, therefore,
that the idea of solidity can depend on either
of them. For that would be to run in a circle,
and make one idea depend on another, while
at the same time the latter depends on the
former. Our modern philosophy, therefore,
leaves us no just nor satisfactory idea of
solidity; nor consequently of matter.
This argument will appear entirely conclusive
to every one that comprehends it; but because
it may seem abstruse and intricate to the
generality of readers, I hope to be excused,
if I endeavour to render it more obvious
by some variation of the expression. In order
to form an idea of solidity, we must conceive
two bodies pressing on each other without
any penetration; and it is impossible to
arrive at this idea, when we confine ourselves
to one object, much more without conceiving
any. Two non-entities cannot exclude each
other from their places; because they never
possess any place, nor can be endowed with
any quality. Now I ask, what idea do we form
of these bodies or objects, to which we suppose
solidity to belong? To say, that we conceive
them merely as solid, is to run on in infinitum.
To affirm, that we paint them out to ourselves
as extended, either resolves all into a false
idea, or returns in a circle. Extension must
necessarily be considered either as coloured,
which is a false idea; I or as solid, which
brings us back to the first question. We
may make the same observation concerning
mobility and figure; and upon the whole must
conclude, that after the exclusion of colours,
sounds, heat and cold from the rank of external
existences, there remains nothing, which
can afford us a just and constituent idea
of body.
Add to this, that, properly speaking, solidity
or impenetrability is nothing, but an impossibility
of annihilation, as [Part II. Sect. 4.] has
been already observed: For which reason it
is the more necessary for us to form some
distinct idea of that object, whose annihilation
we suppose impossible. An impossibility of
being annihilated cannot exist, and can never
be conceived to exist, by itself: but necessarily
requires some object or real existence, to
which it may belong. Now the difficulty still
remains, how to form an idea of this object
or existence, without having recourse to
the secondary and sensible qualities.
Nor must we omit on this occasion our accustomed
method of examining ideas by considering
those impressions, from which they are derived.
The impressions, which enter by the sight
and hearing, the smell and taste, are affirmed
by modern philosophy to be without any resembling
objects; and consequently the idea of solidity,
which is supposed to be real, can never be
derived from any of these senses. There remains,
therefore, the feeling as the only sense,
that can convey the impression, which is
original to the idea of solidity; and indeed
we naturally imagine, that we feel the solidity
of bodies, and need but touch any object
in order to perceive this quality. But this
method of thinking is more popular than philosophical;
as will appear from the following reflections.
First, It is easy to observe, that though
bodies are felt by means of their solidity,
yet the feeling is a quite different thing
from the solidity; and that they have not
the least resemblance to each other. A man,
who has the palsey in one hand, has as perfect
an idea of impenetrability, when he observes
that hand to be supported by the table, as
when he feels the same table with the other
hand. An object, that presses upon any of
our members, meets with resistance; and that
resistance, by the motion it gives to the
nerves and animal spirits, conveys a certain
sensation to the mind; but it does not follow,
that the sensation, motion, and resistance
are any ways resembling.
Secondly, The impressions of touch are simple
impressions, except when considered with
regard to their extension; which makes nothing
to the present purpose: And from this simplicity
I infer, that they neither represent solidity,
nor any real object. For let us put two cases,
viz. that of a man, who presses a stone,
or any solid body, with his hand, and that
of two stones, which press each other; it
will readily be allowed, that these two cases
are not in every respect alike, but that
in the former there is conjoined with the
solidity, a feeling or sensation, of which
there is no appearance in the latter. In
order, therefore, to make these two cases
alike, it is necessary to remove some part
of the impression, which the man feels by
his hand, or organ of sensation; and that
being impossible in a simple impression,
obliges us to remove the whole, and proves
that this whole impression has no archetype
or model in external objects. To which we
may add, that solidity necessarily supposes
two bodies, along with contiguity and impulse;
which being a compound object, can never
be represented by a simple impression. Not
to mention, that though solidity continues
always invariably the same, the impressions
of touch change every moment upon us; which
is a clear proof that the latter are not
representations of the former.
Thus there is a direct and total opposition
betwixt our reason and our senses; or more
properly speaking, betwixt those conclusions
we form from cause and effect, and those
that persuade us of the continued and independent
existence of body. When we reason from cause
and effect, we conclude, that neither colour,
sound, taste, nor smell have a continued
and independent existence. When we exclude
these sensible qualities there remains nothing
in the universe, which has such an existence.
SECT. V. OF THE IMMATERIALITY OF THE SOUL.
Having found such contradictions and difficulties
in every system concerning external objects,
and in the idea of matter, which we fancy
so clear and determinate, We shall naturally
expect still greater difficulties and contradictions
in every hypothesis concerning our internal
perceptions, and the nature of the mind,
which we are apt to imagine so much more
obscure, and uncertain. But in this we should
deceive ourselves. The intellectual world,
though involved in infinite obscurities,
is not perplexed with any such contradictions,
as those we have discovered in the natural.
What is known concerning it, agrees with
itself; and what is unknown, we must be contented
to leave so.
It is true, would we hearken to certain philosophers,
they promise to diminish our ignorance; but
I am afraid it is at the hazard of running
us into contradictions, from which the subject
is of itself exempted. These philosophers
are the curious reasoners concerning the
material or immaterial substances, in which
they suppose our perceptions to inhere. In
order to put a stop to these endless cavils
on both sides, I know no better method, than
to ask these philosophers in a few words,
What they mean by substance and inhesion?
And after they have answered this question,
it will then be reasonable, and not till
then, to enter seriously into the dispute.
This question we have found impossible to
be answered with regard to matter and body:
But besides that in the case of the mind,
it labours under all the same difficulties,
it is burthened with some additional ones,
which are peculiar to that subject. As every
idea is derived from a precedent impression,
had we any idea of the substance of our minds,
we must also have an impression of it; which
is very difficult, if not impossible, to
be conceived. For how can an impression represent
a substance, otherwise than by resembling
it? And how can an impression resemble a
substance, since, according to this philosophy,
it is not a substance, and has none of the
peculiar qualities or characteristics of
a substance?
But leaving the question of what may or may
not be, for that other what actually is,
I desire those philosophers, who pretend
that we have an idea of the substance of
our minds, to point out the impression that
produces it, and tell distinctly after what
manner that impression operates, and from
what object it is derived. Is it an impression
of sensation or of reflection? Is it pleasant,
or painful, or indifferent? I Does it attend
us at all times, or does it only return at
intervals? If at intervals, at what times
principally does it return, and by what causes
is it produced?
If instead of answering these questions,
any one should evade the difficulty, by saying,
that the definition of a substance is something
which may exist by itself; and that this
definition ought to satisfy us: should this
be said, I should observe, that this definition
agrees to every thing, that can possibly
be conceived; and never will serve to distinguish
substance from accident, or the soul from
its perceptions. For thus I reason. Whatever
is clearly conceived may exist; and whatever
is clearly conceived, after any manner, may
exist after the same manner. This is one
principle, which has been already acknowledged.
Again, every thing, which is different, is
distinguishable, and every thing which is
distinguishable, is separable by the imagination.
This is another principle. My conclusion
from both is, that since all our perceptions
are different from each other, and from every
thing else in the universe, they are also
distinct and separable, and may be considered
as separately existent, and may exist separately,
and have no need of any thing else to support
their existence. They are, therefore, substances,
as far as this definition explains a substance.
Thus neither by considering the first origin
of ideas, nor by means of a definition are
we able to arrive at any satisfactory notion
of substance; which seems to me a sufficient
reason for abandoning utterly that dispute
concerning the materiality and immateriality
of the soul, and makes me absolutely condemn
even the question itself. We have no perfect
idea of any thing but of a perception. A
substance is entirely different from a perception.
We have, therefore, no idea of a substance.
Inhesion in something is supposed to be requisite
to support the existence of our perceptions.
Nothing appears requisite to support the
existence of a perception. We have, therefore,
no idea of inhesion. What possibility then
of answering that question, Whether perceptions
inhere in a material or immaterial substance,
when we do not so much as understand the
meaning of the question?
There is one argument commonly employed for
the immateriality of the soul, which seems
to me remarkable. Whatever is extended consists
of parts; and whatever consists of parts
is divisible, if not in reality, at least
in the imagination. But it is impossible
anything divisible can be conjoined to a
thought or perception, which is a being altogether
inseparable and indivisible. For supposing
such a conjunction, would the indivisible
thought exist on the left or on the right
hand of this extended divisible body? On
the surface or in the middle? On the back
or fore side of it? If it be conjoined with
the extension, it must exist somewhere within
its dimensions. If it exist within its dimensions,
it must either exist in one particular part;
and then that particular part is indivisible,
and the perception is conjoined only with
it, not with the extension: Or if the thought
exists in every part, it must also be extended,
and separable, and divisible, as well as
the body; which is utterly absurd and contradictory.
For can any one conceive a passion of a yard
in length, a foot in breadth, and an inch
in thickness? Thought, therefore, and extension
are qualities wholly incompatible, and never
can incorporate together into one subject.
This argument affects not the question concerning
the substance of the soul, but only that
concerning its local conjunction with matter;
and therefore it may not be improper to consider
in general what objects are, or are not susceptible
of a local conjunction. This is a curious
question, and may lead us to some discoveries
of considerable moment.
The first notion of space and extension is
derived solely from the senses of sight and
feeling; nor is there any thing, but what
is coloured or tangible, that has parts disposed
after such a manner, as to convey that idea.
When we diminish or encrease a relish, it
is not after the same manner that we diminish
or encrease any visible object; and when
several sounds strike our hearing at once,
custom and reflection alone make us form
an idea of the degrees of the distance and
contiguity of those bodies, from which they
are derived. Whatever marks the place of
its existence either must be extended, or
must be a mathematical point, without parts
or composition. What is extended must have
a particular figure, as square, round, triangular;
none of which will agree to a desire, or
indeed to any impression or idea, except
to these two senses above-mentioned. Neither
ought a desire, though indivisible, to be
considered as a mathematical point. For in
that case it would be possible, by the addition
of others, to make two, three, four desires,
and these disposed and situated in such a
manner, as to have a determinate length,
breadth and thickness; which is evidently
absurd.
It will not be surprising after this, if
I deliver a maxim, which is condemned by
several metaphysicians, and is esteemed contrary
to the most certain principles of hum reason.
This maxim is that an object may exist, and
yet be no where: and I assert, that this
is not only possible, but that the greatest
part of beings do and must exist after this
manner. An object may be said to be no where,
when its parts are not so situated with respect
to each other, as to form any figure or quantity;
nor the whole with respect to other bodies
so as to answer to our notions of contiguity
or distance. Now this is evidently the case
with all our perceptions and objects, except
those of the sight and feeling. A moral reflection
cannot be placed on the right or on the left
hand of a passion, nor can a smell or sound
be either of a circular or a square figure.
These objects and perceptions, so far from
requiring any particular place, are absolutely
incompatible with it, and even the imagination
cannot attribute it to them. And as to the
absurdity of supposing them to be no where,
we may consider, that if the passions and
sentiments appear to the perception to have
any particular place, the idea of extension
might be derived from them, as well as from
the sight and touch; contrary to what we
have already established. If they APPEAR
not to have any particular place, they may
possibly exist in the same manner; since
whatever we conceive is possible.
It will not now be necessary to prove, that
those perceptions, which are simple, and
exist no where, are incapable of any conjunction
in place with matter or body, which is extended
and divisible; since it is impossible to
found a relation but on some common quality.
It may be better worth our while to remark,
that this question of the local conjunction
of objects does not only occur in metaphysical
disputes concerning the nature of the soul,
but that even in common life we have every
moment occasion to examine it. Thus supposing
we consider a fig at one end of the table,
and an olive at the other, it is evident,
that in forming the complex ideas of these
substances, one of the most obvious is that
of their different relishes; and it is as
evident, that we incorporate and conjoin
these qualities with such as are coloured
and tangible. The bitter taste of the one,
and sweet of the other are supposed to lie
in the very visible body, and to be separated
from each other by the whole length of the
table. This is so notable and so natural
an illusion, that it may be proper to consider
the principles, from which it is derived.
Though an extended object be incapable of
a conjunction in place with another, that
exists without any place or extension, yet
are they susceptible of many other relations.
Thus the taste and smell of any fruit are
inseparable from its other qualities of colour
and tangibility; and whichever of them be
the cause or effect, it is certain they are
always co-existent. Nor are they only co-existent
in general, but also co- temporary in their
appearance in the mind; and it is upon the
application of the extended body to our senses
we perceive its particular taste and smell.
These relations, then, of causation, and
contiguity in the time of their appearance,
betwixt the extended object and the quality,
which exists without any particular place,
must have such an effect on the mind, that
upon the appearance of one it will immediately
turn its thought to the conception of the
other. Nor is this all. We not only turn
our thought from one to the other upon account
of their relation, but likewise endeavour
to give them a new relation, viz. that of
a CONJUNCTION IN PLACE, that we may render
the transition more easy and natural. For
it is a quality, which I shall often have
occasion to remark in human nature, and shall
explain more fully in its proper place, that
when objects are united by any relation,
we have a strong propensity to add some new
relation to them, in order to compleat the
union. In our arrangement of bodies we never
fail to place such as are resembling, in
contiguity to each other, or at least in
correspondent points of view: Why? but because
we feel a satisfaction in joining the relation
of contiguity to that of resemblance, or
the resemblance of situation to that of qualities.
The effects this propensity have been [Sect.
2, towards the end.] already observed in
that resemblance, which we so readily suppose
betwixt particular impressions and their
external causes. But we shall not find a
more evident effect of it, than in the present
instance, where from the relations of causation
and contiguity in time betwixt two objects,
we feign likewise that of a conjunction in
place, in order to strengthen the connexion.
But whatever confused notions we may form
of an union in place betwixt an extended
body, as a fig, and its particular taste,
it is certain that upon reflection we must
observe this union something altogether unintelligible
and contradictory. For should we ask ourselves
one obvious question, viz. if the taste,
which we conceive to be contained in the
circumference of the body, is in every part
of it or in one only, we must quickly find
ourselves at a loss, and perceive the impossibility
of ever giving a satisfactory answer. We
cannot rely, that it is only in one part:
For experience convinces us, that every part
has the same relish. We can as little reply,
that it exists in every part: For then we
must suppose it figured and extended; which
is absurd and incomprehensible. Here then
we are influenced by two principles directly
contrary to each other, viz. that inclination
of our fancy by which we are determined to
incorporate the taste with the extended object,
and our reason, which shows us the impossibility
of such an union. Being divided betwixt these
opposite principles, we renounce neither
one nor the other, but involve the subject
in such confusion and obscurity, that we
no longer perceive the opposition. We suppose,
that the taste exists within the circumference
of the body, but in such a manner, that it
fills the whole without extension, and exists
entire in every part without separation.
In short, we use in our most familiar way
of thinking, that scholastic principle, which,
when crudely proposed, appears so shocking,
of TOTUM IN TOTO & TOLUM IN QUALIBET
PARTE: Which is much the same, as if we should
say, that a thing is in a certain place,
and yet is not there.
All this absurdity proceeds from our endeavouring
to bestow a place on what is utterly incapable
of it; and that endeavour again arises from
our inclination to compleat an union, which
is founded on causation, and a contiguity
of time, by attributing to the objects a
conjunction in place. But if ever reason
be of sufficient force to overcome prejudice,
it is certain, that in the present case it
must prevail. For we have only this choice
left, either to suppose that some beings
exist without any place; or that they are
figured and extended; or that when they are
incorporated with extended objects, the whole
is in the whole, and the whole in every part.
The absurdity of the two last suppositions
proves sufficiently the veracity of the first.
Nor is there any fourth opinion. For as to
the supposition of their existence in the
manner of mathematical points, it resolves
itself into the second opinion, and supposes,
that several passions may be placed in a
circular figure, and that a certain number
of smells, conjoined with a certain number
of sounds, may make a body of twelve cubic
inches; which appears ridiculous upon the
bare mentioning of it.
But though in this view of things we cannot
refuse to condemn the materialists, who conjoin
all thought with extension; yet a little
reflection will show us equal reason for
blaming their antagonists, who conjoin all
thought with a simple and indivisible substance.
The most vulgar philosophy informs us, that
no external object can make itself known
to the mind immediately, and without the
interposition of an image or perception.
That table, which just now appears to me,
is only a perception, and all its qualities
are qualities of a perception. Now the most
obvious of all its qualities is extension.
The perception consists of parts. These parts
are so situated, as to afford us the notion
of distance and contiguity; of length, breadth,
and thickness. The termination of these three
dimensions is what we call figure. This figure
is moveable, separable, and divisible. Mobility,
and separability are the distinguishing properties
of extended objects. And to cut short all
disputes, the very idea of extension is copyed
from nothing but an impression, and consequently
must perfectly agree to it. To say the idea
of extension agrees to any thing, is to say
it is extended.
The free-thinker may now triumph in his turn;
and having found there are impressions and
ideas really extended, may ask his antagonists,
how they can incorporate a simple and indivisible
subject with an extended perception? All
the arguments of Theologians may here be
retorted upon them. Is the indivisible subject,
or immaterial substance, if you will, on
the left or on the right hand of the perception?
Is it in this particular part, or in that
other? Is it in every part without being
extended? Or is it entire in any one part
without deserting the rest? It is impossible
to give any answer to these questions, but
what will both be absurd in itself, and will
account for the union of our indivisible
perceptions with an extended substance.
This gives me an occasion to take a-new into
consideration the question concerning the
substance of the soul; and though I have
condemned that question as utterly unintelligible,
yet I cannot forbear proposing some farther
reflections concerning it. I assert, that
the doctrine of the immateriality, simplicity,
and indivisibility of a thinking substance
is a true atheism, and will serve to justify
all those sentiments, for which Spinoza is
so universally infamous. From this topic,
I hope at least to reap one advantage, that
my adversaries will not have any pretext
to render the present doctrine odious by
their declamations, when they see that they
can be so easily retorted on them.
The fundamental principle of the atheism
of Spinoza is the doctrine of the simplicity
of the universe, and the unity of that substance,
in which he supposes both thought and matter
to inhere. There is only one substance, says
he, in the world; and that substance is perfectly
simple and indivisible, and exists every
where, without any local presence. Whatever
we discover externally by sensation; whatever
we feel internally by reflection; all these
are nothing but modifications of that one,
simple, and necessarily existent being, and
are not possest of any separate or distinct
existence. Every passion of the soul; every
configuration of matter, however different
and various, inhere in the same substance,
and preserve in themselves their characters
of distinction, without communicating them
to that subject, in which they inhere. The
same substratum, if I may so speak, supports
the most different modifications, without
any difference in itself; and varies them,
without any variation. Neither time, nor
place, nor all the diversity of nature are
able to produce any composition or change
in its perfect simplicity and identity.
I believe this brief exposition of the principles
of that famous atheist will be sufficient
for the present purpose, and that without
entering farther into these gloomy and obscure
regions, I shall be able to shew, that this
hideous hypothesis is almost the same with
that of the immateriality of the soul, which
has become so popular. To make this evident,
let us [Part II, Sect. 6.] remember, that
as every idea is derived from a preceding
perception, it is impossible our idea of
a perception, and that of an object or external
existence can ever represent what are specifically
different from each other. Whatever difference
we may suppose betwixt them, it is still
incomprehensible to us; and we are obliged
either to conceive an external object merely
as a relation without a relative, or to make
it the very same with a perception or impression.
The consequence I shall draw from this may,
at first sight, appear a mere sophism; but
upon the least examination will be found
solid and satisfactory. I say then, that
since we may suppose, but never can conceive
a specific deference betwixt an object and
impression; any conclusion we form concerning
the connexion and repugnance of impressions,
will not be known certainly to be applicable
to objects; but that on the other hand, whatever
conclusions of this kind we form concerning
objects, will most certainly be applicable
to impressions. The reason is not difficult.
As an object is supposed to be different
from an impression, we cannot be sure, that
the circumstance, upon which we found our
reasoning, is common to both, supposing we
form the reasoning upon the impression. It
is still possible, that the object may differ
from it in that particular. But when we first
form our reasoning concerning the object,
it is beyond doubt, that the same reasoning
must extend to the impression: And that because
the quality of the object, upon which the
argument is founded, must at least be conceived
by the mind; and coued not be conceived,
unless it were common to an impression; since
we have no idea but what is derived from
that origin. Thus we may establish it as
a certain maxim, that we can never, by any
principle, but by an irregular kind [Such
as that of Sect. 2, form the coherence of
our perceptions.] of reasoning from experience,
discover a connexion or repugnance betwixt
objects, which extends not to impressions;
though the inverse proposition may not be
equally true, that all the discoverable relations
of impressions are common to objects.
To apply this to the present case; there
are two different systems of being presented,
to which I suppose myself under necessity
of assigning some substance, or ground of
inhesion. I observe first the universe of
objects or of body: The sun, moon and stars;
the earth, seas, plants, animals, men, ships,
houses, and other productions either of art
or nature. Here Spinoza appears, and tells
me, that these are only modifications; and
that the subject, in which they inhere, is
simple, incompounded, and indivisible. After
this I consider the other system of beings,
viz. the universe of thought, or my impressions
and ideas. There I observe another sun, moon
and stars; an earth, and seas, covered and
inhabited by plants and animals; towns, houses,
mountains, rivers; and in short every thing
I can discover or conceive in the first system.
Upon my enquiring concerning these, Theologians
present themselves, and tell me, that these
also are modifications, and modifications
of one simple, uncompounded, and indivisible
substance. Immediately upon which I am deafened
with the noise of a hundred voices, that
treat the first hypothesis with detestation
and scorn, and the second with applause and
veneration. I turn my attention to these
hypotheses to see what may be the reason
of so great a partiality; and find that they
have the same fault of being unintelligible,
and that as far as we can understand them,
they are so much alike, that it is impossible
to discover any absurdity in one, which is
not common to both of them. We have no idea
of any quality in an object, which does not
agree to, and may not represent a quality
in an impression; and that because all our
ideas are derived from our impressions. We
can never, therefore, find any repugnance
betwixt an extended object as a modification,
and a simple uncompounded essence, as its
substance, unless that repugnance takes place
equally betwixt the perception or impression
of that extended object, and the same uncompounded
essence. Every idea of a quality in an object
passes through an impression; and therefore
every perceivable relation, whether of connexion
or repugnance, must be common both to objects
and impressions.
But though this argument, considered in general,
seems evident beyond all doubt and contradiction,
yet to make it more clear and sensible, let
us survey it in detail; and see whether all
the absurdities, which have been found in
the system of Spinoza, may not likewise be
discovered in that of Theologians. [See Bayle's
dictionary, article of Spinoza.]
First, It has been said against Spinoza,
according to the scholastic way of talking,
rather than thinking, that a mode, not being
any distinct or separate existence, must
be the very same with its substance, and
consequently the extension of the universe,
must be in a manner identifyed with that,
simple, uncompounded essence, in which the
universe is supposed to inhere. But this,
it may be pretended, is utterly impossible
and inconceivable unless the indivisible
substance expand itself, so as to correspond
to the extension, or the extension contract
itself, so as to answer to the indivisible
substance. This argument seems just, as far
as we can understand it; and it is plain
nothing is required, but a change in the
terms, to apply the same argument to our
extended perceptions, and the simple essence
of the soul; the ideas of objects and perceptions
being in every respect the same, only attended
with the supposition of a difference, that
is unknown and incomprehensible.
Secondly, It has been said, that we have
no idea of substance, which is not applicable
to matter; nor any idea of a distinct substance,
which is not applicable to every distinct
portion of matter. Matter, therefore, is
not a mode but a substance, and each part
of matter is not a distinct mode, but a distinct
substance. I have already proved, that we
have no perfect idea of substance; but that
taking it for something, that can exist by
itself, it is evident every perception is
a substance, and every distinct part of a
perception a distinct substance: And consequently
the one hypothesis labours under the same
difficulties in this respect with the other.
Thirdly, It has been objected to the system
of one simple substance in the universe,
that this substance being the support or
substratum of every thing, must at the very
same instant be modifyed into forms, which
are contrary and incompatible. The round
and square figures are incompatible in the
same substance at the same time. How then
is it possible, that the same substance can
at once be modifyed into that square table,
and into this round one? I ask the same question
concerning the impressions of these tables;
and find that the answer is no more satisfactory
in one case than in the other.
It appears, then, that to whatever side we
turn, the same difficulties follow us, and
that we cannot advance one step towards the
establishing the simplicity and immateriality
o the soul, without preparing the way for
a dangerous and irrecoverable atheism. It
is the same case, if instead o calling thought
a modification of the soul, we should give
it the more antient, and yet more modish
name of an action. By an action we mean much
the same thing, as what is commonly called
an abstract mode; that is, something, which,
properly speaking, is neither distinguishable,
nor separable from its substance, and is
only conceived by a distinction of reason,
or an abstraction. But nothing is gained
by this change of the term of modification,
for that of action; nor do we free ourselves
from one single difficulty by its means;
as will appear from the two following reflexions.
First, I observe, that the word, action,
according to this explication of it, can
never justly be applied to any perception,
as derived from a mind or thinking substance.
Our perceptions are all really different,
and separable, and distinguishable from each
other, and from everything else, which we
can imagine: and therefore it is impossible
to conceive, how they can be the action or
abstract mode of any substance. The instance
of motion, which is commonly made use of
to shew after what manner perception depends,
as an action, upon its substance, rather
confounds than instructs us. Motion to all
appearance induces no real nor essential
change on the body, but only varies its relation
to other objects. But betwixt a person in
the morning walking a garden with company,
agreeable to him; and a person in the afternoon
inclosed in a dungeon, and full of terror,
despair, and resentment, there seems to be
a radical difference, and of quite another
kind, than what is produced on a body by
the change of its situation. As we conclude
from the distinction and separability of
their ideas, that external objects have a
separate existence from each other; so when
we make these ideas themselves our objects,
we must draw the same conclusion concerning
them, according to the precedent reasoning.
At least it must be confest, that having
idea of the substance of the soul, it is
impossible for us to tell how it can admit
of such differences, and even contrarieties
of perception without any fundamental change;
and consequently can never tell in what sense
perceptions are actions of that substance.
The use, therefore, of the word, action,
unaccompanyed with any meaning, instead of
that of modification, makes no addition to
our knowledge, nor is of any advantage to
the doctrine of the immateriality of the
soul.
I add in the second place, that if it brings
any advantage to that cause, it must bring
an equal to the cause of atheism. For do
our Theologians pretend to make a monopoly
of the word, action, and may not the atheists
likewise take possession of it, and affirm
that plants, animals, men, &c. are nothing
but particular actions of one simple universal
substance, which exerts itself from a blind
and absolute necessity? This you'll say is
utterly absurd. I own it is unintelligible;
but at the same time assert, according to
the principles above-explained, that it is
impossible to discover any absurdity in the
supposition, that all the various objects
in nature are actions of one simple substance,
which absurdity will not be applicable to
a like supposition concerning impressions
and ideas.
From these hypotheses concerning the substance
and local conjunction of our perceptions,
we may pass to another, which is more intelligible
than the former, and more important than
the latter, viz. concerning the cause of
our perceptions. Matter and motion, it is
commonly said in the schools, however varyed,
are still matter and motion, and produce
only a difference in the position and situation
of objects. Divide a body as often as you
please, it is still body. Place it in any
figure, nothing ever results but figure,
or the relation of parts. Move it in any
manner, you still find motion or a change
of relation. It is absurd to imagine, that
motion in a circle, for instance, should
be nothing but merely motion in a circle;
while motion in another direction, as in
an ellipse, should also be a passion or moral
reflection: That the shocking of two globular
particles should become a sensation of pain,
and that the meeting of two triangular ones
should afford a pleasure. Now as these different
shocks, and variations, and mixtures are
the only changes, of which matter is susceptible,
and as these never afford us any idea of
thought or perception, it is concluded to
be impossible, that thought can ever be caused
by matter.
Few have been able to withstand the seeming
evidence of this argument; and yet nothing
in the world is more easy than to refute
it. We need only reflect on what has been
proved at large, that we are never sensible
of any connexion betwixt causes and effects,
and that it is only by our experience of
their constant conjunction, we can arrive
at any knowledge of this relation. Now as
all objects, which are not contrary, are
susceptible of a constant conjunction, and
as no real objects are contrary [Part III.
Sect. 15.]; I have inferred from these principles,
that to consider the matter A PRIORI, any
thing may produce any thing, and that we
shall never discover a reason, why any object
may or may not be the cause of any other,
however great, or however little the resemblance
may be betwixt them. This evidently destroys
the precedent reasoning concerning the cause
of thought or perception. For though there
appear no manner of connexion betwixt motion
or thought, the case is the same with all
other causes and effects. Place one body
of a pound weight on one end of a lever,
and another body of the same weight on another
end; you will never find in these bodies
any principle of motion dependent on their
distances from the center, more than of thought
and perception. If you pretend, therefore,
to prove a priori, that such a position of
bodies can never cause thought; because turn
it which way you will, it is nothing but
a position of bodies; you must by the same
course of reasoning conclude, that it can
never produce motion; since there is no more
apparent connexion in the one case than in
the other. But as this latter conclusion
is contrary to evident experience, and as
it is possible we may have a like experience
in the operations of the mind, and may perceive
a constant conjunction of thought and motion;
you reason too hastily, when from the mere
consideration of the ideas, you conclude
that it is impossible motion can ever produce
thought, or a different position of parts
give rise to a different passion or reflection.
Nay it is not only possible we may have such
an experience, but it is certain we have
it; since every one may perceive, that the
different dispositions of his body change
his thoughts and sentiments. And should it
be said, that this depends on the union of
soul and body; I would answer, that we must
separate the question concerning the substance
of the mind from that concerning the cause
of its thought; and that confining ourselves
to the latter question we find by the comparing
their ideas, that thought and motion are
different from each other, and by experience,
that they are constantly united; which being
all the circumstances, that enter into the
idea of cause and effect, when applied to
the operations of matter, we may certainly
conclude, that motion may be, and actually
is, the cause of thought and perception.
There seems only this dilemma left us in
the present case; either to assert, that
nothing can be the cause of another, but
where the mind can perceive the connexion
in its idea of the objects: Or to maintain,
that all objects, which we find constantly
conjoined, are upon that account to be regarded
as causes and effects. If we choose the first
part of the dilemma, these are the consequences.
First, We in reality affirm, that there is
no such thing in the universe as a cause
or productive principle, not even the deity
himself; since our idea of that supreme Being
is derived from particular impressions, none
of which contain any efficacy, nor seem to
have any connexion with any other existence.
As to what may be said, that the connexion
betwixt the idea of an infinitely powerful
being, and that of any effect, which he wills,
is necessary and unavoidable; I answer, that
we have no idea of a being endowed with any
power, much less of one endowed with infinite
power. But if we will change expressions,
we can only define power by connexion; and
then in saying, that the idea, of an infinitely
powerful being is connected with that of
every effect, which he wills, we really do
no more than assert, that a being, whose
volition is connected with every effect,
is connected with every effect: which is
an identical proposition, and gives us no
insight into the nature of this power or
connexion. But, secondly, supposing, that
the deity were the great and efficacious
principle, which supplies the deficiency
of all causes, this leads us into the grossest
impieties and absurdities. For upon the same
account, that we have recourse to him in
natural operations, and assert that matter
cannot of itself communicate motion, or produce
thought, viz. because there is no apparent
connexion betwixt these objects; I say, upon
the very same account, we must acknowledge
that the deity is the author of all our volitions
and perceptions; since they have no more
apparent connexion either with one another,
or with the supposed but unknown substance
of the soul. This agency of the supreme Being
we know to have been asserted by [As father
Malebranche and other Cartesians.] several
philosophers with relation to all the actions
of the mind, except volition, or rather an
inconsiderable part of volition; though it
is easy to perceive, that this exception
is a mere pretext, to avoid the dangerous
consequences of that doctrine. If nothing
be active but what has an apparent power,
thought is in no case any more active than
matter; and if this inactivity must make
us have recourse to a deity, the supreme
being is the real cause of all our actions,
bad as well as good, vicious as well as virtuous.
Thus we are necessarily reduced to the other
side of the dilemma, viz.. that all objects,
which are found to be constantly conjoined,
are upon that account only to be regarded
as causes and effects. Now as all objects,
which are not contrary, are susceptible of
a constant conjunction, and as no real objects
are contrary: it follows, that for ought
we can determine by the mere ideas, any thing
may be the cause or effect of any thing;
which evidently gives the advantage to the
materialists above their antagonists.
To pronounce, then, the final decision upon
the whole; the question concerning the substance
of the soul is absolutely unintelligible:
All our perceptions are not susceptible of
a local union, either with what is extended
or unextended: there being some of them of
the one kind, and some of the other: And
as the constant conjunction of objects constitutes
the very essence of cause and effect, matter
and motion may often be regarded as the causes
of thought, as far as we have any notion
of that relation.
It is certainly a kind of indignity to philosophy,
whose sovereign authority ought every where
to be acknowledged, to oblige her on every
occasion to make apologies for her conclusions,
and justify herself to every particular art
and science, which may be offended at her.
This puts one in mind of a king arrainged
for high-treason against his subjects. There
is only one occasion, when philosophy will
think it necessary and even honourable to
justify herself, and that is, when religion
may seem to be in the least offended; whose
rights are as dear to her as her own, and
are indeed the same. If any one, therefore,
should imagine that the foregoing arguments
are any ways dangerous to religion, I hope
the following apology will remove his apprehensions.
There is no foundation for any conclusion
a priori, either concerning the operations
or duration of any object, of which it is
possible for the human mind to form a conception.
Any object may be imagined to become entirely
inactive, or to be annihilated in a moment;
and it is an evident principle, that whatever
we can imagine, is possible. Now this is
no more true of matter, than of spirit; of
an extended compounded substance, than of
a simple and unextended. In both cases the
metaphysical arguments for the immortality
of the soul are equally inconclusive: and
in both cases the moral arguments and those
derived from the analogy of nature are equally
strong and convincing. If my philosophy,
therefore, makes no addition to the arguments
for religion, I have at least the satisfaction
to think it takes nothing from them, but
that every thing remains precisely as before.
SECT. VI. OF PERSONAL IDENTITY
There are some philosophers who imagine we
are every moment intimately conscious of
what we call our SELF; that we feel its existence
and its continuance in existence; and are
certain, beyond the evidence of a demonstration,
both o its perfect identity and simplicity.
The strongest sensation, the most violent
passion, say they, instead of distracting
us from this view, only fix it the more intensely,
and make us consider their influence on self
either by their pain or pleasure. To attempt
a farther proof of this were to weaken its
evidence; since no proof can be derived from
any fact, of which we are so intimately conscious;
nor is there any thing, of which we can be
certain, if we doubt of this.
Unluckily all these positive assertions are
contrary to that very experience, which is
pleaded for them, nor have we any idea of
self, after the manner it is here explained.
For from what impression coued this idea
be derived? This question it is impossible
to answer without a manifest contradiction
and absurdity; and yet it is a question,
which must necessarily be answered, if we
would have the idea of self pass for clear
and intelligible, It must be some one impression,
that gives rise to every real idea. But self
or person is not any one impression, but
that to which our several impressions and
ideas are supposed to have a reference. If
any impression gives rise to the idea of
self, that impression must continue invariably
the same, through the whole course of our
lives; since self is supposed to exist after
that manner. But there is no impression constant
and invariable. Pain and pleasure, grief
and joy, passions and sensations succeed
each other, and never all exist at the same
time. It cannot, therefore, be from any of
these impressions, or from any other, that
the idea of self is derived; and consequently
there is no such idea.
But farther, what must become of all our
particular perceptions upon this hypothesis?
All these are different, and distinguishable,
and separable from each other, and may be
separately considered, and may exist separately,
and have no Deed of tiny thing to support
their existence. After what manner, therefore,
do they belong to self; and how are they
connected with it? For my part, when I enter
most intimately into what I call myself,
I always stumble on some particular perception
or other, of heat or cold, light or shade,
love or hatred, pain or pleasure. I never
can catch myself at any time without a perception,
and never can observe any thing but the perception.
When my perceptions are removed for any time,
as by sound sleep; so long am I insensible
of myself, and may truly be said not to exist.
And were all my perceptions removed by death,
and coued I neither think, nor feel, nor
see, nor love, nor hate after the dissolution
of my body, I should be entirely annihilated,
nor do I conceive what is farther requisite
to make me a perfect non-entity. If any one,
upon serious and unprejudiced reflection
thinks he has a different notion of himself,
I must confess I call reason no longer with
him. All I can allow him is, that he may
be in the right as well as I, and that we
are essentially different in this particular.
He may, perhaps, perceive something simple
and continued, which he calls himself; though
I am certain there is no such principle in
me.
But setting aside some metaphysicians of
this kind, I may venture to affirm of the
rest of mankind, that they are nothing but
a bundle or collection of different perceptions,
which succeed each other with an inconceivable
rapidity, and are in a perpetual flux and
movement. Our eyes cannot turn in their sockets
without varying our perceptions. Our thought
is still more variable than our sight; and
all our other senses and faculties contribute
to this change; nor is there any single power
of the soul, which remains unalterably the
same, perhaps for one moment. The mind is
a kind of theatre, where several perceptions
successively make their appearance; pass,
re-pass, glide away, and mingle in an infinite
variety of postures and situations. There
is properly no simplicity in it at one time,
nor identity in different; whatever natural
propension we may have to imagine that simplicity
and identity. The comparison of the theatre
must not mislead us. They are the successive
perceptions only, that constitute the mind;
nor have we the most distant notion of the
place, where these scenes are represented,
or of the materials, of which it is composed.
What then gives us so great a propension
to ascribe an identity to these successive
perceptions, and to suppose ourselves possest
of an invariable and uninterrupted existence
through the whole course of our lives? In
order to answer this question, we must distinguish
betwixt personal identity, as it regards
our thought or imagination, and as it regards
our passions or the concern we take in ourselves.
The first is our present subject; and to
explain it perfectly we must take the matter
pretty deep, and account for that identity,
which we attribute to plants and animals;
there being a great analogy betwixt it, and
the identity of a self or person.
We have a distinct idea of an object, that
remains invariable and uninterrupted through
a supposed variation of time; and this idea
we call that of identity or sameness. We
have also a distinct idea of several different
objects existing in succession, and connected
together by a close relation; and this to
an accurate view affords as perfect a notion
of diversity, as if there was no manner of
relation among the objects. But though these
two ideas of identity, and a succession of
related objects be in themselves perfectly
distinct, and even contrary, yet it is certain,
that in our common way of thinking they are
generally confounded with each other. That
action of the imagination, by which we consider
the uninterrupted and invariable object,
and that by which we reflect on the succession
of related objects, are almost the same to
the feeling, nor is there much more effort
of thought required in the latter case than
in the former. The relation facilitates the
transition of the mind from one object to
another, and renders its passage as smooth
as if it contemplated one continued object.
This resemblance is the cause of the confusion
and mistake, and makes us substitute the
notion of identity, instead of that of related
objects. However at one instant we may consider
the related succession as variable or interrupted,
we are sure the next to ascribe to it a perfect
identity, and regard it as enviable and uninterrupted.
Our propensity to this mistake is so great
from the resemblance above-mentioned, that
we fall into it before we are aware; and
though we incessantly correct ourselves by
reflection, and return to a more accurate
method of thinking, yet we cannot long sustain
our philosophy, or take off this biass from
the imagination. Our last resource is to
yield to it, and boldly assert that these
different related objects are in effect the
same, however interrupted and variable. In
order to justify to ourselves this absurdity,
we often feign some new and unintelligible
principle, that connects the objects together,
and prevents their interruption or variation.
Thus we feign the continued existence of
the perceptions of our senses, to remove
the interruption: and run into the notion
of a soul, and self, and substance, to disguise
the variation. But we may farther observe,
that where we do not give rise to such a
fiction, our propension to confound identity
with relation is so great, that we are apt
to imagine [FN 10] something unknown and
mysterious, connecting the parts, beside
their relation; and this I take to be the
case with regard to the identity we ascribe
to plants and vegetables. And even when this
does not take place, we still feel a propensity
to confound these ideas, though we a-re not
able fully to satisfy ourselves in that particular,
nor find any thing invariable and uninterrupted
to justify our notion of identity.
[FN 10 If the reader is desirous to see how
a great genius may be influencd by these
seemingly trivial principles of the imagination,
as well as the mere vulgar, let him read
my Lord SHAFTSBURYS reasonings concerning
the uniting principle of the universe, and
the identity of plants and animals. See his
MORALISTS: or, PHILOSOPHICAL RHAPSODY.] Thus
the controversy concerning identity is not
merely a dispute of words. For when we attribute
identity, in an improper sense, to variable
or interrupted objects, our mistake is not
confined to the expression, but is commonly
attended with a fiction, either of something
invariable and uninterrupted, or of something
mysterious and inexplicable, or at least
with a propensity to such fictions. What
will suffice to prove this hypothesis to
the satisfaction of every fair enquirer,
is to shew from daily experience and observation,
that the objects, which are variable or interrupted,
and yet are supposed to continue the same,
are such only as consist of a succession
of parts, connected together by resemblance,
contiguity, or causation. For as such a succession
answers evidently to our notion of diversity,
it can only be by mistake we ascribe to it
an identity; and as the relation of parts,
which leads us into this mistake, is really
nothing but a quality, which produces an
association of ideas, and an easy transition
of the imagination from one to another, it
can only be from the resemblance, which this
act of the mind bears to that, by which we
contemplate one continued object, that the
error arises. Our chief business, then, must
be to prove, that all objects, to which we
ascribe identity, without observing their
invariableness and uninterruptedness, are
such as consist of a succession of related
objects.
In order to this, suppose any mass of matter,
of which the parts are contiguous and connected,
to be placed before us; it is plain we must
attribute a perfect identity to this mass,
provided all the parts continue uninterruptedly
and invariably the same, whatever motion
or change of place we may observe either
in the whole or in any of the parts. But
supposing some very small or inconsiderable
part to be added to the mass, or subtracted
from it; though this absolutely destroys
the identity of the whole, strictly speaking;
yet as we seldom think so accurately, we
scruple not to pronounce a mass of matter
the same, where we find so trivial an alteration.
The passage of the thought from the object
before the change to the object after it,
is so smooth and easy, that we scarce perceive
the transition, and are apt to imagine, that
it is nothing but a continued survey of the
same object.
There is a very remarkable circumstance,
that attends this experiment; which is, that
though the change of any considerable part
in a mass of matter destroys the identity
of the whole, let we must measure the greatness
of the part, not absolutely, but by its proportion
to the whole. The addition or diminution
of a mountain would not be sufficient to
produce a diversity in a planet: though the
change of a very few inches would be able
to destroy the identity of some bodies. It
will be impossible to account for this, but
by reflecting that objects operate upon the
mind, and break or interrupt the continuity
of its actions not according to their real
greatness, but according to their proportion
to each other: And therefore, since this
interruption makes an object cease to appear
the same, it must be the uninterrupted progress
o the thought, which constitutes the imperfect
identity.
This may be confirmed by another phenomenon.
A change in any considerable part of a body
destroys its identity; but it is remarkable,
that where the change is produced gradually
and insensibly we are less apt to ascribe
to it the same effect. The reason can plainly
be no other, than that the mind, in following
the successive changes of the body, feels
an easy passage from the surveying its condition
in one moment to the viewing of it in another,
and at no particular time perceives any interruption
in its actions. From which continued perception,
it ascribes a continued existence and identity
to the object.
But whatever precaution we may use in introducing
the changes gradually, and making them proportionable
to the whole, it is certain, that where the
changes are at last observed to become considerable,
we make a scruple of ascribing identity to
such different objects. There is, however,
another artifice, by which we may induce
the imagination to advance a step farther;
and that is, by producing a reference of
the parts to each other, and a combination
to some common end or purpose. A ship, of
which a considerable part has been changed
by frequent reparations, is still considered
as the same; nor does the difference of the
materials hinder us from ascribing an identity
to it. The common end, in which the parts
conspire, is the same under all their variations,
and affords an easy transition of the imagination
from one situation of the body to another.
But this is still more remarkable, when we
add a sympathy of parts to their common end,
and suppose that they bear to each other,
the reciprocal relation of cause and effect
in all their actions and operations. This
is the case with all animals and vegetables;
where not only the several parts have a reference
to some general purpose, but also a mutual
dependence on, and connexion with each other.
The effect of so strong a relation is, that
though every one must allow, that in a very
few years both vegetables and animals endure
a total change, yet we still attribute identity
to them, while their form, size, and substance
are entirely altered. An oak, that grows
from a small plant to a large tree, is still
the same oak; though there be not one particle
of matter, or figure of its parts the same.
An infant becomes a man-, and is sometimes
fat, sometimes lean, without any change in
his identity.
We may also consider the two following phaenomena,
which are remarkable in their kind. The first
is, that though we commonly be able to distinguish
pretty exactly betwixt numerical and specific
identity, yet it sometimes happens, that
we confound them, and in our thinking and
reasoning employ the one for the other. Thus
a man, who bears a noise, that is frequently
interrupted and renewed, says, it is still
the same noise; though it is evident the
sounds have only a specific identity or resemblance,
and there is nothing numerically the same,
but the cause, which produced them. In like
manner it may be said without breach of the
propriety of language, that such a church,
which was formerly of brick, fell to ruin,
and that the parish rebuilt the same church
of free-stone, and according to modern architecture.
Here neither the form nor materials are the
same, nor is there any thing common to the
two objects, but their relation to the inhabitants
of the parish; and yet this alone is sufficient
to make us denominate them the same. But
we must observe, that in these cases the
first object is in a manner annihilated before
the second comes into existence; by which
means, we are never presented in any one
point of time with the idea of difference
and multiplicity: and for that reason are
less scrupulous in calling them the same.
Secondly, We may remark, that though in a
succession of related objects, it be in a
manner requisite, that the change of parts
be not sudden nor entire, in order to preserve
the identity, yet where the objects are in
their nature changeable and inconstant, we
admit of a more sudden transition, than would
otherwise be consistent with that relation.
Thus as the nature of a river consists in
the motion and change of parts; though in
less than four and twenty hours these be
totally altered; this hinders not the river
from continuing the same during several ages.
What is natural and essential to any thing
is, in a manner, expected; and what is expected
makes less impression, and appears of less
moment, than what is unusual and extraordinary.
A considerable change of the former kind
seems really less to the imagination, than
the most trivial alteration of the latter;
and by breaking less the continuity of the
thought, has less influence in destroying
the identity.
We now proceed to explain the nature of personal
identity, which has become so great a question
ill philosophy, especially of late years
in England, where all the abstruser sciences
are studyed with a peculiar ardour and application.
And here it is evident, the same method of
reasoning must be continued which has so
successfully explained the identity of plants,
and animals, and ships, and houses, and of
all the compounded and changeable productions
either of art or nature. The identity, which
we ascribe to the mind of man, is only a
fictitious one, and of a like kind with that
which we ascribe to vegetables and animal
bodies. It cannot, therefore, have a different
origin, but must proceed from a like operation
of the imagination upon like objects.
But lest this argument should not convince
the reader; though in my opinion perfectly
decisive; let him weigh the following reasoning,
which is still closer and more immediate.
It is evident, that the identity, which we
attribute to the human mind, however perfect
we may imagine it to be, is not able to run
the several different perceptions into one,
and make them lose their characters of distinction
and difference, which are essential to them.
It is still true, that every distinct perception,
which enters into the composition of the
mind, is a distinct existence, and is different,
and distinguishable, and separable from every
other perception, either contemporary or
successive. But, as, notwithstanding this
distinction and separability, we suppose
the whole train of perceptions to be united
by identity, a question naturally arises
concerning this relation of identity; whether
it be something that really binds our several
perceptions together, or only associates
their ideas in the imagination. That is,
in other words, whether in pronouncing concerning
the identity of a person, we observe some
real bond among his perceptions, or only
feel one among the ideas we form of them.
This question we might easily decide, if
we would recollect what has been already
proud at large, that the understanding never
observes any real connexion among objects,
and that even the union of cause and effect,
when strictly examined, resolves itself into
a customary association of ideas. For from
thence it evidently follows, that identity
is nothing really belonging to these different
perceptions, and uniting them together; but
is merely a quality, which we attribute to
them, because of the union of their ideas
in the imagination, when we reflect upon
them. Now the only qualities, which can give
ideas an union in the imagination, are these
three relations above-mentioned. There are
the uniting principles in the ideal world,
and without them every distinct object is
separable by the mind, and may be separately
considered, and appears not to have any more
connexion with any other object, than if
disjoined by the greatest difference and
remoteness. It is, therefore, on some of
these three relations of resemblance, contiguity
and causation, that identity depends; and
as the very essence of these relations consists
in their producing an easy transition of
ideas; it follows, that our notions of personal
identity, proceed entirely from the smooth
and uninterrupted progress of the thought
along a train of connected ideas, according
to the principles above-explained.
The only question, therefore, which remains,
is, by what relations this uninterrupted
progress of our thought is produced, when
we consider the successive existence of a
mind or thinking person. And here it is evident
we must confine ourselves to resemblance
and causation, and must drop contiguity,
which has little or no influence in the present
case.
To begin with resemblance; suppose we coued
see clearly into the breast of another, and
observe that succession of perceptions, which
constitutes his mind or thinking principle,
and suppose that he always preserves the
memory of a considerable part of past perceptions;
it is evident that nothing coued more contribute
to the bestowing a relation on this succession
amidst all its variations. For what is the
memory but a faculty, by which we raise up
the images of past perceptions? And as an
image necessarily resembles its object, must
not. The frequent placing of these resembling
perceptions in the chain of thought, convey
the imagination more easily from one link
to another, and make the whole seem like
the continuance of one object? In this particular,
then, the memory not only discovers the identity,
but also contributes to its production, by
producing the relation of resemblance among
the perceptions. The case is the same whether
we consider ourselves or others.
As to causation; we may observe, that the
true idea of the human mind, is to consider
it as a system of different perceptions or
different existences, which are linked together
by the relation of cause and effect, and
mutually produce, destroy, influence, and
modify each other. Our impressions give rise
to their correspondent ideas; said these
ideas in their turn produce other impressions.
One thought chaces another, and draws after
it a third, by which it is expelled in its
turn. In this respect, I cannot compare the
soul more properly to any thing than to a
republic or commonwealth, in which the several
members are united by the reciprocal ties
of government and subordination, and give
rise to other persons, who propagate the
same republic in the incessant changes of
its parts. And as the same individual republic
may not only change its members, but also
its laws and constitutions; in like manner
the same person may vary his character and
disposition, as well as his impressions and
ideas, without losing his identity. Whatever
changes he endures, his several parts are
still connected by the relation of causation.
And in this view our identity with regard
to the passions serves to corroborate that
with regard to the imagination, by the making
our distant perceptions influence each other,
and by giving us a present concern for our
past or future pains or pleasures.
As a memory alone acquaints us with the continuance
and extent of this succession of perceptions,
it is to be considered, upon that account
chiefly, as the source of personal identity.
Had we no memory, we never should have any
notion of causation, nor consequently of
that chain of causes and effects, which constitute
our self or person. But having once acquired
this notion of causation from the memory,
we can extend the same chain of causes, and
consequently the identity of car persons
beyond our memory, and can comprehend times,
and circumstances, and actions, which we
have entirely forgot, but suppose in general
to have existed. For how few of our past
actions are there, of which we have any memory?
Who can tell me, for instance, what were
his thoughts and actions on the 1st of January
1715, the 11th of March 1719, and the 3rd
of August 1733? Or will he affirm, because
he has entirely forgot the incidents of these
days, that the present self is not the same
person with the self of that time; and by
that means overturn all the most established
notions of personal identity? In this view,
therefore, memory does not so much produce
as discover personal identity, by shewing
us the relation of cause and effect among
our different perceptions. It will be incumbent
on those, who affirm that memory produces
entirely our personal identity, to give a
reason why we cm thus extend our identity
beyond our memory.
The whole of this doctrine leads us to a
conclusion, which is of great importance
in the present affair, viz. that all the
nice and subtile questions concerning personal
identity can never possibly be decided, and
are to be regarded rather as gramatical than
as philosophical difficulties. Identity depends
on the relations of ideas; and these relations
produce identity, by means of that easy transition
they occasion. But as the relations, and
the easiness of the transition may diminish
by insensible degrees, we have no just standard,
by which we can decide any dispute concerning
the time, when they acquire or lose a title
to the name of identity. All the disputes
concerning the identity of connected objects
are merely verbal, except so fax as the relation
of parts gives rise to some fiction or imaginary
principle of union, as we have already observed.
What I have said concerning the first origin
and uncertainty of our notion of identity,
as applied to the human mind, may be extended
with little or no variation to that of simplicity.
An object, whose different co- existent parts
are bound together by a close relation, operates
upon the imagination after much the same
manner as one perfectly simple and indivisible
and requires not a much greater stretch of
thought in order to its conception. From
this similarity of operation we attribute
a simplicity to it, and feign a principle
of union as the support of this simplicity,
and the center of all the different parts
and qualities of the object.
Thus we have finished our examination of
the several systems of philosophy, both of
the intellectual and natural world; and in
our miscellaneous way of reasoning have been
led into several topics; which will either
illustrate and confirm some preceding part
of this discourse, or prepare the way for
our following opinions. It is now time to
return to a more close examination of our
subject, and to proceed in the accurate anatomy
of human nature, having fully explained the
nature of our judgment and understandings.
SECT. VII. CONCLUSION OF THIS BOOK.
But before I launch out into those immense
depths of philosophy, which lie before me,
I find myself inclined to stop a moment in
my present station, and to ponder that voyage,
which I have undertaken, and which undoubtedly
requires the utmost art and industry to be
brought to a happy conclusion. Methinks I
am like a man, who having struck on many
shoals, and having narrowly escaped shipwreck
in passing a small frith, has yet the temerity
to put out to sea in the same leaky weather-beaten
vessel, and even carries his ambition so
far as to think of compassing the globe under
these disadvantageous circumstances. My memory
of past errors and perplexities, makes me
diffident for the future. The wretched condition,
weakness, and disorder of the faculties,
I must employ in my enquiries, encrease my
apprehensions. And the impossibility of amending
or correcting these faculties, reduces me
almost to despair, and makes me resolve to
perish on the barren rock, on which I am
at present, rather than venture myself upon
that boundless ocean, which runs out into
immensity. This sudden view of my danger
strikes me with melancholy; and as it is
usual for that passion, above all others,
to indulge itself; I cannot forbear feeding
my despair, with all those desponding reflections,
which the present subject furnishes me with
in such abundance.
I am first affrighted and confounded with
that forelorn solitude, in which I am placed
in my philosophy, and fancy myself some strange
uncouth monster, who not being able to mingle
and unite in society, has been expelled all
human commerce, and left utterly abandoned
and disconsolate. Fain would I run into the
crowd for shelter and warmth; but cannot
prevail with myself to mix with such deformity.
I call upon others to join me, in order to
make a company apart; but no one will hearken
to me. Every one keeps at a distance, and
dreads that storm, which beats upon me from
every side. I have exposed myself to the
enmity of all metaphysicians, logicians,
mathematicians, and even theologians; and
can I wonder at the insults I must suffer?
I have declared my disapprobation of their
systems; and can I be surprized, if they
should express a hatred of mine and of my
person? When I look abroad, I foresee on
every side, dispute, contradiction, anger,
calumny and detraction. When I turn my eye
inward, I find nothing but doubt and ignorance.
All the world conspires to oppose and contradict
me; though such is my weakness, that I feel
all my opinions loosen and fall of themselves,
when unsupported by the approbation of others.
Every step I take is with hesitation, and
every new reflection makes me dread an error
and absurdity in my reasoning.
For with what confidence can I venture upon
such bold enterprises, when beside those
numberless infirmities peculiar to myself,
I find so many which are common to human
nature? Can I be sure, that in leaving all
established opinions I am following truth;
and by what criterion shall I distinguish
her, even if fortune should at last guide
me on her foot-steps? After the most accurate
and exact of my reasonings, I can give no
reason why I should assent to it; and feel
nothing but a strong propensity to consider
objects strongly in that view, under which
they appear to me. Experience is a principle,
which instructs me in the several conjunctions
of objects for the past. Habit is another
principle, which determines me to expect
the same for the future; and both of them
conspiring to operate upon the imagination,
make me form certain ideas in a more intense
and lively manner, than others, which are
not attended with the same advantages. Without
this quality, by which the mind enlivens
some ideas beyond others (which seemingly
is so trivial, and so little founded on reason)
we coued never assent to any argument, nor
carry our view beyond those few objects,
which are present to our senses. Nay, even
to these objects we coued never attribute
any existence, but what was dependent on
the senses; and must comprehend them entirely
in that succession of perceptions, which
constitutes our self or person. Nay farther,
even with relation to that succession, we
coued only admit of those perceptions, which
are immediately present to our consciousness,
nor coued those lively images, with which
the memory presents us, be ever received
as true pictures of past perceptions. The
memory, senses, and understanding are, therefore,
all of them founded on the imagination, or
the vivacity of our ideas.
No wonder a principle so inconstant and fallacious
should lead us into errors, when implicitly
followed (as it must be) in all its variations.
It is this principle, which makes us reason
from causes and effects; and it is the same
principle, which convinces us of the continued
existence of external objects, when absent
from the senses. But though these two operations
be equally natural and necessary in the human
mind, yet in some circumstances they are
[Sect. 4.] directly contrary, nor is it possible
for us to reason justly and regularly from
causes and effects, and at the same time
believe the continued existence of matter.
How then shall we adjust those principles
together? Which of them shall we prefer?
Or in case we prefer neither of them, but
successively assent to both, as is usual
among philosophers, with what confidence
can we afterwards usurp that glorious title,
when we thus knowingly embrace a manifest
contradiction?
This contradiction [Part III. Sect. 14.]
would be more excusable, were it compensated
by any degree of solidity and satisfaction
in the other parts of our reasoning. But
the case is quite contrary. When we trace
up the human understanding to its first principles,
we find it to lead us into such sentiments,
as seem to turn into ridicule all our past
pains and industry, and to discourage us
from future enquiries. Nothing is more curiously
enquired after by the mind of man, than the
causes of every phenomenon; nor are we content
with knowing the immediate causes, but push
on our enquiries, till we arrive at the original
and ultimate principle. We would not willingly
stop before we are acquainted with that energy
in the cause, by which it operates on its
effect; that tie, which connects them together;
and that efficacious quality, on which the
tie depends. This is our aim in all our studies
and reflections: And how must we be disappointed,
when we learn, that this connexion, tie,
or energy lies merely in ourselves, and is
nothing but that determination of the mind,
which is acquired by custom, and causes us
to make a transition from an object to its
usual attendant, and from the impression
of one to the lively idea of the other? Such
a discovery not only cuts off all hope of
ever attaining satisfaction, but even prevents
our very wishes; since it appears, that when
we say we desire to know the ultimate and
operating principle, as something, which
resides in the external object, we either
contradict ourselves, or talk without a meaning.
This deficiency in our ideas is not, indeed,
perceived in common life, nor are we sensible,
that in the most usual conjunctions of cause
and effect we are as ignorant of the ultimate
principle, which binds them together, as
in the most unusual and extraordinary. But
this proceeds merely from an illusion of
the imagination; and the question is, how
far we ought to yield to these illusions.
This question is very difficult, and reduces
us to a very dangerous dilemma, whichever
way we answer it. For if we assent to every
trivial suggestion of the fancy; beside that
these suggestions are often contrary to each
other; they lead us into such errors, absurdities,
and obscurities, that we must at last become
ashamed of our credulity. Nothing is more
dangerous to reason than the flights of the
imagination, and nothing has been the occasion
of more mistakes among philosophers. Men
of bright fancies may in this respect be
compared to those angels, whom the scripture
represents as covering their eyes with their
wings. This has already appeared in so many
instances, that we may spare ourselves the
trouble of enlarging upon it any farther.
But on the other hand, if the consideration
of these instances makes us take a resolution
to reject all the trivial suggestions of
the fancy, and adhere to the understanding,
that is, to the general and more established
properties of the imagination; even this
resolution, if steadily executed, would be
dangerous, and attended with the most fatal
consequences. For I have already shewn [Sect.
1.], that the understanding, when it acts
alone, and according to its most general
principles, entirely subverts itself, and
leaves not the lowest degree of evidence
in any proposition, either in philosophy
or common life. We save ourselves from this
total scepticism only by means of that singular
and seemingly trivial property of the fancy,
by which we enter with difficulty into remote
views of things, and are not able to accompany
them with so sensible an impression, as we
do those, which are more easy and natural.
Shall we, then, establish it for a general
maxim, that no refined or elaborate reasoning
is ever to be received? Consider well the
consequences of such a principle. By this
means you cut off entirely all science and
philosophy: You proceed upon one singular
quality of the imagination, and by a parity
of reason must embrace all of them: And you
expressly contradict yourself; since this
maxim must be built on the preceding reasoning,
which will be allowed to be sufficiently
refined and metaphysical. What party, then,
shall we choose among these difficulties?
If we embrace this principle, and condemn
all refined reasoning, we run into the most
manifest absurdities. If we reject it in
favour of these reasonings, we subvert entirely
the human understanding. We have, therefore,
no choice left but betwixt a false reason
and none at all. For my part, know not what
ought to be done in the present case. I can
only observe what is commonly done; which
is, that this difficulty is seldom or never
thought of; and even where it has once been
present to the mind, is quickly forgot, and
leaves but a small impression behind it.
Very refined reflections have little or no
influence upon us; and yet we do not, and
cannot establish it for a rule, that they
ought not to have any influence; which implies
a manifest contradiction.
But what have I here said, that reflections
very refined and metaphysical have little
or no influence upon us? This opinion I can
scarce forbear retracting, and condemning
from my present feeling and experience. The
intense view of these manifold contradictions
and imperfections in human reason has so
wrought upon me, and heated my brain, that
I am ready to reject all belief and reasoning,
and can look upon no opinion even as more
probable or likely than another. Where am
I, or what? From what causes do I derive
my existence, and to what condition shall
I return? Whose favour shall I court, and
whose anger must I dread? What beings surround
me? and on whom have, I any influence, or
who have any influence on me? I am confounded
with all these questions, and begin to fancy
myself in the most deplorable condition imaginable,
invironed with the deepest darkness, and
utterly deprived of the use of every member
and faculty.
Most fortunately it happens, that since reason
is incapable of dispelling these clouds,
nature herself suffices to that purpose,
and cures me of this philosophical melancholy
and delirium, either by relaxing this bent
of mind, or by some avocation, and lively
impression of my senses, which obliterate
all these chimeras. I dine, I play a game
of backgammon, I converse, and am merry with
my friends; and when after three or four
hours' amusement, I would return to these
speculations, they appear so cold, and strained,
and ridiculous, that I cannot find in my
heart to enter into them any farther.
Here then I find myself absolutely and necessarily
determined to live, and talk, and act like
other people in the common affairs of life.
But notwithstanding that my natural propensity,
and the course of my animal spirits and passions
reduce me to this indolent belief in the
general maxims of the world, I still feel
such remains of my former disposition, that
I am ready to throw all my books and papers
into the fire, and resolve never more to
renounce the pleasures of life for the sake
of reasoning and philosophy. For those are
my sentiments in that splenetic humour, which
governs me at present. I may, nay I must
yield to the current of nature, in submitting
to my senses and understanding; and in this
blind submission I shew most perfectly my
sceptical disposition and principles. But
does it follow, that I must strive against
the current of nature, which leads me to
indolence and pleasure; that I must seclude
myself, in some measure, from the commerce
and society of men, which is so agreeable;
and that I must torture my brains with subtilities
and sophistries, at the very time that I
cannot satisfy myself concerning the reasonableness
of so painful an application, nor have any
tolerable prospect of arriving by its means
at truth and certainty. Under what obligation
do I lie of making such an abuse of time?
And to what end can it serve either for the
service of mankind, or for my own private
interest? No: If I must be a fool, as all
those who reason or believe any thing certainly
are, my follies shall at least be natural
and agreeable. Where I strive against my
inclination, I shall have a good reason for
my resistance; and will no more be led a
wandering into such dreary solitudes, and
rough passages, as I have hitherto met with.
These are the sentiments of my spleen and
indolence; and indeed I must confess, that
philosophy has nothing to oppose to them,
and expects a victory more from the returns
of a serious good-humoured disposition, than
from the force of reason and conviction.
In all the incidents of life we ought still
to preserve our scepticism. If we believe,
that fire warms, or water refreshes, it is
only because it costs us too much pains to
think otherwise. Nay if we are philosophers,
it ought only to be upon sceptical principles,
and from an inclination, which we feel to
the employing ourselves after that manner.
Where reason is lively, and mixes itself
with some propensity, it ought to be assented
to. Where it does not, it never can have
any title to operate upon us.
At the time, therefore, that I am tired with
amusement and company, and have indulged
a reverie in my chamber, or in a solitary
walk by a river-side, I feel my mind all
collected within itself, and am naturally
inclined to carry my view into all those
subjects, about which I have met with so
many disputes in the course of my reading
and conversation. I cannot forbear having
a curiosity to be acquainted with the principles
of moral good and evil, the nature and foundation
of government, and the cause of those several
passions and inclinations, which actuate
and govern me. I am uneasy to think I approve
of one object, and disapprove of another;
call one thing beautiful, and another deformed;
decide concerning truth and falshood, reason
and folly, without knowing upon what principles
I proceed. I am concerned for the condition
of the learned world, which lies under such
t deplorable ignorance in all these particulars.
I feel an ambition to arise in me of contributing
to the instruction of mankind, and of acquiring
a name by my inventions and discoveries.
These sentiments spring up naturally in my
present disposition; and should I endeavour
to banish them, by attaching myself to any
other business or diversion, I feel I should
be a loser in point of pleasure; and this
is the origin of my philosophy.
But even suppose this curiosity and ambition
should not transport me into speculations
without the sphere of common life, it would
necessarily happen, that from my very weakness
I must be led into such enquiries. It is
certain, that superstition is much more bold
in its systems and hypotheses than philosophy;
and while the latter contents itself with
assigning new causes and principles to the
phaenomena, which appear in the visible world,
the former opens a world of its own, and
presents us with scenes, and beings, and
objects, which are altogether new. Since
therefore it is almost impossible for the
mind of man to rest, like those of beasts,
in that narrow circle of objects, which are
the subject of daily conversation and action,
we ought only to deliberate concerning the
choice of our guide, and ought to prefer
that which is safest and most agreeable.
And in this respect I make bold to recommend
philosophy, and shall not scruple to give
it the preference to superstition of every
kind or denomination. For as superstition
arises naturally and easily from the popular
opinions of mankind, it seizes more strongly
on the mind, and is often able to disturb
us in the conduct of our lives and actions.
Philosophy on the contrary, if just, can
present us only with mild and moderate sentiments;
and if false and extravagant, its opinions
are merely the objects of a cold and general
speculation, and seldom go so far as to interrupt
the course of our natural propensities. The
CYNICS are an extraordinary instance of philosophers,
who from reasonings purely philosophical
ran into as great extravagancies of conduct
as any Monk or Dervise that ever was in the
world. Generally speaking, the errors in
religion are dangerous; those in philosophy
only ridiculous.
I am sensible, that these two cases of the
strength and weakness of the mind will not
comprehend all mankind, and that there are
in England, in particular, many honest gentlemen,
who being always employed in their domestic
affairs, or amusing themselves in common
recreations, have carried their thoughts
very little beyond those objects, which are
every day exposed to their senses. And indeed,
of such as these I pretend not to make philosophers,
nor do I expect them either to be associates
in these researches or auditors of these
discoveries. They do well to keep themselves
in their present situation; and instead of
refining them into philosophers, I wish we
coued communicate to our founders of systems,
a share of this gross earthy mixture, as
an ingredient, which they commonly stand
much in need of, and which would serve to
temper those fiery particles, of which they
are composed. While a warm imagination is
allowed to enter into philosophy, and hypotheses
embraced merely for being specious and agreeable,
we can never have any steady principles,
nor any sentiments, which will suit with
common practice and experience. But were
these hypotheses once removed, we might hope
to establish a system or set of opinions,
which if not true (for that, perhaps, is
too much to be hoped for) might at least
be satisfactory to the human mind, and might
stand the test of the most critical examination.
Nor should we despair of attaining this end,
because of the many chimerical systems, which
have successively arisen and decayed away
among men, would we consider the shortness
of that period, wherein these questions have
been the subjects of enquiry and reasoning.
Two thousand years with such long interruptions,
and under such mighty discouragements are
a small space of time to give any tolerable
perfection to the sciences; and perhaps we
are still in too early an age of the world
to discover any principles, which will bear
the examination of the latest posterity.
For my part, my only hope is, that I may
contribute a little to the advancement of
knowledge, by giving in some particulars
a different turn to the speculations of philosophers,
and pointing out to them more distinctly
those subjects, where alone they can expect
assurance and conviction. Human Nature is
the only science of man; and yet has been
hitherto the most neglected. It will be sufficient
for me, if I can bring it a little more into
fashion; and the hope of this serves to compose
my temper from that spleen, and invigorate
it from that indolence, which sometimes prevail
upon me. If the reader finds himself in the
same easy disposition, let him follow me
in my future speculations. If not, let him
follow his inclination, and wait the returns
of application and good humour. The conduct
of a man, who studies philosophy in this
careless manner, is more truly sceptical
than that of one, who feeling in himself
an inclination to it, is yet so overwhelmed
with doubts and scruples, as totally to reject
it. A true sceptic will be diffident of his
philosophical doubts, as well as of his philosophical
conviction; and will never refuse any innocent
satisfaction, which offers itself, upon account
of either of them.
Nor is it only proper we should in general
indulge our inclination in the most elaborate
philosophical researches, notwithstanding
our sceptical principles, but also that we
should yield to that propensity, which inclines
us to be positive and certain in particular
points, according to the light, in which
we survey them in any particular instant.
It is easier to forbear all examination and
enquiry, than to check ourselves in so natural
a propensity, and guard against that assurance,
which always arises from an exact and full
survey of an object. On such an occasion
we are apt not only to forget our scepticism,
but even our modesty too; and make use of
such terms as these, it is evident, it is
certain, it is undeniable; which a due deference
to the public ought, perhaps, to prevent.
I may have fallen into this fault after the
example of others; but I here enter a caveat
against any Objections, which may be offered
on that head; and declare that such expressions
were extorted from me by the present view
of the object, and imply no dogmatical spirit,
nor conceited idea of my own judgment, which
are sentiments that I am sensible can become
no body, and a sceptic still less than any
other.
BOOK II OF THE PASSIONS
PART I OF PRIDE AND HUMILITY
SECT. I DIVISION OF THE SUBJECT
As all the perceptions of the mind may be
divided into impressions and ideas, so the
impressions admit of another division into
original and secondary. This division of
the impressions is the same with that which
I formerly made use of [Book I. Part I. Sect.
2.] when I distinguished them into impressions
of sensation and reflection. Original impressions
or impressions of sensation are such as without
any antecedent perception arise in the soul,
from the constitution of the body, from the
animal spirits, or from the application of
objects to the external organs. Secondary,
or reflective impressions are such as proceed
from some of these original ones, either
immediately or by the interposition of its
idea. Of the first kind are all the impressions
of the senses, and all bodily pains and pleasures:
Of the second are the passions, and other
emotions resembling them.
It is certain, that the mind, in its perceptions,
must begin somewhere; and that since the
impressions precede their correspondent ideas,
there must be some impressions, which without
any introduction make their appearance in
the soul. As these depend upon natural and
physical causes, the examination of them
would lead me too far from my present subject,
into the sciences of anatomy and natural
philosophy. For this reason I shall here
confine myself to those other impressions,
which I have called secondary and reflective,
as arising either from the original impressions,
or from their ideas. Bodily pains and pleasures
are the source of many passions, both when
felt and considered by the mind; but arise
originally in the soul, or in the body, whichever
you please to call it, without any preceding
thought or perception. A fit of the gout
produces a long train of passions, as grief,
hope, fear; but is not derived immediately
from any affection or idea. The reflective
impressions may be divided into two kinds,
viz. the calm and the VIOLENT. Of the first
kind is the sense of beauty and deformity
in action, composition, and external objects.
Of the second are the passions of love and
hatred, grief and joy, pride and humility.
This division is far from being exact. The
raptures of poetry and music frequently rise
to the greatest height; while those other
impressions, properly called PASSIONS, may
decay into so soft an emotion, as to become,
in a manner, imperceptible. But as in general
the passions are more violent than the emotions
arising from beauty and deformity, these
impressions have been commonly distinguished
from each other. The subject of the human
mind being so copious and various, I shall
here take advantage of this vulgar and spacious
division, that I may proceed with the greater
order; and having said ali I thought necessary
concerning our ideas, shall now explain those
violent emotions or passions, their nature,
origin, causes, and effects.
When we take a survey of the passions, there
occurs a division of them into DIRECT and
INDIRECT. By direct passions I understand
such as arise immediately from good or evil,
from pain or pleasure. By indirect such as
proceed from the same principles, but by
the conjunction of other qualities. This
distinction I cannot at present justify or
explain any farther. I can only observe in
general, that under the indirect passions
I comprehend pride, humility, ambition, vanity,
love, hatred, envy, pity, malice, generosity,
with their dependants. And under the direct
passions, desire, aversion, grief, joy, hope,
fear, despair and security. I shall begin
with the former.
SECT. II OF PRIDE AND HUMILITY, THEIR OBJECTS
AND CAUSES
The passions of PRIDE and HUMILITY being
simple and uniform impressions, it is impossible
we can ever, by a multitude of words, give
a just definition of them, or indeed of any
of the passions. The utmost we can pretend
to is a description of them, by an enumeration
of such circumstances, as attend them: But
as these words, PRIDE and humility, are of
general use, and the impressions they represent
the most common of any, every one, of himself,
will be able to form a just idea of them,
without any danger of mistake. For which
reason, not to lose time upon preliminaries,
I shall immediately enter upon the examination
of these passions.
It is evident, that pride and humility, though
directly contrary, have yet the same OBJECT.
This object is self, or that succession of
related ideas and impressions, of which we
have an intimate memory and consciousness.
Here the view always fixes when we are actuated
by either of these passions. According as
our idea of ourself is more or less advantageous,
we feel either of those opposite affections,
and are elated by pride, or dejected with
humility. Whatever other objects may be comprehended
by the mind, they are always considered with
a view to ourselves; otherwise they would
never be able either to excite these passions,
or produce the smallest encrease or diminution
of them. When self enters not into the consideration,
there is no room either for pride or humility.
But though that connected succession of perceptions,
which we call SELF, be always the object
of these two passions, it is impossible it
can be their CAUSE, or be sufficient alone
to excite them. For as these passions are
directly contrary, and have the same object
in common; were their object also their cause;
it coued never produce any degree of the
one passion, but at the same time it must
excite an equal degree of the other; which
opposition and contrariety must destroy both.
It is impossible a man can at the same time
be both proud and humble; and where he has
different reasons for these passions, as
frequently happens, the passions either take
place alternately; or if they encounter,
the one annihilates the other, as far as
its strength goes, and the remainder only
of that, which is superior, continues to
operate upon the mind. But in the present
case neither of the passions coued ever become
superior; because supposing it to be the
view only of ourself, which excited them,
that being perfectly indifferent to either,
must produce both in the very same proportion;
or in other words, can produce neither. To
excite any passion, and at the same time
raise an equal share of its antagonist, is
immediately to undo what was done, and must
leave the mind at last perfectly calm and
indifferent.
We must therefore, make a distinction betwixt
the cause and the object of these passions;
betwixt that idea, which excites them, and
that to which they direct their view, when
excited. Pride and humility, being once raised,
immediately turn our attention to ourself,
and regard that as their ultimate and final
object; but there is something farther requisite
in order to raise them: Something, which
is peculiar to one of the passions, and produces
not both in the very same degree. The first
idea, that is presented to the mind, is that
of the cause or productive principle. This
excites the passion, connected with it; and
that passion, when excited, turns our view
to another idea, which is that of self. Here
then is a passion placed betwixt two ideas,
of which the one produces it, and the other
is produced by it. The first idea, therefore,
represents the cause, the second the object
of the passion.
To begin with the causes of pride and humility;
we may observe, that their most obvious and
remarkable property is the vast variety of
subjects, on which they may be placed. Every
valuable quality of the mind, whether of
the imagination, judgment, memory or disposition;
wit, good-sense, learning, courage, justice,
integrity; all these are the cause of pride;
and their opposites of humility. Nor are
these passions confined to the mind but extend
their view to the body likewise. A man may
be proud of his beauty, strength, agility,
good mein, address in dancing, riding, and
of his dexterity in any manual business or
manufacture. But this is not all. The passions
looking farther, comprehend whatever objects
are in the least allyed or related to us.
Our country, family, children, relations,
riches, houses, gardens, horses, dogs, cloaths;
any of these may become a cause either of
pride or of humility.
From the consideration of these causes, it
appears necessary we shoud make a new distinction
in the causes of the passion, betwixt that
QUALITY, which operates, and the subject,
on which it is placed. A man, for instance,
is vain of a beautiful house, which belongs
to him, or which he has himself built and
contrived. Here the object of the passion
is himself, and the cause is the beautiful
house: Which cause again is sub-divided into
two parts, viz. the quality, which operates
upon the passion, and the subject in which
the quality inheres. The quality is the beauty,
and the subject is the house, considered
as his property or contrivance. Both these
parts are essential, nor is the distinction
vain and chimerical. Beauty, considered merely
as such, unless placed upon something related
to us, never produces any pride or vanity;
and the strongest relation alone, without
beauty, or something else in its place, has
as little influence on that passion. Since,
therefore, these two particulars are easily
separated and there is a necessity for their
conjunction, in order to produce the passion,
we ought to consider them as component parts
of the cause; and infix in our minds an exact
idea of this distinction.
SECT. III WHENCE THESE OBJECTS AND CAUSES
ARE DERIVED
Being so far advanced as to observe a difference
betwixt the object of the passions and their
cause, and to distinguish in the cause the
quality, which operates on the passions,
from the subject, in which it inheres; we
now proceed to examine what determines each
of them to be what it is, and assigns such
a particular object, and quality, and subject
to these affections. By this means we shall
fully understand the origin of pride and
humility.
It is evident in the first place, that these
passions are derermined to have self for
their object, not only by a natural but also
by an original property. No one can doubt
but this property is natural from the constancy
and steadiness of its operations. It is always
self, which is the object of pride and humility;
and whenever the passions look beyond, it
is still with a view to ourselves, nor can
any person or object otherwise have any influence
upon us.
That this proceeds from an original quality
or primary impulse, will likewise appear
evident, if we consider that it is the distinguishing
characteristic of these passions Unless nature
had given some original qualities to the
mind, it coued never have any secondary ones;
because in that case it would have no foundation
for action, nor coued ever begin to exert
itself. Now these qualities, which we must
consider as original, are such as are most
inseparable from the soul, and can be resolved
into no other: And such is the quality, which
determines the object of pride and humility.
We may, perhaps, make it a greater question,
whether the causes, that produce the passion,
be as natural as the object, to which it
is directed, and whether all that vast variety
proceeds from caprice or from the constitution
of the mind. This doubt we shall soon remove,
if we cast our eye upon human nature, and
consider that in all nations and ages, the
same objects still give rise to pride and
humility; and that upon the view even of
a stranger, we can know pretty nearly, what
will either encrease or diminish his passions
of this kind. If there be any variation in
this particular, it proceeds from nothing
but a difference in the tempers and complexions
of men; and is besides very inconsiderable.
Can we imagine it possible, that while human
nature remains the same, men will ever become
entirely indifferent to their power, riches,
beauty or personal merit, and that their
pride and vanity will not be affected by
these advantages?
But though the causes of pride and humility
be plainly natural, we shall find upon examination,
that they are not original, and that it is
utterly impossible they should each of them
be adapted to these passions by a particular
provision, and primary constitution of nature,
Beside their prodigious number, many of them
are the effects of art, and arise partly
from the industry, partly from the caprice,
and partly from the good fortune of men,
Industry produces houses, furniture, cloaths.
Caprice determines their particular kinds
and qualities. And good fortune frequently
contributes to all this, by discovering the
effects that result from the different mixtures
and combinations of bodies. It is absurd,
therefore, to imagine, that each of these
was foreseen and provided for by nature,
and that every new production of art, which
causes pride or humility; instead of adapting
itself to the passion by partaking of some
general quality, that naturally operates
on the mind; is itself the object of an original
principle, which till then lay concealed
in the soul, and is only by accident at last
brought to light. Thus the first mechanic,
that invented a fine scritoire, produced
pride in him, who became possest of it, by
principles different from those, which made
him proud of handsome chairs and tables.
As this appears evidently ridiculous, we
must conclude, that each cause of pride and
humility is not adapted to the passions by
a distinct original quality; but that there
are some one or more circumstances common
to all of them, on which their efficacy depends.
Besides, we find in the course of nature,
that though the effects be many, the principles,
from which they arise, are commonly but few
and simple, and that it is the sign of an
unskilful naturalist to have recourse to
a different quality, in order to explain
every different operation. How much more
must this be true with regard to the human
mind, which being so confined a subject may
justly be thought incapable of containing
such a monstrous heap of principles, as would
be necessary to excite the passions of pride
and humility, were each distinct cause adapted
to the passion by a distinct set of principles?
Here, therefore, moral philosophy is in the
same condition as natural, with regard to
astronomy before the time of COPERNICUS.
The antients, though sensible of that maxim,
THAT NATURE DOES NOTHING IN VAIN, contrived
such intricate systems of the heavens, as
seemed inconsistent with true philosophy,
and gave place at last to something more
simple and natural. To invent without scruple
a new principle to every new phaenomenon,
instead of adapting it to the old; to overload
our hypotheses with a variety of this kind;
are certain proofs, that none of these principles
is the just one, and that we only desire,
by a number of falsehoods, to cover our ignorance
of the truth.
SECT. IV OF THE RELATIONS OF IMPRESSIONS
AND IDEAS
Thus we have established two truths without
any obstacle or difficulty, that IT IS FROM
NATURAL PRINCIPLES THIS VARIETY OF CAUSES
EXCITES PRIDE AND HUMILITY, and that IT IS
NOT BY A DIFFERENT PRINCIPLE EACH DIFFERENT
CAUSE IS ADAPTED TO ITS PASSION. We shall
now proceed to enquire how we may reduce
these principles to a lesser number, and
find among the causes something common, on
which their influence depends.
In order to this we must reflect on certain
properties of human nature, which though
they have a mighty influence on every operation
both of the understanding and passions, are
not commonly much insisted on by philosophers.
The first of these is the association of
ideas, which I have so often observed and
explained. It is impossible for the mind
to fix itself steadily upon one idea for
any considerable time; nor can it by its
utmost efforts ever arrive at such a constancy.
But however changeable our thoughts may be,
they are not entirely without rule and method
in their changes. The rule, by which they
proceed, is to pass from one object to what
is resembling, contiguous to, or produced
by it. When one idea is present to the imagination,
any other, united by these relations, naturally
follows it, and enters with more facility
by means of that introduction.
The second property I shall observe in the
human mind is a like association of impressions.
All resembling impressions are connected
together, and no sooner one arises than the
rest immediately follow. Grief and disappointment
give rise to anger, anger to envy, envy to
malice, and malice to grief again, till the
whole circle be compleated. In like manner
our temper, when elevated with joy, naturally
throws itself into love, generosity, pity,
courage, pride, and the other resembling
affections. It is difficult for the mind,
when actuated by any passion, to confine
itself to that passion alone, without any
change or variation. Human nature is too
inconstant to admit of any such regularity.
Changeableness is essential to it. And to
what can it so naturally change as to affections
or emotions, which are suitable to the temper,
and agree with that set of passions, which
then prevail? It is evident, then, there
is an attraction or association among impressions,
as well as among ideas; though with this
remarkable difference, that ideas are associated
by resemblance, contiguity, and causation;
and impressions only by resemblance.
In the THIRD place, it is observable of these
two kinds of association, that they very
much assist and forward each other, and that
the transition is more easily made where
they both concur in the same object. Thus
a man, who, by any injury from another, is
very much discomposed and ruffled in his
temper, is apt to find a hundred subjects
of discontent, impatience, fear, and other
uneasy passions; especially if he can discover
these subjects in or near the person, who
was the cause of his first passion. Those
principles, which forward the transition
of ideas, here concur with those, which operate
on the passions; and both uniting in one
action, bestow on the mind a double impulse.
The new passion, therefore, must arise with
so much greater violence, and the transition
to it must be rendered so much more easy
and natural.
Upon this occasion I may cite the authority
of an elegant writer, who expresses himself
in the following manner.
"As the fancy delights in every thing
that is great, strange, or beautiful, and
is still more pleased the more it finds of
these perfections in the same object, so
it is capable of receiving a new satisfaction
by the assistance of another sense. Thus
any continued sound, as the music of birds,
or a fall of waters, awakens every moment
the mind of the beholder, and makes him more
attentive to the several beauties of the
place, that lie before him. Thus if there
arises a fragrancy of smells or perfumes,
they heighten the pleasure of the imagination,
and make even the colours and verdure of
the landschape appear more agreeable; for
the ideas of both senses recommend each other,
and are pleasanter together than when they
enter the mind separately: As the different
colours of a picture, when they are well
disposed, set off one another, and receive
an additional beauty from the advantage of
the situation." [Addison, SPECTATOR
412, final paragraph.]
In this phaenomenon we may remark the association
both of impressions and ideas, as well as
the mutual assistance they lend each other.
SECT. V OF THE INFLUENCE OF THESE RELATIONS
ON PRIDE AND HUMILITY.
These principles being established on unquestionable
experience, I begin to consider how we shall
apply them, by revolving over all the causes
of pride and humility, whether these causes
be regarded, as the qualities, that operate,
or as the subjects, on which the qualities
are placed. In examining these qualities
I immediately find many of them to concur
in producing the sensation of pain and pleasure,
independent of those affections, which I
here endeavour to explain. Thus the beauty
of our person, of itself, and by its very
appearance, gives pleasure, as well as pride;
and its deformity, pain as well as humility.
A magnificent feast delights us, and a sordid
one displeases. What I discover to be true
in some instances, I suppose to be so in
all; and take it for granted at present,
without any farther proof, that every cause
of pride, by its peculiar qualities, produces
a separate pleasure, and of humility a separate
uneasiness.
Again, in considering the subjects, to which
these qualities adhere, I make a new supposition,
which also appears probable from many obvious
instances, viz, that these subjects are either
parts of ourselves, or something nearly related
to us. Thus the good and bad qualities of
our actions and manners constitute virtue
and vice, and determine our personal character,
than which nothing operates more strongly
on these passions. In like manner, it is
the beauty or deformity of our person, houses,
equipage, or furniture, by which we are rendered
either vain or humble. The same qualities,
when transfered to subjects, which bear us
no relation, influence not in the smallest
degree either of these affections.
Having thus in a manner supposed two properties
of the causes of these affections, viz, that
the qualities produce a separate pain or
pleasure, and that the subjects, on which
the qualities are placed, are related to
self; I proceed to examine the passions themselves,
in order to find something in them, correspondent
to the supposed properties of their causes.
First, I find, that the peculiar object of
pride and humility is determined by an original
and natural instinct, and that it is absolutely
impossible, from the primary constitution
of the mind, that these passions should ever
look beyond self, or that individual person.
of whose actions and sentiments each of us
is intimately conscious. Here at last the
view always rests, when we are actuated by
either of these passions; nor can we, in
that situation of mind, ever lose sight of
this object. For this I pretend not to give
any reason; but consider such a peculiar
direction of the thought as an original quality.
The SECOND quality, which I discover in these
passions, and which I likewise consider an
an original quality, is their sensations,
or the peculiar emotions they excite in the
soul, and which constitute their very being
and essence. Thus pride is a pleasant sensation,
and humility a painful; and upon the removal
of the pleasure and pain, there is in reality
no pride nor humility. Of this our very feeling
convinces us; and beyond our feeling, it
is here in vain to reason or dispute.
If I compare, therefore, these two established
properties of the passions, viz, their object,
which is self, and their sensation, which
is either pleasant or painful, to the two
supposed properties of the causes, viz, their
relation to self, and their tendency to produce
a pain or pleasure, independent of the passion;
I immediately find, that taking these suppositions
to be just, the true system breaks in upon
me with an irresistible evidence. That cause,
which excites the passion, is related to
the object, which nature has attributed to
the passion; the sensation, which the cause
separately produces, is related to the sensation
of the passion: From this double relation
of ideas and impressions, the passion is
derived. The one idea is easily converted
into its correlative; and the one impression
into that, which resembles and corresponds
to it: With how much greater facility must
this transition be made, where these movements
mutually assist each other, and the mind
receives a double impulse from the relations
both of its impressions and ideas?
That we may comprehend this the better, we
must suppose, that nature has given to the
organs of the human mind, a certain disposition
fitted to produce a peculiar impression or
emotion, which we call pride: To this emotion
she has assigned a certain idea, viz, that
of self, which it never fails to produce.
This contrivance of nature is easily conceived.
We have many instances of such a situation
of affairs. The nerves of the nose and palate
are so disposed, as in certain circumstances
to convey such peculiar sensations to the
mind: The sensations of lust and hunger always
produce in us the idea of those peculiar
objects, which are suitable to each appetite.
These two circumstances are united in pride.
The organs are so disposed as to produce
the passion; and the passion, after its production,
naturally produces a certain idea. All this
needs no proof. It is evident we never should
be possest of that passion, were there not
a disposition of mind proper for it; and
it is as evident, that the passion always
turns our view to ourselves, and makes us
think of our own qualities and circumstances.
This being fully comprehended, it may now
be asked, WHETHER NATURE PRODUCES THE PASSION
IMMEDIATELY, OF HERSELF; OR WHETHER SHE MUST
BE ASSISTED BY THE CO- OPERATION OF OTHER
CAUSES? For it is observable, that in this
particular her conduct is different in the
different passions and sensations. The palate
must be excited by an external object, in
order to produce any relish: But hunger arises
internally, without the concurrence of any
external object. But however the case may
stand with other passions and impressions,
it is certain, that pride requires the assistance
of some foreign object, and that the organs,
which produce it, exert not themselves like
the heart and arteries, by an original internal
movement. For first, daily experience convinces
us, that pride requires certain causes to
excite it, and languishes when unsupported
by some excellency in the character, in bodily
accomplishments, in cloaths, equipage or
fortune. SECONDLY, it is evident pride would
be perpetual, if it arose immediately from
nature; since the object is always the same,
and there is no disposition of body peculiar
to pride, as there is to thirst and hunger.
Thirdly, Humility is in the very same situation
with pride; and therefore, either must, upon
this supposition, be perpetual likewise,
or must destroy the contrary passion from,
the very first moment; so that none of them
coued ever make its appearance. Upon the
whole, we may rest satisfyed with the foregoing
conclusion, that pride must have a cause,
as well as an object, and that the one has
no influence without the other.
The difficulty, then, is only to discover
this cause, and find what it is that gives
the first motion to pride, and sets those
organs in action, which are naturally fitted
to produce that emotion. Upon my consulting
experience, in order to resolve this difficulty,
I immediately find a hundred different causes,
that produce pride; and upon examining these
causes, I suppose, what at first I perceive
to be probable, that all of them concur in
two circumstances; which are, that of themselves
they produce an impression, allyed to the
passion, and are placed on a subject, allyed
to the object of the passion. When I consider
after this the nature of relation, and its
effects both on the passions and ideas, I
can no longer doubt, upon these suppositions,
that it is the very principle, which gives
rise to pride, and bestows motion on those
organs, which being naturally disposed to
produce that affection, require only a first
impulse or beginning to their action. Any
thing, that gives a pleasant sensation, and
is related to self, excites the passion of
pride, which is also agreeable, and has self
for its object.
What I have said of pride is equally true
of humility. The sensation of humility is
uneasy, as that of pride is agreeable; for
which reason the separate sensation, arising
from the causes, must be reversed, while
the relation to self continues the same.
Though pride and humility are directly contrary
in their effects, and in their sensations,
they have notwithstanding the same object;
so that it is requisite only to change the
relation of impressions, without making any
change upon that of ideas. Accordingly we
find, that a beautiful house, belonging to
ourselves, produces pride; and that the same
house, still belonging to ourselves, produces
humility, when by any accident its beauty
is changed into deformity, and thereby the
sensation of pleasure, which corresponded
to pride, is transformed into pain, which
is related to humility. The double relation
between the ideas and impressions subsists
in both cases, and produces an easy transition
from the one emotion to the other.
In a word, nature has bestowed a kind of
attraction on certain impressions and ideas,
by which one of them, upon its appearance,
naturally introduces its correlative. If
these two attractions or associations of
impressions and ideas concur on the same
object, they mutually assist each other,
and the transition of the affections and
of the imagination is made with the greatest
ease and facility. When an idea produces
an impression, related to an impression,
which is connected with an idea, related
to the first idea, these two impressions
must be in a manner inseparable, nor will
the one in any case be unattended with the
other. It is after this manner, that the
particular causes of pride and humility are
determined. The quality, which operates on
the passion, produces separately an impression
resembling it; the subject, to which the
quality adheres, is related to self, the
object of the passion: No wonder the whole
cause, consisting of a quality and of a subject,
does so unavoidably give rise to the pass
on.
To illustrate this hypothesis we may compare
it to that, by which I have already explained
the belief attending the judgments, which
we form from causation. I have observed,
that in all judgments of this kind, there
is always a present impression and a related
idea; and that the present impression gives
a vivacity to the fancy, and the relation
conveys this vivacity, by an easy transition,
to the related idea. Without the present
impression, the attention is not fixed, nor
the spirits excited. Without the relation,
this attention rests on its first object,
and has no farther consequence. There is
evidently a great analogy betwixt that hypothesis
and our present one of an impression and
idea, that transfuse themselves into another
impression and idea by means of their double
relation: Which analogy must be allowed to
be no despicable proof of both hypotheses.
SECT. VI LIMITATIONS OF THIS SYSTEM
But before we proceed farther in this subject,
and examine particularly all the causes of
pride and humility, it will be proper to
make some limitations to the general system,
THAT ALL AGREEABLE OBJECTS, RELATED TO OURSELVES,
BY AN ASSOCIATION OF IDEAS AND OF IMPRESSIONS,
PRODUCE PRIDE, AND DISAGREEABLE ONES, HUMILITY:
And these limitations are derived from the
very nature of the subject.
I. Suppose an agreeable object to acquire
a relation to self, the first passion, that
appears on this occasion, is joy; and this
passion discovers itself upon a slighter
relation than pride and vain-glory. We may
feel joy upon being present at a feast, where
our senses are regard with delicacies of
every kind: But it is only the master of
the feast, who, beside the same joy, has
the additional passion of self-applause and
vanity. It is true, men sometimes boast of
a great entertainment, at which they have
only been present; and by so small a relation
convert their pleasure into pride: But however,
this must in general be owned, that joy arises
from a more inconsiderable relation than
vanity, and that many things, which are too
foreign to produce pride, are yet able to
give us a delight and pleasure, The reason
of the difference may be explained thus.
A relation is requisite to joy, in order
to approach the object to us, and make it
give us any satisfaction. But beside this,
which is common to both passions, it is requisite
to pride, in order to produce a transition
from one passion to another, and convert
the falsification into vanity. As it has
a double task to perform, it must be endowed
with double force and energy. To which we
may add, that where agreeable objects bear
not a very close relation to ourselves, they
commonly do to some other person; and this
latter relation not only excels, but even
diminishes, and sometimes destroys the former,
as we shall see afterwards. [Part II. Sec.
4.]
Here then is the first limitation, we must
make to our general position, that every
thing related to us, which produces pleasure
or pain, produces likewise pride or humility.
There is not only a relation required, but
a close one, and a closer than is required
to joy.
II. The second limitation is, that the agreeable
or disagreeable object be not only closely
related, but also peculiar to ourselves,
or at least common to us with a few persons.
It is a quality observable in human nature,
and which we shall endeavour to explain afterwards,
that every thing, which is often presented
and to which we have been long accustomed,
loses its value in our eyes, and is in a
little time despised and neglected. We likewise
judge of objects more from comparison than
from their real and intrinsic merit; and
where we cannot by some contrast enhance
their value, we are apt to overlook even
what is essentially good in them. These qualities
of the mind have an effect upon joy as well
as pride; and it is remarkable, that goods
which are common to all mankind, and have
become familiar to us by custom, give us
little satisfaction; though perhaps of a
more excellent kind, than those on which,
for their singularity, we set a much higher
value. But though this circumstance operates
on both these passions, it has a much greater
influence on vanity. We are rejoiced for
many goods, which, on account of their frequency,
give us no pride. Health, when it returns
after a long absence, affords us a very sensible
satisfaction; but is seldom regarded as a
subject of vanity, because it is shared with
such vast numbers.
The reason, why pride is so much more delicate
in this particular than joy, I take to be,
as follows. In order to excite pride, there
are always two objects we must contemplate,
viz. the cause or that object which produces
pleasure; and self, which is the real object
of the passion. But joy has only one object
necessary to its production, viz. that which
gives pleasure; and though it be requisite,
that this bear some relation to self, yet
that is only requisite in order to render
it agreeable; nor is self, properly speaking,
the object of this passion. Since, therefore,
pride has in a manner two objects, to which
it directs our view; it follows, that where
neither of them have any singularity, the
passion must be more weakened upon that account,
than a passion, which has only one object.
Upon comparing ourselves with others, as
we are every moment apt to do, we find we
are not in the least distinguished; and upon
comparing the object we possess, we discover
still the same unlucky circumstance. By two
comparisons so disadvantageous the passion
must be entirely destroyed.
III The third limitation is, that the pleasant
or painful object be very discernible and
obvious, and that not only to ourselves,
but to others also. This circumstance, like
the two foregoing, has an effect upon joy,
as well as pride. We fancy Ourselves more
happy, as well as more virtuous or beautiful,
when we appear so to others; but are still
more ostentatious of our virtues than of
our pleasures. This proceeds from causes,
which I shall endeavour to explain afterwards.
IV. The fourth limitation is derived from
the inconstancy of the cause of these passions,
and from the short duration of its connexion
with ourselves. What is casual and inconstant
gives but little joy, and less pride. We
are not much satisfyed with the thing itself;
and are still less apt to feel any new degrees
of self-satisfaction upon its account. We
foresee and anticipate its change by the
imagination; which makes us little satisfyed
with the thing: We compare it to ourselves,
whose existence is more durable; by which
means its inconstancy appears still greater.
It seems ridiculous to infer an excellency
in ourselves from an object, which is of
so much shorter duration, and attends us
during so small a part of our existence.
It will be easy to comprehend the reason,
why this cause operates not with the same
force in joy as in pride; since the idea
of self is not so essential to the former
passion as to the latter.
V. I may add as a fifth limitation, or rather
enlargement of this system, that general
rules have a great influence upon pride and
humility, as well as on all the other passions.
Hence we form a notion of different ranks
of men, suitable to the power of riches they
are possest of; and this notion we change
not upon account of any peculiarities of
the health or temper of the persons, which
may deprive them of all enjoyment in their
possessions. This may be accounted for from
the same principles, that explained the influence
of general rules on the understanding. Custom
readily carries us beyond the just bounds
in our passions, as well as in our reasonings.
It may not be amiss to observe on this occasion,
that the influence of general rules and maxims
on the passions very much contributes to
facilitate the effects of all the principles,
which we shall explain in the progress of
this treatise. For it is evident, that if
a person full-grown, and of the same nature
with ourselves, were on a sudden-transported
into our world, he would be very much embarrased
with every object, and would not readily
find what degree of love or hatred, pride
or humility, or any other passion he ought
to attribute to it. The passions are often
varyed by very inconsiderable principles;
and these do not always play with a perfect
regularity, especially on the first trial.
But as custom and practice have brought to
light all these principles, and have settled
the just value of every thing; this must
certainly contribute to the easy production
of the passions, and guide us, by means of
general established maxims, in the proportions
we ought to observe in preferring one object
to another. This remark may, perhaps, serve
to obviate difficulties, that mayarise concerning
some causes, which I shall hereafter ascribe
to particular passions, and which may be
esteemed too refined to operate so universally
and certainly, as they are found to do.
I shall close this subject with a reflection
derived from these five limitations. This
reflection is, that the persons, who are
proudest, and who in the eye of the world
have most reason for their pride, are not
always the happiest; nor the most humble
always the most miserable, as may at first
sight be imagined from this system. An evil
may be real. though its cause has no relation
to us: It may be real, without being peculiar:
It may be real, without shewing itself to
others: It may be real, without being constant:
And it may be real, without falling under
the general rules. Such evils as these will
not fail to render us miserable, though they
have little tendency to diminish pride: And
perhaps the most real and the most solid
evils of life will be found of this nature.
SECT. VII OF VICE AND VIRTUE
Taking these limitations along with us, let
us proceed to examine the causes of pride
and humility; and see, whether in every case
we can discover the double relations, by
which they operate on the passions. If we
find that all these causes are related to
self, and produce a pleasure or uneasiness
separate from the passion, there will remain
no farther scruple with regard to the present
system. We shall principally endeavour to
prove the latter point; the former being
in a manner self-evident.
To begin, with vice and virtue; which are
the most obvious causes of these passions;
it would be entirely foreign to my present
purpose to enter upon the controversy, which
of late years has so much excited the curiosity
of the publick. WHETHER THESE MORAL DISTINCTIONS
BE FOUNDED ON NATURAL AND ORIGINAL PRINCIPLES,
OR ARISE FROM INTEREST AND EDUCATION. The
examination of this I reserve for the following
book; and in the mean time I shall endeavour
to show, that my system maintains its ground
upon either of these hypotheses; which will
be a strong proof of its solidity.
For granting that morality had no foundation
in nature, it must still be allowed, that
vice and virtue, either from self-interest
or the prejudices of education, produce in
us a real pain and pleasure; and this we
may observe to be strenuously asserted by
the defenders of that hypothesis. Every passion,
habit, or turn of character (say they) which
has a tendency to our advantage or prejudice,
gives a delight or uneasiness; and it is
from thence the approbation or disapprobation
arises. We easily gain from the liberality
of others, but are always in danger of losing
by their avarice: Courage defends us, but
cowardice lays us open to every attack: Justice
is the support of society, but injustice,
unless checked would quickly prove its ruin:
Humility exalts; but pride mortifies us.
For these reasons the former qualities are
esteemed virtues, and the latter regarded
as vices. Now since it is granted there is
a delight or uneasiness still attending merit
or demerit of every kind, this is all that
is requisite for my purpose.
But I go farther, and observe, that this
moral hypothesis and my present system not
only agree together, but also that, allowing
the former to be just, it is an absolute
and invincible proof of the latter. For if
all morality be founded on the pain or pleasure,
which arises from the prospect of any loss
or advantage, that may result from our own
characters, or from those of others, all
the effects of morality must-be derived from
the same pain or pleasure, and among the
rest, the passions of pride and humility.
The very essence of virtue, according to
this hypothesis, is to produce pleasure and
that of vice to give pain. The virtue and
vice must be part of our character in order
to excite pride or humility. What farther
proof can we desire for the double relation
of impressions and ideas?
The same unquestionable argument may be derived
from the opinion of those, who maintain that
morality is something real, essential, and
founded on nature. The most probable hypothesis,
which has been advanced to explain the distinction
betwixt vice and virtue, and the origin of
moral rights and obligations, is, that from
a primary constitution of nature certain
characters and passions, by the very view
and contemplation, produce a pain, and others
in like manner excite a pleasure. The uneasiness
and satisfaction are not only inseparable
from vice and virtue, but constitute their
very nature and essence. To approve of a
character is to feel an original delight
upon its appearance. To disapprove of it
is to be sensible of an uneasiness. The pain
and pleasure, therefore, being the primary
causes of vice and virtue, must also be the
causes of all their effects, and consequently
of pride and humility, which are the unavoidable
attendants of that distinction.
But supposing this hypothesis of moral philosophy
should be allowed to be false, it is still
evident, that pain and pleasure, if not the
causes of vice and virtue, are at least inseparable
from them. A generous and noble character
affords a satisfaction even in the survey;
and when presented to us, though only in
a poem or fable, never fails to charm and
delight us. On the other hand cruelty and
treachery displease from their very nature;
nor is it possible ever to reconcile us to
these qualities, either in ourselves or others.
Thus one hypothesis of morality is an undeniable
proof of the foregoing system, and the other
at worst agrees with it. But pride and humility
arise not from these qualities alone of the
mind, which, according to the vulgar systems
of ethicks, have been comprehended as parts
of moral duty, but from any other that has
a connexion with pleasure and uneasiness.
Nothing flatters our vanity more than the
talent of pleasing by our wit, good humour,
or any other accomplishment; and nothing
gives us a more sensible mortification than
a disappointment in any attempt of that nature.
No one has ever been able to tell what wit
is, and to-shew why such a system of thought
must be received under that denomination,
and such another rejected. It is only by
taste we can decide concerning it, nor are
we possest of any other standard, upon which
we can form a judgment of this kind. Now
what is this taste, from which true and false
wit in a manner receive their being, and
without which no thought can have a title
to either of these denominations? It is plainly
nothing but a sensation of pleasure from
true wit, and of uneasiness from false, without
oar being able to tell the reasons of that
pleasure or uneasiness. The power of bestowing
these opposite sensations is. therefore,
the very essence of true and false wit; and
consequently the cause of that pride or humility,
which arises from them.
There may, perhaps, be some, who being accustomed
to the style of the schools and pulpit, and
having never considered human nature in any
other light, than that in which they place
it, may here be surprized to hear me talk
of virtue as exciting pride, which they look
upon as a vice; and of vice as producing
humility, which they have been taught to
consider as a virtue. But not to dispute
about words, I observe, that by pride I understand
that agreeable impression, which arises in
the mind, when the view either of our virtue,
beauty, riches or power makes us satisfyed
with ourselves: and that by humility I mean
the opposite impression. It is evident the
former impression is not always vicious,
nor the latter virtuous. The most rigid morality
allows us to receive a pleasure from reflecting
on a generous action; and it is by none esteemed
a virtue to feel any fruitless remorses upon
the thoughts of past villainy and baseness.
Let us, therefore, examine these impressions,
considered in themselves; and enquire into
their causes, whether placed on the mind
or body, without troubling ourselves at present
with that merit or blame, which may attend
them.
SECT. VIII OF BEAUTY AND DEFORMITY
Whether we consider the body as a part of
ourselves, or assent to those philosophers,
who regard it as something external, it must
still be allowed to be near enough connected
with us to form one of these double relations,
which I have asserted to be necessary to
the causes of pride and humility. Wherever,
therefore, we can find the other relation
of impressions to join to this of ideas,
we may expect with assurance either of these
passions, according as the impression is
pleasant or uneasy. But beauty of all kinds
gives us a peculiar delight and satisfaction;
as deformity produces pain, upon whatever
subject it may be placed, and whether surveyed
in an animate or inanimate object. If the
beauty or deformity, therefore, be placed
upon our own bodies, this pleasure or uneasiness
must be converted into pride or humility,
as having in this case all the circumstances
requisite to produce a perfect transition
of impressions and ideas. These opposite
sensations are related to the opposite passions.
The beauty or deformity is closely related
to self, the object of both these passions.
No wonder, then our own beauty becomes an
object of pride, and deformity of humility.
But this effect of personal and bodily qualities
is not only a proof of. the present system,
by shewing that the passions arise not in
this case without all the circumstances I
have required, but may be employed as a stronger
and more convincing argument. If we consider
all the hypotheses, which have been formed
either by philosophy or common reason, to
explain the difference betwixt beauty and
deformity, we shall find that all of them
resolve into this, that beauty is such an
order and construction of parts, as either
by the primary constitution of our nature,
by custom, or by caprice, is fitted to give
a pleasure and satisfaction to the soul.
This is the distinguishing character of beauty,
and forms all the difference betwixt it and
deformity, whose natural tendency is to produce
uneasiness. Pleasure and pain, therefore,
are not only necessary attendants of beauty
and deformity, but constitute their very
essence. And indeed, if we consider, that
a great part of the beauty, which we admire
either in animals or in other objects, is
derived from the idea of convenience and
utility, we shall make no scruple to assent
to this opinion. That shape, which produces
strength, is beautiful in one animal; and
that which is a sign of agility in another.
The order and convenience of a palace are
no less essential to its beauty, than its
mere figure and appearance. In like manner
the rules of architecture require, that the
top of a pillar should be more slender than
its base, and that because such a figure
conveys to us the idea of security, which
is pleasant; whereas the contrary form gives
us the apprehension of danger, which is uneasy.
From innumerable instances of this kind,
as well as from considering that beauty like
wit, cannot be defined, but is discerned
only by a taste or sensation, we may conclude,
that beauty is nothing but a form, which
produces pleasure, as deformity is a structure
of parts, which conveys pain; and since the
power of producing pain and pleasure make
in this manner the essence of beauty and
deformity, all the effects of these qualities
must be derived from the sensation; and among
the rest pride and humility, which of all
their effects are the most common and remarkable.
This argument I esteem just and decisive;
but in order to give greater authority to
the present reasoning, let us suppose it
false for a moment, and see what will follow.
It is certain, then, that if the power of
producing pleasure and pain forms not the
essence of beauty and deformity, the sensations
are at least inseparable from the qualities,
and it is even difficult to consider them
apart. Now there is nothing common to natural
and moral beauty, (both of which are the
causes of pride) but this power of producing
pleasure; and as a common effect supposes
always a common cause, it is plain the pleasure
must in both cases be the real and influencing
cause of the passion. Again; there is nothing
originally different betwixt the beauty of
our bodies and the beauty of external and
foreign objects, but that the one has a near
relation to ourselves, which is wanting in
the other. This original difference, therefore,
must be the cause of all their other differences,
and among the rest, of their different influence
upon the passion of pride, which is excited
by the beauty of our person, but is not affected
in the lcast by that of foreign and external
objects. Placing, then, these two conclusions
together, we find they compose the preceding
system betwixt them, viz, that pleasure,
as a related or resembling impression, when
placed on a related object by a natural transition,
produces pride; and its contrary, humility.
This system, then, seems already sufficiently
confirmed by experience; that we have not
yet exhausted all our arguments.
It is not the beauty of the body alone that
produces pride, but also its strength and
force. Strength is a kind of power; and therefore
the desire to excel in strength is to be
considered as an inferior species of ambition.
For this reason the present phaenomenon will
be sufficiently accounted for, in explaining
that passion.
Concerning all other bodily accomplishments
we may observe in general, that whatever
in ourselves is either useful, beautiful,
or surprising, is an object of pride; and
it's contrary, of humility. Now it is obvious,
that every thing useful, beautiful or surprising,
agrees in producing a separate pleasure and
agrees in nothing else. The pleasure, therefore,
with the relation to self must be the cause
of the passion.
Though it should be questioned, whether beauty
be not something real, and different from
the power of producing pleasure, it can never
be disputed, that as surprize is nothing
but a pleasure arising from novelty, it is
not, properly speaking, a quality in any
object, but merely a passion or impression
in the soul. It must, therefore, be from
that impression, that pride by a natural
transition arises. And it arises so naturally,
that there is nothing in us or belonging
to us, which produces surprize, that does
not at the same time excite that other passion.
Thus we are vain of the surprising adventures
we have met with, the escapes we have made,
and dangers we have been exposed to. Hence
the origin of vulgar lying; where men without
any interest, and merely out of vanity, heap
up a number of extraordinary events, which
are either the fictions of their brain, or
if true, have at least no connexion with
themselves. Their fruitful invention supplies
them with a variety of adventures; and where
that talent is wanting, they appropriate
such as belong to others, in order to satisfy
their vanity.
In this phaenomenon are contained two curious
experiments, which if we compare them together,
according to the known rules, by which we
judge of cause and effect in anatomy, natural
philosophy, and other sciences, will be an
undeniable argument for that influence of
the double relations above-mentioned. By
one of these experiments we find, that an
object produces pride merely by the interposition
of pleasure; and that because the quality,
by which it produces pride, is in reality
nothing but the power of producing pleasure.
By the other experiment we find, that the
pleasure produces the pride by a transition
along related ideas; because when we cut
off that relation the passion is immediately
destroyed.. A surprising adventure, in which
we have been ourselves engaged, is related
to us, and by that means produces pride:
But the adventures of others, though they
may cause pleasure, yet for want of this
relation of ideas, never excite that passion.
What farther proof can be desired for the
present system?
There is only one objection to this system
with regard to our body: which is, that though
nothing be more agreeable than health, and
more painful than sickness, yet commonly
men are neither proud of the one, nor mortifyed
with the other. This will easily be accounted
for, if we consider the second and fourth
limitations, proposed to our general system.
It was observed, that no object ever produces
pride or humility, if it has not something
peculiar to ourself; as also, that every
cause of that passion must be in some measure
constant, and hold some proportion to the
duration of our self, which, is its object.
Now as health and sickness vary incessantly
to all men, and there is none, who is solely
or certainly fixed in either, these accidental
blessings and calamities are in a manner
separated from us, and are never considered
as connected with our being and existence.
And that this account is just appears hence,
that wherever a malady of any kind is so
rooted in our constitution, that we no longer
entertain any hopes of recovery, from that
moment it becomes an object of humility;
as is evident in old men, whom nothing mortifies
more than the consideration of their age
and infirmities. They endeavour, as long
as possible, to conceal their blindness and
deafness, their rheums and gouts; nor do
they ever confess them without reluctance
and uneasiness. And though young men are
not ashamed of every head-ach or cold they
fall into, yet no topic is so proper to mortify
human pride, and make us entertain a mean
opinion of our nature, than this, that we
are every moment of our lives subject to
such infirmities. This sufficiently proves
that bodily pain and sickness are in themselves
proper causes of humility; though the custom
of estimating every thing by comparison more
than by its intrinsic worth and value, makes
us overlook these calamities, which we find
to be incident to every one, and causes us
to form an idea of our merit and character
independent of them.
We are ashamed of such maladies as affect
others, and are either dangerous or disagreeable
to them. Of the epilepsy; because it gives
a horror to every one present: Of the itch;
because it is infectious: Of the king's-evil;
because it commonly goes to posterity. Men
always consider the sentiments of others
in their judgment of themselves. This has
evidently appeared in some of the foregoing
reasonings; and will appear still more evidently,
and be more fully explained afterwards.
SECT. IX OF EXTERNAL ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES
But though pride and humility have the qualities
of our mind and body that is self, for their
natural and more immediate causes, we find
by experience, that there are many other
objects, which produce these affections,
and that the primary one is, in some measure,
obscured and lost by the multiplicity of
foreign and extrinsic. We found a vanity
upon houses, gardens, equipages, as well
as upon personal merit and accomplishments;
and though these external advantages be in
themselves widely distant from thought or
a person, yet they considerably influence
even a passion, which is directed to that
as its ultimate object, This, happens when
external objects acquire any particular relation
to ourselves, and are associated or connected
with us. A beautiful fish in the ocean, an
animal in a desart, and indeed any thing
that neither belongs, nor is related to us,
has no manner of influence on our vanity,
whatever extraordinary qualities it may be
endowed with, and whatever degree of surprize
and admiration it may naturally occasion.
It must be some way associated with us in
order to touch our pride. Its idea must hang
in a manner, upon that of ourselves and the
transition from the one to the other must
be easy and natural.
But here it is remarkable, that though the
relation of resemblance operates upon the
mind in the same manner as contiguity and
causation, in conveying us from one idea
to another, yet it is seldom a foundation
either of pride or of humility. If we resemble
a person in any of the valuable parts of
his character, we must, in some degree, possess
the quality, in which we resemble him; and
this quality we always chuse to survey directly
in ourselves rather than by reflexion in
another person, when we would found upon
it any degree of vanity. So that though a
likeness may occasionally produce that passion
by suggesting a more advantageous idea of
ourselves, it is there the view fixes at
last, and the passion finds its ultimate
and final cause.
There are instances, indeed, wherein men
shew a vanity in resembling a great man in
his countenance, shape, air, or other minute
circumstances, that contribute not in any
degree to his reputation; but it must be
confessed that this extends not very far,
nor is of any considerable moment in these
affections. For this I assign the following
reason. We can never have a vanity of resembling
in trifles any person, unless he be possessed
of very shining qualities, which give us
a respect and veneration for him. These qualities,
then, are, properly speaking, the causes
of our vanity, by means of their relation
to ourselves. Now after what manner are they
related to ourselves? They are parts of the
person we value, and consequently connected
with these trifles; which are also supposed
to be parts of him. These trifles are connected
with the resembling qualities in us; and
these qualities in us, being parts, are connected
with the whole; and by that means form a
chain of several links of the person we resemble.
But besides that this multitude of relations
must weaken the connexion; it is evident
the mind, in passing from the shining qualities
to the trivial ones, must by that contrast
the better perceive the minuteness of the
latter, and be in some measure ashamed of
the comparison and resemblance.
The relation, therefore, of contiguity, or
that of causation, betwixt the cause and
object of pride and humility, is alone requisite
to give rise to these passions; and these
relations are nothing else but qualities,
by which the imagination is conveyed from
one idea to another. Now let us consider
what effect these can possibly have upon
the mind, and by what means they become so
requisite to the production of the passions.
It is evident, that the association of ideas
operates in so silent and imperceptible a
manner, that we are scarce sensible of it,
and discover it more by its effects than
by any immediate feeling or perception. It
produces no emotion, and gives rise to no
new impression of any kind, but only modifies
those ideas, of which the mind was formerly
possessed, and which it coued recal upon
occasion. From this reasoning, as well as
from undoubted experience, we may conclude,
that an association of ideas, however necessary,
is not alone sufficient to give rise to any
passion.
It is evident, then, that when the mind feels
the passion either of pride or humility upon
the appearance of related object, there is,
beside the relation or transition of thought,
an emotion or original impression produced
by some other principle. The question is,
whether the emotion first produced be the
passion itself, or some other impression
related to it. This question we cannot be
long in deciding, For besides all the other
arguments, with which this subject abounds,
it must evidently appear, that the relation
of ideas, which experience shews to be so
requisite a circumstance to the production
of the passion, would be entirely superfluous,
were it not to second a relation of affections,
and facilitate the transition from one impression
to another. If nature produced immediately
the passion of pride or humility, it would
be compleated in itself, and would require
no farther addition or encrease from any
other affection. But supposing the first
emotion to be only related to pride or humility,
it is easily conceived to what purpose the
relation of objects may serve, and how the
two different associations, of impressions
and ideas, by uniting their forces, may assist
each other's operation. This is not only
easily conceived, but I will venture to affirm
it is the only manner, in which we can conceive
this subject. An easy transition of ideas,
which, of itself, causes no emotion, can
never be necessary, or even useful to the
passions, but by forwarding the transition
betwixt some related impressions. Not to
mention, that the same object causes a greater
or smaller degree of pride, not only in proportion
to the encrease or decrease of its qualities,
but also to the distance or nearness of the
relation; which is a clear argument for the
transition of affections along the relation
of ideas; since every change in the relation
produces a proportionable change in the passion.
Thus one part of the preceding system, concerning
the relations of ideas is a sufficient proof
of the other, concerning that of impressions;
and is itself so evidently founded on experience,
that it would be lost time to endeavour farther
to prove it.
This will appear still more evidently in
particular instances. Men are vain of the
beauty of their country, of their county,
of their parish. Here the idea of beauty
plainly produces a pleasure. This pleasure
is related to pride. The object or cause
of this pleasure is, by the supposition,
related to self, or the object of pride.
By this double relation of impressions and
ideas, a transition is made from the one
impression to the other.
Men are also vain of the temperature of the
climate, in which they were born; of the
fertility of their native soil; of the goodness
of the wines, fruits or victuals, produced
by it; of the softness or force of their
language; with other particulars of that
kind. These objects have plainly a reference
to the pleasures of the senses, and are originally
considered as agreeable to the feeling, taste
or hearing. How is it possible they coued
ever become objects of pride, except by means
of that transition above-explained?
There are some, that discover a vanity of
an opposite kind, and affect to depreciate
their own country, in comparison of those,
to which they have travelled. These persons
find, when they are at home, and surrounded
with their countrymen, that the strong relation
betwixt them and their own nation is shared
with so many, that it is in a manner lost
to them; whereas their distant relation to
a foreign country, which is formed by their
having seen it and lived in it, is augmented
by their considering how few there are who
have done the same. For this reason they
always admire the beauty, utility and rarity
of what is abroad, above what is at home.
Since we can be vain of a country, climate
or any inanimate object, which bears a relation
to us, it is no wonder we are vain of the
qualities of those, who are connected with
us by blood or friendship. Accordingly we
find, that the very same qualities, which
in ourselves produce pride, produce also
in a lesser degree the same affection, when
discovered in persons related to us. The
beauty, address, merit, credit and honours
of their kindred are carefully displayed
by the proud, as some of their most considerable
sources of their vanity.
As we are proud of riches in ourselves, so
to satisfy our vanity we desire that every
one, who has any connexion with us, should
likewise be possest of them, and are ashamed
of any one, that is mean or poor, among our
friends and relations. For this reason we
remove the poor as far from us as possible;
and as we cannot prevent poverty in some
distant collaterals, and our forefathers
are taken to be our nearest relations; upon
this account every one affects to be of a
good family, and to be descended from a long
succession of rich and honourable ancestors.
I have frequently observed, that those, who
boast of the antiquity of their families,
are glad when they can join this circumstance,
that their ancestors for many generations
have been uninterrupted proprietors of the
same portion of land, and that their family
has never changed its possessions, or been
transplanted into any other county or province.
I have also observed, that it is an additional
subject of vanity, when they can boast, that
these possessions have been transmitted through
a descent composed entirely of males, and
that the honour, and fortune have never past
through any female. Let us endeavour to explain
these phaenomena by the foregoing system.
It is evident, that when any one boasts of
the antiquity of his family, the subjects
of his vanity are not merely the extent of
time and number of ancestors, but also their
riches and credit, which are supposed to
reflect a lustre on himself on account of
his relation to them. He first considers
these objects; is affected by them in an
agreeable manner; and then returning back
to himself, through the relation of parent
and child, is elevated with the passion of
pride, by means of the double relation, of
impressions and ideas. Since therefore the
passion depends on these relations, whatever
strengthens any of the relations must also
encrease the passion, and whatever weakens
the relations must diminish the passion.
Now it is certain the identity of the possesion
strengthens the relation of ideas arising
from blood and kindred, and conveys the fancy
with greater facility from one generation
to another, from the remote ancestors to
their posterity, who are both their heirs
and their descendants. By this facility the
impression is transmitted more entire, and
excites a greater degree of pride and vanity.
The case is the same with the transmission
of the honours and fortune through a succession
of males without their passing through any
female. It is a quality of human nature,
which we shall consider [Part II. Sect, 2.]
afterwards, that the imagination naturally
turns to whatever is important and considerable;
and where two objects are presented to it,
a small and a great one, usually leaves the
former, and dwells entirely upon the latter.
As in the society of marriage, the male sex
has the advantage above the female, the husband
first engages our attention; and whether
we consider him directly, or reach him by
passing through related objects, the thought
both rests upon him with greater satisfaction,
and arrives at him with greater facility
than his consort. It is easy to see, that
this property must strengthen the child's
relation to the father, and weaken that to
the mother. For as all relations are nothing
hut a propensity to pass from one idea ma
another, whatever strengthens the propensity
strengthens the relation; and as we have
a stronger propensity to pass from the idea
of the children to that of the father, than
from the same idea to that of the mother,
we ought to regard the former relation as
the closer and more considerable. This is
the reason why children commonly bear their
father's name, and are esteemed to be of
nobler or baser birth, according to his family.
And though the mother should be possest of
a superior spirit and genius to the father,
as often happens, the general rule prevails,
notwithstanding the exceprion, according
to the doctrine above-explained. Nay even
when a superiority of any kind is so great,
or when any other reasons have such an effect,
as to make the children rather represent:
the mother's family than the father's, the
general rule still retains such an efficacy
that it weakens the relation, and makes a
kind of break in the line of ancestors. The
imagination runs not along them with facility,
nor is able to transfer the honour and credit
of the ancestors to their posterity of the
same name and family so readily, as when
the transition is conformable to the general
rules, and passes from father to son, or
from brother to brother.
SECT. X OF PROPERTY AND RICHES
But the relation, which is esteemed the closest,
and which of all others produces most commonly
the passion of pride, is that of property.
This relation it will be impossible for me
fully to explain before I come to treat of
justice and the other moral virtues. It is
sufficient to observe on this occasion, that
property may be defined, such a relation
betwixt a person and an object as permits
him, but forbids any other, the free use
and possession of it, without violating the
laws of justice and moral equity. If justice,
therefore, be a virtue, which has a natural
and original influence on the human mind,
property may be looked upon as a particular
species of causation; whether we consider
the liberty it gives the proprietor to operate
as he please upon the object or the advantages,
which he reaps from it. It is the same case,
if justice, according to the system of certain
philosophers, should be esteemed an artificial
and not a natural virtue. For then honour,
and custom, and civil laws supply the place
of natural conscience, and produce, in some
degree, the same effects. This in the mean
time is certain, that the mention of the
property naturally carries our thought to
the proprietor, and of the proprietor to
the property; which being a proof of a perfect
relation of ideas is all that is requisite
to our present purpose. A relation of ideas,
joined to that of impressions, always produces
a transition of affections; and therefore,
whenever any pleasure or pain arises from
an object, connected with us by property.
we may be certain, that either pride or humility
must arise from this conjunction of relations;
if the foregoing system be solid and satisfactory.
And whether it be so or not, we may soon
satisfy ourselves by the most cursory view
of human life.
Every thing belonging to a vain man is the
best that is any where to be found. His houses,
equipage, furniture, doaths, horses, hounds,
excel all others in his conceit; and it is
easy to observe, that from the least advantage
in any of these, he draws a new subject of
pride and vanity. His wine, if you'll believe
him, has a finer flavour than any other;
his cookery is more exquisite; his table
more orderly; his servants more expert; the
air, in which he lives, more healthful; the
soil he cultivates more fertile; his fruits
ripen earlier and to greater perfection:
Such a thing is remarkable for its novelty;
such another for its antiquity: This is the
workmanship of a famous artist; that belonged
once to such a prince or great man: All objects,
in a word, that are useful, beautiful or
surprising, or are related to such, may,
by means of property, give rise to this passion.
These agree in giving pleasure, and agree
in nothing else. This alone is common to
them; and therefore must be the quality that
produces the passion, which is their common
effect. As every new instance is a new argument,
and as the instances are here without number,
I may venture to affirm, that scarce any
system was ever so fully proved by experience,
as that which I have here advanced.
If the property of any thing, that gives
pleasure either by its utility, beauty or
novelty, produces also pride by a double
relation of impressions and ideas; we need
not be surprized, that the power of acquiring
this property, should have the same effect.
Now riches are to be considered as the power
of acquiring the property of what pleases;
and it is only in this view they have any
influence on the passions. Paper will, on
many occasions, be considered as riches,
and that because it may convey the power
of acquiring money: And money is not riches,
as it is a metal endowed with certain qualities
of solidity, weight and fusibility; but only
as it has a relation to the pleasures and
conveniences of life. Taking then this for
granted, which is in itself so evident, we
may draw from it one of the strongest arguments
I have yet employed to prove the influence
of the double relations on pride and humility.
It has been observed in treating of the understanding,
that the distinction, which we sometimes
make betwixt a power and the exercise of
it, is entirely frivolous, and that neither
man nor any other being ought ever to be
thought possest of any ability, unless it
be exerted and put in action. But though
this be strictly true in a just and philosophical
way of thinking, it is certain it is not
the philosophy of our passions; but that
many things operate upon them by means of
the idea and supposition of power, independent
of its actual exercise. We are pleased when
we acquire an ability of procuring pleasure,
and are displeased when another acquires
a power of giving pain. This is evident from
experience; but in order to give a just explication
of the matter, and account for this satisfaction
and uneasiness, we must weigh the following
reflections.
It is evident the error of distinguishing
power from its exercise proceeds not entirely
from the scholastic doctrine of free-will,
which, indeed, enters very little into common
life, and has but small influence on our
vulgar and popular ways of thinking. According
to that doctrine, motives deprive us not
of free-will, nor take away our power of
performing or forbearing any action. But
according to common notions a man has no
power, where very considerable motives lie
betwixt him and the satisfaction of his desires,
and determine him to forbear what he wishes
to perform. I do not think I have fallen
into my enemy's power, when I see him pass
me in the streets with a sword by his side,
while I am unprovided of any weapon. I know
that the fear of the civil magistrate is
as strong a restraint as any of iron, and
that I am in as perfect safety as if he were
chained or imprisoned. But when a person
acquires such an authority over me, that
not only there is no external obstacle to
his actions; but also that he may punish
or reward me as he pleases, without any dread
of punishment in his turn, I then attribute
a full power to him, and consider myself
as his subject or vassal.
Now if we compare these two cases, that of
a person, who has very strong motives of
interest or safety to forbear any action,
and that of another, who lies under no such
obligation, we shall find, according to the
philosophy explained in the foregoing book,
that the only known difference betwixt them
lies in this, that in the former case we
conclude from past experience, that the person
never will perform that action, and in the
latter, that he possibly or probably will
perform it. Nothing is more fluctuating and
inconstant on many occasions, than the will
of man; nor is there any thing but strong
motives, which can give us an absolute certainty
in pronouncing concerning any of his future
actions. When we see a person free from these
motives, we suppose a possibility either
of his acting or forbearing; and though in
general we may conclude him to be determined
by motives and causes, yet this removes not
the uncertainty of our judgment concerning
these causes, nor the influence of that uncertainty
on the passions. Since therefore we ascribe
a power of performing an action to every
one, who has no very powerful motive to forbear
it, and refuse it to such as have; it may
justly be concluded, that power has always
a reference to its exercise, either actual
or probable, and that we consider a person
as endowed with any ability when we find
from past experience, that it is probable,
or at least possible he may exert it. And
indeed, as our passions always regard the
real existence of objects, and we always
judge of this reality from past instances;
nothing can be more likely of itself, without
any farther reasoning, than that power consists
in the possibility or probability of any
action, as discovered by experience and the
practice of the world.
Now it is evident, that wherever a person
is in such a situadon with regard to me,
that there is no very powerful motive to
deter him from injuring me, and consequently
it is uncertain whether he will injure me
or not, I must be uneasy in such a situation,
and cannot consider the possibility or probability
of that injury without a sensible concern.
The passions are not only affected by such
events as are certain and infallible, but
also in an inferior degree by such as are
possible and contingent. And though perhaps
I never really feel any harm, and discover
by the event, that, philosophically speaking,
the person never had any power of harming
me; since he did not exert any; this prevents
not my uneasiness from the preceding uncertainty.
The agreeable passions may here operate as
well as the uneasy, and convey a pleasure
when I perceive a good to become either possible
or probable by the possibility or probability
of another's bestowing it on me, upon the
removal of any strong motives, which might
formerly have hindered him.
But we may farther observe, that this satisfaction
encreases, when any good approaches in such
a manner that it it in one's own power to
take or leave it, and there neither is any
physical impediment, nor any very strong
motive to hinder our enjoyment. As all men
desire pleasure, nothing can be more probable,
than its existence when there is no external
obstacle to the producing it, and men perceive
no danger in following their inclinations.
In that case their imagination easily anticipates
the satisfaction, and conveys the same joy,
as if they were persuaded of its real and
actual existence.
But this accounts not sufficiently for the
satisfaction, which attends riches. A miser
receives delight from his money; that is,
from the power it affords him of procuring
all the pleasures and conveniences of life,
though he knows he has enjoyed his riches
for forty years without ever employing them;
and consequently cannot conclude by any species
of reasoning, that the real existence of
these pleasures is nearer, than if he were
entirely deprived of all his possessions.
But though he cannot form any such conclusion
in a way of reasoning concerning she nearer
approach of the pleasure, it is certain he
imagines it to approach nearer, whenever
all external obstacles are removed, along
with the more powerful motives of interest
and danger, which oppose it. For farther
satisfaction on this head I must refer to
my account of the will, where I shall [Part
III. Sect. 2.] explain that false sensation
of liberty, which make, us imagine we can
perform any thing, that is not very dangerous
or destructive. Whenever any other person
is under no strong obligations of interest
to forbear any pleasure, we judge from experience,
that the pleasure will exist, and that he
will probably obtain it. But when ourselves
are in that situation, we judge from an illusion
of the fancy, that the pleasure is still
closer and more immediate. The will seems
to move easily every way, and casts a shadow
or image of itself, even to that side, on
which it did not settle. By means of this
image the enjoyment seems to approach nearer
to us, and gives us the same lively satisfaction,
as if it were perfectly certain and unavoidable.
It will now be easy to draw this whole reasoning
to a paint, and to prove, that when riches
produce any pride or vanity in their possessors,
as they never fail so do, it is only by means
of a double relation of impressions and ideas.
The very essence of riches consists in the
power of procuring the pleasures and conveniences
of life. The very essence of this consists
in the probability of its exercise, and in
its causing us to anticipate, by a true or
false reasoning, the real existence of the
pleasure. This anticipation of pleasure is,
in itself, a very considerable pleasure;
and as its cause is some possession or property,
which we enjoy, and which is thereby related
to us, we here dearly see all the parts of
the foregoing system most exactly and distinctly
drawn out before us. For the same reason,
that riches cause pleasure and pride, and
poverty excites uneasiness and humility,
power must produce the former emotions, and
slavery the latter. Power or an authority
over others makes us capable of satisfying
all our desires; as slavery, by subjecting
us to the will of others, exposes us to a
thousand wants, and mortifications.
It is here worth observing, that the vanity
of power, or shame of slavery, are much augmented
by the consideration of the persons, over
whom we exercise our authority, or who exercise
it over us. For supposing it possible to
frame statues of such an admirable mechanism,
that they coued move and act in obedience
to the will; it is evident the possession
of them would give pleasure and pride, but
not to such a degree, as the same authority,
when exerted over sensible and rational creatures,
whose condition, being compared to our own,
makes it seem more agreeable and honourable.
Comparison is in every case a sure method
of augmenting our esteem of any thing. A
rich man feels the felicity of his condition
better by opposing it to that of a beggar.
But there is a peculiar advantage in power,
by the contrast, which is, in a manner, presented
to us, betwixt ourselves and the person we
command. The comparison is obvious and natural:
The imagination finds it in the very subject:
The passage of the thought to its conception
is smooth and easy. And that this circumstance
has a considerable effect in augmenting its
influence, will appear afterwards in examining
the nature of malice and envy.
SECT. XI OF THE LOVE OF FAME
But beside these original causes of pride
and humility, there is a secondary one in
the opinions of others, which has an equal
influence on the affections. Our reputation,
our character, our name are considerations
of vast weight and importance; and even the
other causes of pride; virtue, beauty and
riches; have little influence, when not seconded
by the opinions and sentiments of others.
In order to account for this phaenomenon
it will be necessary to take some compass,
and first explain the nature of sympathy.
No quality of human nature is more remarkable,
both in itself and in its consequences, than
that propensity we have to sympathize with
others, and to receive by communication their
inclinations and sentiments, however different
from, or even contrary to our own. This is
not only conspicuous in children, who implicitly
embrace every opinion proposed to them; but
also in men of the greatest judgment and
understanding, who find it very difficult
to follow their own reason or inclination,
in opposition to that of their friends and
daily companions. To this principle we ought
to ascribe the great uniformity we may observe
in the humours and turn of thinking of those
of the same nation; and it is much more probable,
that this resemblance arises from sympathy,
than from any influence of the soil and climate,
which, though they continue invariably the
same, are not able to preserve the character
of a nation the same for a century together.
A good-natured man finds himself in an instant
of the same humour with his company; and
even the proudest and most surly take a tincture
from their countrymen and acquaintance. A
chearful countenance infuses a sensible complacency
and serenity into my mind; as an angry or
sorrowful one throws a sudden dump upon me.
Hatred, resentment, esteem, love, courage,
mirth and melancholy; all these passions
I feel more from communication than from
my own natural temper and disposition. So
remarkable a phaenomenon merits our attention,
and must be traced up to its first principles.
When any affection is infused by sympathy,
it is at first known only by its effects,
and by those external signs in the countenance
and conversation, which convey an idea of
it. This idea is presently converted into
an impression, and acquires such a degree
of force and vivacity, as to become the very
passion itself, and produce an equal emotion,
as any original affection. However instantaneous
this change of the idea into an impression
may be, it proceeds from certain views and
reflections, which will not escape the strict
scrutiny of a. philosopher, though they may
the person himself, who makes them.
It is evident, that the idea, or rather impression
of ourselves is always intimately present
with us, and that our consciousness gives
us so lively a conception of our own person,
that it is not possible to imagine, that
any thing can in this particular go beyond
it. Whatever object, therefore, is related
to ourselves must be conceived with a little
vivacity of conception, according to the
foregoing principles; and though this relation
should not be so strong as that of causation,
it must still have a considerable influence.
Resemblance and contiguity are relations
not to be neglected; especially when by an
inference from cause and effect, and by the
observation of external signs, we are informed
of the real existence of the object, which
is resembling or contiguous.
Now it is obvious, that nature has preserved
a great resemblance among all human creatures,
and that we never remark any passion or principle
in others, of which, in some degree or other,
we may not find a parallel in ourselves.
The case is the same with the fabric of the
mind, as with that of the body. However the
parts may differ in shape or size, their
structure and composition are in general
the same. There is a very remarkable resemblance,
which preserves itself amidst all their variety;
and this resemblance must very much contribute
to make us enter into the sentiments of others;
and embrace them with facility and pleasure.
Accordingly we find, that where, beside the
general resemblance of our natures, there
is any peculiar similarity in our manners,
or character, or country, or language, it
facilitates the sympathy. The stronger the
relation is betwixt ourselves and any object,
the more easily does the imagination make
the transition, and convey to the related
idea the vivacity of conception, with which
we always form the idea of our own person.
Nor is resemblance the only relation, which
has this effect, but receives new force from
other relations, that may accompany it. The
sentiments of others have little influence,
when far removed from us, and require the
relation of contiguity, to make them communicate
themselves entirely. The relations of blood,
being a species of causation, may sometimes
contribute to the same effect; as also acquaintance,
which operates in the same manner with education
and custom; as we shall see more fully [Part
II. Sect. 4.] afterwards. All these relations,
when united together, convey the impression
or consciousness of our own person to the
idea of the sentiments or passions of others,
and makes us conceive them in the strongest
and most lively manner.
It has been remarked in the beginning of
this treatise, that all ideas are borrowed
from impressions, and that these two kinds
of perceptions differ only in the degrees
of force and vivacity, with which they strike
upon the soul. The component part of ideas
and impressions are precisely alike. The
manner and order of their appearance may
be the same. The different degrees of their
force and vivacity are, therefore, the only
particulars, that distinguish them: And as
this difference may be removed, in some measure,
by a relation betwixt the impressions and
ideas, it is no wonder an idea of a sentiment
or passion, may by this means be inlivened
as to become the very sentiment or passion.
The lively idea of any object always approaches
is impression; and it is certain we may feel
sickness and pain from the mere force of
imagination, and make a malady real by often
thinking of it. But this is most remarkable
in the opinions and affections; and it is
there principally that a lively idea is converted
into an impression. Our affections depend
more upon ourselves, and the internal operations
of the mind, than any other impressions;
for which reason they arise more naturally
from the imagination, and from every lively
idea we form of them. This is the nature
and cause of sympathy; and it is after this
manner we enter so deep into the opinions
and affections of others, whenever we discover
them.
What is principally remarkable in this whole
affair is the strong confirmation these phaenomena
give to the foregoing system concerning the
understanding, and consequently to the present
one concerning the passions; since these
are analogous to each other. It is indeed
evident, that when we sympathize with the
passions and sentiments of others, these
movements appear at first in our mind as
mere ideas, and are conceived to belong to
another person, as we conceive any other
matter of fact. It is also evident, that
the ideas of the affections of others are
converted into the very impressions they
represent, and that the passions arise in
conformity to the images we form of them.
All this is an object of the plainest experience,
and depends not on any hypothesis of philosophy.
That science can only be admitted to explain
the phaenomena; though at the same time it
must be confest, they are so clear of themselves,
that there is but little occasion to employ
it. For besides the relation of cause and
effect, by which we are convinced of the
reality of the passion, with which we sympathize;
besides this, I say, we must be assisted
by the relations of resemblance and contiguity,
in order to feel the sympathy in its full
perfection. And since these relations can
entirely convert an idea into an impression,
and convey the vivacity of the latter into
the former, so perfectly as to lose nothing
of it in the transition, we may easily conceive
how the relation of cause and effect alone,
may serve to strengthen and inliven an idea.
In sympathy there is an evident conversion
of an idea into an impression. This conversion
arises from the relation of objects to ourself.
Ourself is always intimately present to us.
Let us compare all these circumstances, and
we shall find, that sympathy is exactly correspondent
to the operations of our understanding; and
even contains something more surprizing and
extraordinary.
It is now time to turn our view from the
general consideration of sympathy, to its
influence on pride and humility, when these
passions arise from praise and blame, from
reputation and infamy. We may observe, that
no person is ever praised by another for
any quality, which would not, if real, produce,
of itself, a pride in the person possest
of it. The elogiums either turn upon his
power, or riches, or family, or virtue; all
of which are subjects of vanity, that we
have already explained and accounted for.
It is certain, then, that if a person considered
himself in the same light, in which he appears
to his admirer, he would first receive a
separate pleasure, and afterwards a pride
or self-satisfaction, according to the hypothesis
above explained. Now nothing is more natural
than for us to embrace the opinions of others
in this particular; both from sympathy, which
renders all their sentiments intimately present
to us; and from reasoning, which makes us
regard their judgment, as a kind of argument
for what they affirm. These two principles
of authority and sympathy influence almost
all our opinions; but must have a peculiar
influence, when we judge of our own worth
and character. Such judgments are always
attended with passion [Book I, Part III.
Sect. 10.]; and nothing tends more to disturb
our understanding, and precipitate us into
any opinions, however unreasonable, than
their connexion with passion; which diffuses
itself over the imagination, and gives an
additional force to every related idea. To
which we may add, that being conscious of
great partiality in our own favour, we are
peculiarly pleased with any thing, that confirms
the good opinion we have of ourselves, and
are easily shocked with whatever opposes
it.
All this appears very probable in theory;
but in order to bestow a full certainty on
this reasoning, we must examine the phaenonena
of the passions, and see if they agree with
it.
Among these phaenomena we may esteem it a
very favourable one to our present purposes
that though fame in general be agreeable,
yet we receive a much greater satisfaction
from the approbation of those, whom we ourselves
esteem and approve of, than of those, whom
we hate and despise. In like measure we are
principally mortifyed with the contempt of
persons, upon whose judgment we set some
value, and are, in a peat measure, indifferent
about the opinions of the rest of mankind.
But if the mind received from any original
instinct a desire of fame and aversion to
infamy, fame and infamy would influence us
without distinction; and every opinion, according
as it were favourabk or unfavourable, would
equally excite that desire or aversion. The
judgment of a fool is the judgment of another
person, as well as that of a wise man, and
is only inferior in its influence on our
own judgment.
We are not only better pleased with the approbation
of a wise man than with that of a fool, but
receive an additional satisfaction from the
former, when it is obtained after a long
and intimate acquaintance. This is accounted
for after the same manner.
The praises of others never give us much
pleasure, unless they concur with our own
opinion, and extol us for those qualities,
in which we chiefly excel. A mere soldier
little values the character of eloquence:
A gownman of courage: A bishop of humour:
Or a merchant of learning. Whatever esteem
a man may have for any quality, abstractedly
considered; when he is conscious he is not
possest of it; the opinions of the whole
world will give him little pleasure in that
particular, and that because they never will
be able to draw his own opinion after them.
Nothing is more usual than for men of good
families, but narrow circumstances, to leave
their friends and country, and rather seek
their livelihood by mean and mechanical employments
among strangers, than among those, who are
acquainted with their birth and education.
We shall be unknown, say they, where we go.
No body will suspect from what family we
are sprung. We shall be removed from all
our friends and acquaintance, and our poverty
and meanness will by that means sit more
easy upon us. In examining these sentiments,
I find they afford many very convincing arguments
for my present purpose.
First, We may infer from them, that the uneasiness
of being contemned depends on sympathy, and
that sympathy depends on the relation of
objects to ourselves; since we are most uneasy
under the contempt of persons, who are both
related to us by blood, and contiguous in
place. Hence we-seek to diminish this sympathy
and uneasiness by separating these relations,
and placing ourselves in a contiguity to
strangers, and at a distance from relations.
Secondly, We may conclude, that relations
are requisite to sympathy, not absolutely
considered as relations, but by their influence
in converting our ideas of the sentiments
of others into the very sentiments, by means
of the association betwixt the idea of their
persons, and that of our own. For here the
relations of kindred and contiguity both
subsist; but not being united in the same
persons, they contribute in a less degree
to the sympathy.
Thirdly, This very circumstance of the diminution
of sympathy by the separation of relations
is worthy of our attention. Suppose I am
placed in a poor condition among strangers,
and consequently am but lightly treated;
I yet find myself easier in that situation,
than when I was every day exposed to the
contempt of my kindred and countrymen. Here
I feel a double contempt; from my relations,
but they are absent; from those about me,
but they are strangers. This double contempt
is likewise strengthened by the two relations
of kindred and contiguity. But as the persons
are not the same, who are connected with
me by those two relations, this difference
of ideas separates the impressions arising
from the contempt, and keeps them from running
into each other. The contempt of my neighbours
has a certain influence; as has also that
of my kindred: But these influences are distinct,
and never unite; as when the contempt proceeds
from persons who are at once both my neighbours
and kindred. This phaenomenon is analogous
to the system of pride and humility above-explained,
which may seem so extraordinary to vulgar
apprehensions.
Fourthly, A person in these circumstances
naturally conceals his birth from those among
whom he lives, and is very uneasy, if any
one suspects him to be of a family, much
superior to his present fortune and way of
living. Every thing in this world is judged
of by comparison. What is an immense fortune
for a private gentleman is beggary for a
prince. A peasant would think himself happy
in what cannot afford necessaries for a gentleman.
When a man has either been acustomed to a
more splendid way of living, or thinks himself
intitled to it by his birth and quality,
every thing below is disagreeable and even
shameful; and it is with she greatest industry
he conceals his pretensions to a better fortune.
Here he himself knows his misfortunes; but
as those, with whom he lives. are ignorant
of them, he has the disagreeable reflection
and comparison suggested only by his own
thoughts, and never receives it by a sympathy
with others; which must contribute very much
so his ease and satisfaction.
If there be any objections to this hypothesis,
THAT THE PLEASURE, WHICH WE RECEIVE FROM
PRAISE, ARISES FROM A COMMUNICATION OF SENTIMENTS,
we shall find, uponexamination, that these
objections, when taken in a properlight,
will serve to confirm it. Popular fame may
be agreeable even to a man, who despises
the vulgar; but it is because their multitude
gives them additional weight and authority.
Plagiaries are delighted with praises, which
they are conscious they do not deserve; but
this is a kind of castle-building, where
the imagination amuses itself with its own
fictions, and strives to render them firm
and stable by a sympathy with the sentiments
of others. Proud men are most shocked with
contempt, should they do not most readily
assent to it; but it is because of the opposition
betwixt the passion, which is natural so
them, and that received by sympathy. A violent
lover in like manner is very much disp pleased
when you blame and condemn his love; though
it is evident your opposition can have no
influence, but by the hold it takes of himself,
and by his sympathy with you. If he despises
you, or perceives you are in jest, whatever
you say has no effect upon him.
SECT. XII OF THE PRIDE AND HUMILITY OF ANIMALS
Thus in whatever light we consider this subject,
we may still observe, that die causes of
pride and humility correspond exactly to
our hypothesis, and that nothing can excite
either of these passions, unless it be both
related to ourselves, and produces a pleasure
or pain independent of the passion. We have
not only proved, that a tendency to produce
pleasure or pain is common to all the causes
of pride or humility, but also that it is
the only thing, which is common; and consequently
is the quality, by which they operate. We
have farther proved, that the most considerable
causes of these passions are really nothing
but the power of producing either agreeable
or uneasy sensations; and therefore that
all their effects, and amongst the rest,
pride and humility, are derived solely from
that origin. Such simple and natural principles,
founded on such solid proofs, cannot fail
to be received by philosophers, unless opposed
by some objections, that have escaped me.
It is usual with anatomists to join their
observations and experiments on human bodies
to those on beasts, and from the agreement
of these experiments to derive an additional
argument for any particular hypothesis. It
is indeed certain, that where the structure
of parts in brutes is the same as in men,
and the operation of these parts also the
same, the causes of that operation cannot
be different, and that whatever we discover
to be true of the one species, may be concluded
without hesitation to be certain of the other.
Thus though the mixture of humours and the
composition of minute parts may justly be
presumed so be somewhat different in men
from what it is in mere animals; and therefore
any experiment we make upon the one concerning
the effects of medicines will not always
apply to the other; yet as the structure
of the veins and muscles, the fabric and
situation of the heart, of the lungs, the
stomach, the liver and other parts, are the
same or nearly the same in all animals, the
very same hypothesis, which in one species
explains muscular motion, the progress of
the chyle, the circulation of the blood,
must be applicable to every one; and according
as it agrees or disagrees with the experiments
we may make in any species of creatures,
we may draw a proof of its truth or falshood
on the whole. Let us, therefore, apply this
method of enquiry, which is found so just
and useful in reasonings concerning the body,
to our present anatomy of the mind, and see
what discoveries we can make by it.
In order to this we must first shew the correspondence
of passions in men and animals, and afterwards
compare the causes, which produce these passions.
It is plain, that almost in every species
of creatures, but especially of the nobler
kind, there are many evident marks of pride
and humility. The very port and gait of a
swan, or turkey, or peacock show the high
idea he has entertained of himself, and his
contempt of all others. This is the more
remarkable, that in the two last species
of animals, the pride always attends the
beauty, and is discovered in the male only.
The vanity and emulation of nightingales
in singing have been commonly remarked; as
likewise that of horses in swiftness, of
hounds in sagacity and smell, of the bull
and cock in strength, and of every other
animal in his particular excellency. Add
to this, that every species of creatures,
which approach so often to man, as to familiarize
themselves with him, show an evident pride
in his approbation, and are pleased with
his praises and caresses, independent of
every other consideration. Nor are they the
caresses of every one without distinction,
which give them this vanity, but those principally
of the persons they know and love; in the
same manner as that passion is excited in
mankind. All these are evident proofs, that
pride and humility are not merely human passions,
but extend themselves over the whole animal
creation.
The CAUSES of these passions are likewise
much the same in beasts as in us, making
a just allowance for our superior knowledge
and understanding. Thus animals have little
or no sense of virtue or vice; they quickly
lose sight of the relations of blood; and
are incapable of that of right and property:
For which reason the causes of their pride
and humility must lie solely in the body,
and can never be placed either in the mind
or external objects. But so far as regards
the body, the same qualities cause pride
in the animal as in the human kind; and it
is on beauty, strength, swiftness or some
other useful or agreeable quality that this
passion is always founded.
The next question is, whether, since those
passions are the same, and arise from the
same causes through the whole creation, the
manner, in which the causes operate, be also
the same. According to all rules of analogy,
this is justly to be expected; and if we
find upon trial, that the explication of
these phaenomena, which we make use of in
one species, will not apply to the rest,
we may presume that that explication, however
specious, is in reality without foundation.
In order to decide this question, let us
consider, that there is evidently the same
relation of ideas, and derived from the same
causes, in the minds of animals as in those
of men. A dog, that has hid a bone, often
forgets the place; but when brought to it,
his thought passes easily to what he formerly
concealed, by means of the contiguity, which
produces a relation among his ideas. In like
manner, when he has been heartily beat in
any place, he will tremble on his approach
to it, even though he discover no signs of
any present danger. The effects of resemblance
are not so remarkable; but as that relation
makes a considerable ingredient in causation,
of which all animals shew so evident a judgment,
we may conclude that the three relations
of resemblance, contiguity and causation
operate in the same manner upon beasts as
upon human creatures.
There are also instances of the relation
of impressions, sufficient to convince us,
that there is an union of certain affections
with each other in the inferior species of
creatures as well as in the superior, and
that their minds are frequently conveyed
through a series of connected emotions. A
dog, when elevated with joy, runs naturally
into love and kindness, whether of his master
or of the sex. In like manner, when full
of pain and sorrow, he becomes quarrelsome
and illnatured; and that passion; which at
first was grief, is by the smallest occasion
converted into anger.
Thus all the internal principles, that are
necessary in us to produce either pride or
humility, are commcm to all creaturn; and
since the causes, which excite these passions,
are likewise the same, we may justly conclude,
that these causes operate after the same
manner through the whole animal creation.
My hypothesis Is so simple, and supposes
so little reflection and judgment, that it
is applicable to every sensible creature;
which must not only be allowed to be a convincing
proof of its veracity, but, I am confident,
will be found an objection to every other
system.
PART II OF LOVE AND HATRED
SECT. I OF THE OBJECT AND CAUSES OF LOVE
AND HATRED
It is altogether impossible to give any definition
of the passions of love and hatred; and that
because they produce merely a simple impression,
without any mixture or composition. Twould
be as unnecessary to attempt any description
of them, drawn from their nature, origin,
causes and objects; and that both because
these are the subjects of our present enquiry,
and because these passions of themselves
are sufficiently known from our common feeling
and experience. This we have already observed
concerning pride and humility, and here repeat
it concerning love and hatred; and indeed
there is so great a resemblance betwixt these
two sets of passions, that we shall be obliged
to begin with a kind of abridgment of our
reasonings concerning the former, in order
to explain the latter.
As the immediate object of pride and humility
is self or that identical person, of whose
thoughts, actions, and sensations we are
intimately conscious; so the object of love
and hatred is some other person, of whose
thoughts, actions, and sensations we are
not conscious. This is sufficiently evident
from experience. Our love and hatred are
always directed to some sensible being external
to us; and when we talk of self-love, it
is not in a proper sense, nor has the sensation
it produces any thing in common with that
tender emotion which is excited by a friend
or mistress. It is the same case with hatred.
We may be mortified by our own faults and
follies; but never feel any anger or hatred
except from the injuries of others.
But though the object of love and hatred
be always some other person, it is plain
that the object is not, properly speaking,
the cause of these passions, or alone sufficient
to excite them. For since love and hatred
are directly contrary in their sensation,
and have the same object in common, if that
object were also their cause, it would produce
these opposite passions in an equal degree;
and as they must, from the very first moment,
destroy each other, none of them would ever
be able to make its appearance. There must,
therefore, be some cause different from the
object.
If we consider the causes of love and hatred,
we shall find they are very much diversifyed,
and have not many things in common. The virtue,
knowledge, wit, good sense, good humour of
any person, produce love and esteem; as the
opposite qualities, hatred and contempt.
The same passions arise from bodily accomplishments,
such as beauty, force, swiftness, dexterity;
and from their contraries; as likewise from
the external advantages and disadvantages
of family, possession, cloaths, nation and
climate. There is not one of these objects,
but what by its different qualities may produce
love and esteem, or hatred and contempt.
From the view of these causes we may derive
a new distinction betwixt the quality that
operates, and the subject on which it is
placed. A prince, that is possessed of a
stately palace, commands the esteem of the
people upon that account; and that first,
by the beauty of the palace, and secondly,
by the relation of property, which connects
it with him. The removal of either of these
destroys the passion; which evidently proves
that the cause Is a compounded one.
Twould be tedious to trace the passions of
love and hatred, through all the observations
which we have formed concerning pride and
humility, and which are equally applicable
to both sets of passions. Twill be sufficient
to remark in general, that the object of
love and hatred is evidently some thinking
person; and that the sensation of the former
passion is always agreeable, and of the latter
uneasy. We may also suppose with some shew
of probability, THAT THE CAUSE OF BOTH THESE
PASSIONS IS ALWAYS RELATED TO A THINKING
BEING, AND THAT THE CAUSE OF THE FORMER PRODUCE
A SEPARATE PLEASURE, AND OF THE LATTER A
SEPARATE UNEASINESS.
One of these suppositions, viz, that the
cause of love and hatred must be related
to a person or thinking being, in order to
produce these passions, is not only probable,
but too evident to be contested. Virtue and
vice, when considered in the abstract; beauty
and deformity, when placed on inanimate objects;
poverty and riches when belonging to a third
person, excite no degree of love or hatred,
esteem or contempt towards those, who have
no relation to them. A person looking out
at a window, sees me in the street, and beyond
me a beautiful palace, with which I have
no concern: I believe none will pretend,
that this person will pay me the same respect,
as if I were owner of the palace.
It is not so evident at first sight, that
a relation of impressions is requisite to
these passions, and that because in the transition
the one impression is so much confounded
with the other, that they become in a manner
undistinguishable. But as in pride and humility,
we have easily been able to make the separation,
and to prove, that every cause of these passions,
produces a separate pain or pleasure, I might
here observe the same method with the same
success, in examining particularly the several
causes of love and hatred. But as I hasten
a full and decisive proof of these systems,
I delay this examination for a moment: And
in the mean time shall endeavour to convert
to my present purpose all my reaaonings concerning
pride and humility, by an argument that is
founded on unquestionable examination.
There are few persons, that are satisfyed
with their own character, or genius, or fortune,
who are nor desirous of shewing themselves
to the world, and of acquiring the love and
approbation of mankind. Now it is evident,
that the very same qualities and circumstances,
which are the causes of pride or self-esteem,
are also the causes of vanity or the desire
of reputation; and that we always put to
view those particulars with which in ourselves
we are best satisfyed. But if love and esteem
were not produced by the same qualities as
pride, according as these qualities are related
to ourselves or others, this method of proceeding
would be very absurd, nor coued men expect
a correspondence in the sentiments of every
other person, with those themselves have
entertained. It is true, few can form exact
systems of the passions, or make reflections
on their general nature and resemblances.
But without such a progress in philosophy,
we are not subject to many mistakes in this
particular, but are sufficiently guided by
common experience, as well as by a kind of
presentation; which tells us what will operate
on others, by what we feel immediately in
ourselves. Since then the same qualities
that produce pride or humility, cause love
or hatred; all the arguments that have been
employed to prove, that the causes of the
former passions excite a pain or pleasure
independent of the passion, will be applicable
with equal evidence to the causes of the
latter.
SECT. II EXPERIMENTS TO CONFIRM THIS SYSTEM
Upon duly weighing these arguments, no one
will make any scruple to assent to that condusion
I draw from them, concerning the transition
along related impressions and ideas, especially
as it is a principle, in itself, so easy
and natural. But that we may place this system
beyond doubt both with regard to love and
hatred, pride and humility, it will be proper
to make some new experiments upon all these
passions, as well as to recal a few of these
observations, which I have formerly touched
upon.
In order to make these experiments, let us
suppose I am in company with a person, whom
I formerly regarded without any sentiments
either of friendship or enmity. Here I have
the natural and ultimate object of all these
four passions placed before me. Myself am
the proper object of pride or humility; the
other person of love or hatred.
Regard now with attention the nature of these
passions, and their situation with respect
to each other. It is evident here are four
affections, placed, as it were, in a square
or regular connexion with, and distance from
each other. The passions of pride and humility,
as well as those of love and hatred, are
connected together by the identity of their
object, which to the first set of passions
is self, to the second some other person.
These two lines of communication or connexion
form two opposite sides of the square. Again,
pride and love are agreeable passions; hatred
and humility uneasy. This similitude of sensation
betwixt pride and love, and that betwixt
humility and hatred form a new connexion,
and may be considered as the other two sides
of the square. Upon the whole, pride is connected
with humility, love with hatred, by their
objects or ideas: Pride with love, humility
with hatred, by their sensations or impressions.
I say then, that nothing can produce any
of these passions without bearing it a double
relation, viz, of ideas to the object of
the passion, and of sensation to the passion
itself. This we must prove by our experiments.
First Experiment. To proceed with the greater
order in these experiments, let us first
suppose, that being placed in the situation
above-mentioned, viz, in company with some
other person, there is an object presented,
that has no relation either of impressions
or ideas to any of these passions. Thus suppose
we regard together an ordinary stone, or
other common object, belonging to neither
of us, and causing of itself no emotion,
or independent pain and pleasure: It is evident
such an object will produce none of these
four passions. Let us try it upon each of
them successively. Let us apply it to love,
to hatred, to humility, to pride; none of
them ever arises in the smallest degree imaginable.
Let us change the object, as oft as we please;
provided still we choose one, that has neither
of these two relations. Let us repeat the
experiment in all the dispositions, of which
the mind is susceptible. No object, in the
vast variety of nature, will, in any disposition,
produce any passion without these relations.
Second Experiment. Since an object, that
wants both these relations can never produce
any passion, let us bestow on it only one
of these relations; and see what will follow.
Thus suppose, I regard a stone or any common
object, that belongs either to me or my companion,
and by that means acquires a relation of
ideas to the object of the passions: It is
plain, that to consider the matter a priori,
no emotion of any kind can reasonably be
expected. For besides, that a relation of
ideas operates secretly and calmly on the
mind, it bestows an equal impulse towards
the opposite passions of pride and humility,
love and hatred, according as the object
belongs to ourselves or others; which opposition
of the passions must destroy both, and leave
the mind perfectly free from any affection
or emotion. This reasoning a priori is confirmed
by experience. No trivial or vulgar object,
that causes not a pain or pleasure, independent
of the passion, will ever, by its property
or other relations either to ourselves or
others, be able to produce the affections
of pride or humility, love or hatred.
Third Experiment. It is evident, therefore,
that a relation of ideas is not able alone
to give rise to these affections. Let us
now remove this relation, and in its stead
place a relation of impressions, by presenting
an object, which is agreeable or disagreeable,
but has no relation either to ourself or
companion; and let us observe the consequences.
To consider the matter first a priori, as
in the preceding experiment; we may conclude,
that the object will have a small, but an
uncertain connexion with these passions.
For besides, that this relation is not a
cold and imperceptible one, it has not the
inconvenience of the relation of ideas, nor
directs us with equal force to two contrary
passions, which by their opposition destroy
each other. But if we consider, on the other
hand, that this transition from the sensation
to the affection is not forwarded by any
principle, that produces a transition of
ideas; but, on the contrary, that though
the one impression be easily transfused into
the other, yet the change of objects is supposed
contrary to all the principles, that cause
a transition of that kind; we may from thence
infer, that nothing will ever be a steady
or durable cause of any passion, that is
connected with the passion merely by a relation
of impressions. What our reason would conclude
from analogy, after balancing these arguments,
would be, that an object, which produces
pleasure or uneasiness, but has no manner
of connexion either with ourselves or others,
may give such a turn to the disposition,
as that may naturally fall into pride or
love, humility or hatred, and search for
other objects, upon which by a double relation,
it can found these affections; but that an
object, which has only one of these relations,
though the most advantageous one, can never
give rise to any constant and established
passion.
Most fortunately all this reasoning is found
to be exactly conformable to experience,
and the phaenomena of the passions. Suppose
I were travelling with a companion through
a country, to which we are both utter strangers;
it is evident, that if the prospects be beautiful,
the roads agreeable, and the inns commodious,
this may put me into good humour both with
myself and fellow-traveller. But as we suppose,
that this country has no relation either
to myself or friend it can never be the immediate
cause of pride or love; and therefore if
I found not the passion on some other object,
that bears either of us a closer relation,
my emotions are rather to be considerd as
the overflowings of an elevate or humane
disposition, than as an established passion.
The case is the same where the object produces
uneasiness.
Fourth Experiment. Having found, that neither
an object without any relation of ideas or
impressions, nor an object, that has only
one relation, can ever cause pride or humility,
love or hatred; reason alone may convince
us, without any farther experiment, that
whatever has a double relation must necessarily
excite these passions; since it is evident
they must have some cause. But to leave as
little room for doubt as possible, let us
renew our experiments, and see whether the
event in this case answers our expectation.
I choose an object, such as virtue, that
causes a separate satisfaction: On this object
I bestow a relation to self; and find, that
from this disposition of affairs, there immediately
arises a passion. But what passion? That
very one of pride, to which this object bears
a double relation. Its idea is related to
that of self, the object of the passion:
The sensation it causes resembles the sensation
of the passion. That I may be sure I am not
mistaken in this experiment, I remove first
one relation; then another; and find, that
each removal destroys the passion, and leaves
the object perfectly indifferent. But I am
not content with this. I make a still farther
trial; and instead of removing the relation,
I only change it for one of a different kind.
I suppose the virtue to belong to my companion,
not to myself; and observe what follows from
this alteration. I immediately perceive the
affections wheel to about, and leaving pride,
where there is only one relation, viz, of
impressions, fall to the side of love, where
they are attracted by a double relation of
impressions and ideas. By repeating the same
experiment, in changing anew the relation
of ideas, I bring the affections back to
pride; and by a new repetition I again place
them at love or kindness. Being fully convinced
of the influence of this relation, I try
the effects of the other; and by changing
virtue for vice, convert the pleasant impression,
which arises from the former, into the disagreeable
one, which proceeds from the latter. The
effect still answers expectation. Vice, when
placed on another, excites, by means of its
double relations, the passion of hatred,
instead of love, which for the same reason
arises from virtue. To continue the experiment,
I change anew the relation of ideas, and
suppose the vice to belong to myself. What
follows? What is usual. A subsequent change
of the passion from hatred to humility. This
humility I convert into pride by a new change
of the impression; and find after all that
I have compleated the round, and have by
these changes brought back the passion to
that very situation, in which I first found
it.
But to make the matter still more certain,
I alter the object; and instead of vice and
virtue, make the trial upon beauty and deformity,
riches and poverty, power and servitude.
Each of these objects runs the circle of
the passions in the same manner, by a change
of their relations: And in whatever order
we proceed, whether through pride, love,
hatred, humility, or through humility, hatred,
love, pride, the experiment is not in the
least diversifyed. Esteem and contempt, indeed,
arise on some occasions instead of love and
hatred; but these are at the bottom the same
passions, only diversifyed by some causes,
which we shall explain afterwards.
Fifth Experiment. To give greater authority
to these experiments, let us change the situation
of affairs as much as possible, and place
the passions and objects in all the different
positions, of which they are susceptible.
Let us suppose, beside the relations above-mentioned,
that the person, along with whom I make all
these experiments, is closely connected with
me either by blood or friendship. He is,
we shall suppose, my son or brother, or is
united to me by a long and familiar acquaintance.
Let us next suppose, that the cause of the
passion acquires a double relation of impressions
and ideas to this person; and let us see
what the effects are of all these complicated
attractions and relations.
Before we consider what they are in fact,
let us determine what they ought to be, conformable
to my hypothesis. It is plain, that, according
as the impression is either pleasant or uneasy,
the passion of love or hatred must arise
towards the person, who is thus connected
to the cause of the impression by these double
relations, which I have all along required.
The virtue of a brother must make me love
him; as his vice or infamy must excite the
contrary passion. But to judge only from
the situation of affairs, I should not expect,
that the affections would rest there, and
never transfuse themselves into any other
impression. As there is here a person, who
by means of a double relation is the object
of my passion, the very same reasoning leads
me to think the passion will be carryed farther.
The person has a relation of ideas to myself,
according to the supposition; the passion,
of which he is the object, by being either
agreeable or uneasy, has a relation of impressions
to pride or humility. It is evident, then,
that one of these passions must arise from
the love or hatred.
This is the reasoning I form in conformity
to my hypothesis; and am pleased to find
upon trial that every thing answers exactly
to my expectation. The virtue or vice of
a son or brother not only excites love or
hatred, but by a new transition, from similar
causes, gives rise to pride or humility.
Nothing causes greater vanity than any shining
quality in our relations; as nothing mortifies
us more than their vice or infamy. This exact
conformity of experience to our reasoning
is a convincing proof of the solidity of
that hypothesis, upon which we reason.
Sixth Experiment. This evidence will be still
augmented, if we reverse the experiment,
and preserving still the same relations,
begin only with a different passion. Suppose,
that instead of the virtue or vice of a son
or brother, which causes first love or hatred,
and afterwards pride or humility, we place
these good or bad qualities on ourselves,
without any immediate connexion with the
person, who is related to us: Experience
shews us, that by this change of situation
the whole chain is broke, and that the mind
is not conveyed from one passion to another,
as in the preceding instance. We never love
or hate a son or brother for the virtue or
vice we discern in ourselves; though it is
evident the same qualities in him give us
a very sensible pride or humility. The transition
from pride or humility to love or hatred
is not so natural as from love or hatred
to pride or humility. This may at first sight
be esteemed contrary to my hypothesis; since
the relations of impressions and ideas are
in both cases precisely the same. Pride and
humility are impressions related to love
and hatred. Myself am related to the person.
It should, therefore, be expected, that like
causes must produce like effects, and a perfect
transition arise from the double relation,
as in all other cases. This difficulty we
may easily solve by the following reflections.
It is evident, that as we are at all times
intimately conscious of ourselves, our sentiments
and passions, their ideas must strike upon
us with greater vivacity than the ideas of
the sentiments and passions of any other
person. But every thing, that strikes upon
us with vivacity, and appears in a full and
strong light, forces itself, in a manner,
into our consideration, and becomes present
to the mind on the smallest hint and most
trivial relation. For the same reason, when
it is once present, it engages the attention,
and keeps it from wandering to other objects,
however strong may be their relation to our
first object. The imagination passes easily
from obscure to lively ideas, but with difficulty
from lively to obscure. In the one case the
relation is aided by another principle: In
the other case, it is opposed by it.
Now I have observed, that those two faculties
of the mind, the imagination and passions,
assist each other in their operations when
their propensities are similar, and when
they act upon the same object. The mind has
always a propensity to pass from a passion
to any other related to it; and this propensity
is forwarded when the object of the one passion
is related to that of the other. The two
impulses concur with each other, and render
the whole transition more smooth and easy.
But if it should happen, that while the relation
of ideas, strictly speaking, continues the
same, its influence, in causing a transition
of the imagination, should no longer take
place, it is evident its influence on the
passions must also cease, as being dependent
entirely on that transition. This is the
reason why pride or humility is not transfused
into love or hatred with the same ease, that
the latter passions are changed into the
former. If a person be my brother I am his
likewise: but though the relations be reciprocal
they have very different effects on the imagination.
The passage is smooth and open from the consideration
of any person related to us to that of ourself,
of whom we are every moment conscious. But
when the affections are once directed to
ourself, the fancy passes not with the same
facility from that object to any other person,
how closely so ever connected with us. This
easy or difficult transition of the imagination
operates upon the passions, and facilitates
or retards their transition, which is a clear
proof, that these two faculties of the passions
and imagination are connected together, and
that the relations of ideas have an influence
upon the affections. Besides innumerable
experiments that prove this, we here find,
that even when the relation remains; if by
any particular circumstance its usual effect
upon the fancy in producing an association
or transition of ideas, is prevented; its
usual effect upon the passions, in conveying
us from one to another, is in like manner
prevented.
Some may, perhaps, find a contradiction betwixt
this phaenomenon and that of sympathy, where
the mind passes easily from the idea of ourselves
to that of any other object related to us.
But this difficulty will vanish, if we consider
that in sympathy our own person is not the
object of any passion, nor is there any thing,
that fixes our attention on ourselves; as
in the present case, where we are supposed
to be actuated with pride or humility. Ourself,
independent of the perception of every other
object, is in reality nothing: For which
reason we must turn our view to external
objects; and it is natural for us to consider
with most attention such as lie contiguous
to us, or resemble us. But when self is the
object of a passion, it is not natural to
quit the consideration of it, till the passion
be exhausted: in which case the double relations
of impressions and ideas can no longer operate.
Seventh Experiment. To put this whole reasoning
to a farther trial, let us make a new experiment;
and as we have already seen the effects of
related passions and ideas, let us here suppose
an identity of passions along with a relation
of ideas; and let us consider the effects
of this new situation. It is evident a transition
of the passions from the one object to the
other is here in all reason to be expected;
since the relation of ideas is supposed still
to continue, and identity of impressions
must produce a stronger connexion, than the
most perfect resemblance, that can be imagined.
If a double relation, therefore, of impressions
and ideas is able to produce a transition
from one to the other, much more an identity
of impressions with a relation of ideas.
Accordingly we find, that when we either
love or hate any person, the passions seldom
continue within their first bounds; but extend
themselves towards all the contiguous objects,
and comprehend the friends and relations
of him we love or hate. Nothing is more natural
than to bear a kindness to one brother on
account of our friendship for another, without
any farther examination of his character.
A quarrel with one person gives us a hatred
for the whole family, though entirely innocent
of that, which displeases us. Instances of
this kind are every where to be met with.
There is only one difficulty in this experiment,
which it will be necessary to account for,
before we proceed any farther. It is evident,
that though all passions pass easily from
one object to another related to it, yet
this transition is made with greater facility,
where the more considerable object is first
presented, and the lesser follows it, than
where this order is reversed, and the lesser
takes the precedence. Thus it is more natural
for us to love the son upon account of the
father, than the father upon account of the
son; the servant for the master, than the
master for the servant; the subject for the
prince, than the prince for the subject.
In like manner we more readily contract a
hatred against a whole family, where our
first quarrel is with the head of it, than
where we are displeased with a son, or servant,
or some inferior member. In short, our passions,
like other objects, descend with greater
facility than they ascend.
That we may comprehend, wherein consists
the difficulty of explaining this phaenomenon,
we must consider, that the very same reason,
which determines the imagination to pass
from remote to contiguous objects, with more
facility than from contiguous to remote,
causes it likewise to change with more ease,
the less for the greater, than the greater
for the less. Whatever has the greatest influence
is most taken notice of; and whatever is
most taken notice of, presents itself most
readily to the imagination. We are more apt
to over-look in any subject, what is trivial,
than what appears of considerable moment;
but especially if the latter takes the precedence,
and first engages our attention. Thus if
any accident makes us consider the Satellites
of JUPITER, our fancy is naturally determined
to form the idea of that planet; but if we
first reflect on the principal planet, it
is more natural for us to overlook its attendants.
The mention of the provinces of any empire
conveys our thought to the seat of the empire;
but the fancy returns not with the same facility
to the consideration of the provinces. The
idea of the servant makes us think of the
master; that of the subject carries our view
to the prince. But the same relation has
not an equal influence in conveying us back
again. And on this is founded that reproach
of Cornelia to her sons, that they ought
to be ashamed she should be more known by
the title of the daughter of Scipio than
by that of the mother of the Gracchi. This
was, in other words, exhorting them to render
themselves as illustrious and famous as their
grandfather, otherwise the imagination of
the people, passing from her who was intermediate,
and placed in an equal relation to both,
would always leave them, and denominate her
by what was more considerable and of greater
moment. On the same principle is founded
that common custom of making wives bear the
name of their husbands, rather than husbands
that of their wives; as also the ceremony
of giving the precedency to those, whom we
honour and respect. We might find many other
instances to confirm this principle, were
it not already sufficiently evident.
Now since the fancy finds the same facility
in passing from the lesser to the greater,
as from remote to contiguous, why does not
this easy transition of ideas assist the
transition of passions in the former case,
as well as in the latter? The virtues of
a friend or brother produce first love, and
then pride; because in that case the imagination
passes from remote to contiguous, according
to its propensity. Our own virtues produce
not first pride, and then love to a friend
or brother; because the passage in that case
would be from contiguous to remote, contrary
to its propensity. But the love or hatred
of an inferior causes not readily any passion
to the superior, though that be the natural
propensity of the imagination: While the
love or hatred of a superior, causes a passion
to the inferior, contrary to its propensity.
In short, the same facility of transition
operates not in the same manner upon superior
and inferior as upon contiguous and remote.
These two phaenomena appear contradictory,
and require some attention to be reconciled.
As the transition of ideas is here made contrary
to the natural propensity of the imagination,
that faculty must be overpowered by some
stronger principle of another kind; and as
there is nothing ever present to the mind
but impressions and ideas, this principle
must necessarily lie in the impressions.
Now it has been observed, that impressions
or passions are connected only by their resemblance,
and that where any two passions place the
mind in the same or in similar dispositions,
it very naturally passes from the one to
the other: As on the contrary, a repugnance
in the dispositions produces a difficulty
in the transition of the passions. But it
is observable, that this repugnance may arise
from a difference of degree as well as of
kind; nor do we experience a greater difficulty
in passing suddenly from a small degree of
love to a small degree of hatred, than from
a small to a great degree of either of these
affections. A man, when calm or only moderately
agitated, is so different, in every respect,
from himself, when disturbed with a violent
passion, that no two persons can be more
unlike; nor is it easy to pass from the one
extreme to the other, without a considerable
interval betwixt them.
The difficulty is not less, if it be not
rather greater, in passing from the strong
passion to the weak, than in passing from
the weak to the strong, provided the one
passion upon its appearance destroys the
other, and they do not both of them exist
at once. But the case is entirely altered,
when the passions unite together, and actuate
the mind at the same time. A weak passion,
when added to a strong, makes not so considerable
a change in the disposition, as a strong
when added to a weak; for which reason there
is a closer connexion betwixt the great degree
and the small, than betwixt the small degree
and the great.
The degree of any passion depends upon the
nature of its object; and an affection directed
to a person, who is considerable in our eyes,
fills and possesses the mind much more than
one, which has for its object a person we
esteem of less consequence. Here then the
contradiction betwixt the propensities of
the imagination and passion displays itself.
When we turn our thought to a great and a
small object, the imagination finds more
facility in passing from the small to the
great, than from the great to the small;
but the affections find a greater difficulty:
And as the affections are a more powerful
principle than the imagination, no wonder
they prevail over it, and draw the mind to
their side. In spite of the difficulty of
passing from the idea of great to that of
little, a passion directed to the former,
produces always a similar passion towards
the latter; when the great and little are
related together. The idea of the servant
conveys our thought most readily to the master;
but the hatred or love of the master produces
with greater facility anger or good-will
to the servant. The strongest passion in
this case takes the precedence; and the addition
of the weaker making no considerable change
on the disposition, the passage is by that
means rendered more easy and natural betwixt
them.
As in the foregoing experiment we found,
that a relation of ideas, which, by any particular
circumstance, ceases to produce its usual
effect of facilitating the transition of
ideas, ceases likewise to operate on the
passions; so in the present experiment we
find the same property of the impressions.
Two different degrees of the same passion
are surely related together; but if the smaller
be first present, it has little or no tendency
to introduce the greater; and that because
the addition of the great to the little,
produces a more sensible alteration on the
temper, than the addition of the little to
the great. These phaenomena, when duly weighed,
will be found convincing proofs of this hypothesis.
And these proofs will be confirmed, if we
consider the manner in which the mind here
reconciles the contradiction, I have observed
betwixt the passions and the imagination.
The fancy passes with more facility from
the less to the greater, than from the greater
to the less: But on the contrary a violent
passion produces more easily a feeble, than
that does a violent. In this opposition the
passion in the end prevails over the imagination;
but it is commonly by complying with it,
and by seeking another quality, which may
counter-ballance that principle, from whence
the opposition arises. When we love the father
or master of a family, we little think of
his children or servants. But when these
are present with us, or when it lies any
ways in our power to serve them, the nearness
and contiguity in this case encreases their
magnitude, or at least removes that opposition,
which the fancy makes to the transition of
the affections. If the imagination finds
a difficulty in passing from greater to less,
it finds an equal facility in passing from
remote to contiguous, which brings the matter
to an equality, and leaves the way open from
the one passion to the other.
Eighth Experiment. I have observed that the
transition from love or hatred to pride or
humility, is more easy than from pride or
humility to love or hatred; and that the
difficulty, which the imagination finds in
passing from contiguous to remote, is the
cause why we scarce have any instance of
the latter transition of the affections.
I must, however, make one exception, viz,
when the very cause of the pride and humility
is placed in some other person. For in that
case the imagination is necessitated to consider
the person, nor can it possibly confine its
view to ourselves. Thus nothing more readily
produces kindness and affection to any person,
than his approbation of our conduct and character:
As on the other hand, nothing inspires us
with a stronger hatred, than his blame or
contempt. Here it is evident, that the original
passion is pride or humility, whose object
is self; and that this passion is transfused
into love or hatred, whose object is some
other person, notwithstanding the rule I
have already established, THAT THE IMAGINATION
PASSES WITH DIFFICULTY FROM CONTIGUOUS TO
REMOTE. But the transition in this case is
not made merely on account of the relation
betwixt ourselves and the person; but because
that very person is the real cause of our
first passion, and of consequence is intimately
connected with it. It is his approbation
that produces pride; and disapprobation,
humility. No wonder, then, the imagination
returns back again attended with the related
passions of love and hatred. This is not
a contradiction, but an exception to the
rule; and an exception that arises from the
same reason with the rule itself.
Such an exception as this is, therefore,
rather a confirmation of the rule. And indeed,
if we consider all the eight experiments
I have explained, we shall find that the
same principle appears in all of them, and
that it is by means of a transition arising
from a double relation of impressions and
ideas, pride and humility, love and hatred
are produced. An object without [First Experiment.]
a relation, or [Second and Third Experiments]
with but one, never produces either of these
passions; and it is [Fourth Experiment.]
found that the passion always varies in conformity
to the relation. Nay we may observe, that
where the relation, by any particular circumstance,
has not its usual effect of producing a transition
either of [Sixth Experiment.] ideas or of
impressions, it ceases to operate upon the
passions, and gives rise neither to pride
nor love, humility nor hatred. This rule
we find still to hold good [Seventh and Eighth
Experiments.] even under the appearance of
its contrary; and as relation is frequently
experienced to have no effect; which upon
examination is found to proceed from some
particular circumstance, that prevents the
transition; so even in instances, where that
circumstance, though present, prevents not
the transition, it is found to arise from
some other circumstance, which counter-balances
it. Thus not only the variations resolve
themselves into the general principle, but
even the variations of these variations.
SECT. III DIFFICULTIES SOLVED
After so many and such undeniable proofs
drawn from daily experience and observation,
it may seem superfluous to enter into a particular
examination of all the causes of love and
hatred. I shall, therefore, employ the sequel
of this part, First, In removing some difficulties,
concerning particular causes of these passions.
Secondly, In examining the compound affections,
which arise from the mixture of love and
hatred with other emotions.
Nothing is more evident, than that any person
acquires our kindness, or is exposed to our
ill-will, in proportion to the pleasure or
uneasiness we receive from him, and that
the passions keep pace exactly with the sensations
in all their changes and variations. Whoever
can find the means either by his services,
his beauty, or his flattery, to render himself
useful or agreeable to us, is sure of our
affections: As on the other hand, whoever
harms or displeases us never fails to excite
our anger or hatred. When our own nation
is at war with any other, we detest them
under the character of cruel, perfidious,
unjust and violent: But always esteem ourselves
and allies equitable, moderate, and merciful.
If the general of our enemies be successful,
it is with difficulty we allow him the figure
and character of a man. He is a sorcerer:
He has a communication with daemons; as is
reported of OLIVER CROMWELL, and the DUKE
OF LUXEMBOURG: He is bloody-minded, and takes
a pleasure in death and destruction. But
if the success be on our side, our commander
has all the opposite good qualities, and
is a pattern of virtue, as well as of courage
and conduct. His treachery we call policy:
His cruelty is an evil inseparable from war.
In short, every one of his faults we either
endeavour to extenuate, or dignify it with
the name of that virtue, which approaches
it. It is evident the same method of thinking
runs through common life.
There are some, who add another condition,
and require not only that the pain and pleasure
arise from the person, but likewise that
it arise knowingly, and with a particular
design and intention. A man, who wounds and
harms us by accident, becomes not our enemy
upon that account, nor do we think ourselves
bound by any ties of gratitude to one, who
does us any service after the same manner.
By the intention we judge of the actions,
and according as that is good or bad, they
become causes of love or hatred.
But here we must make a distinction. If that
quality in another, which pleases or displeases,
be constant and inherent in his person and
character, it will cause love or hatred independent
of the intention: But otherwise a knowledge
and design is requisite, in order to give
rise to these passions. One that is disagreeable
by his deformity or folly is the object of
our aversion, though nothing be more certain,
than that he has not the least intention
of displeasing us by these qualities. But
if the uneasiness proceed not from a quality,
but an action, which is produced and annihilated
in a moment, it is necessary, in order to
produce some relation, and connect this action
sufficiently with the person, that it be
derived from a particular fore-thought and
design. It is not enough, that the action
arise from the person, and have him for its
immediate cause and author. This relation
alone is too feeble and inconstant to be
a foundation for these passions. It reaches
not the sensible and thinking part, and neither
proceeds from any thing durable in him, nor
leaves any thing behind it; but passes in
a moment, and is as if it had never been.
On the other hand, an intention shews certain
qualities, which remaining after the action
is performed, connect it with the person,
and facilitate the transition of ideas from
one to the other. We can never think of him
without reflecting on these qualities; unless
repentance and a change of life have produced
an alteration in that respect: In which case
the passion is likewise altered. This therefore
is one reason, why an intention is requisite
to excite either love or hatred.
But we must farther consider, that an intention,
besides its strengthening the relation of
ideas, is often necessary to produce a relation
of impressions, and give rise to pleasure
and uneasiness. For it is observable, that
the principal part of an injury is the contempt
and hatred, which it shews in the person,
that injures us; and without that, the mere
harm gives us a less sensible uneasiness.
In like manner, a good office is agreeable,
chiefly because it flatters our vanity, and
is a proof of the kindness and esteem of
the person, who performs it. The removal
of the intention, removes the mortification
in the one case, and vanity in the other,
and must of course cause a remarkable diminution
in the passions of love and hatred.
I grant, that these effects of the removal
of design, in diminishing the relations of
impressions and ideas, are not entire, nor
able to remove every degree of these relations.
But then I ask, if the removal of design
be able entirely to remove the passion of
love and hatred? Experience, I am sure, informs
us of the contrary, nor is there any thing
more certain, than that men often fall into
a violent anger for injuries, which they
themselves must own to be entirely involuntary
and accidental. This emotion, indeed, cannot
be of long continuance; but still is sufficient
to shew, that there is a natural connexion
betwixt uneasiness and anger, and that the
relation of impressions will operate upon
a very small relation of ideas. But when
the violence of the impression is once a
little abated, the defect of the relation
begins to be better felt; and as the character
of a person is no wise interested in such
injuries as are casual and involuntary, it
seldom happens that on their account, we
entertain a lasting enmity.
To illustrate this doctrine by a parallel
instance, we may observe, that not only the
uneasiness, which proceeds from another by
accident, has but little force to excite
our passion, but also that which arises from
an acknowledged necessity and duty. One that
has a real design of harming us, proceeding
not from hatred and ill-will, but from justice
and equity, draws not upon him our anger,
if we be in any degree reasonable; notwithstanding
he is both the cause, and the knowing cause
of our sufferings. Let us examine a little
this phaenomenon.
It is evident in the first place, that this
circumstance is not decisive; and though
it may be able to diminish the passions,
it is seldom it can entirely remove them.
How few criminals are there, who have no
ill-will to the person, that accuses them,
or to the judge, that condemns them, even
though they be conscious of their own deserts?
In like manner our antagonist in a law-suit,
and our competitor for any office, are commonly
regarded as our enemies; though we must acknowledge,
if we would but reflect a moment, that their
motive is entirely as justifiable as our
own.
Besides we may consider, that when we receive
harm from any person, we are apt to imagine
him criminal, and it is with extreme difficulty
we allow of his justice and innocence. This
is a clear proof, that, independent of the
opinion of iniquity, any harm or uneasiness
has a natural tendency to excite our hatred,
and that afterwards we seek for reasons upon
which we may justify and establish the passion.
Here the idea of injury produces not the
passion, but arises from it.
Nor is it any wonder that passion should
produce the opinion of injury; since otherwise
it must suffer a considerable diminution,
which all the passions avoid as much as possible.
The removal of injury may remove the anger,
without proving that the anger arises only
from the injury. The harm and the justice
are two contrary objects, of which the one
has a tendency to produce hatred, and the
other love; and it is according to their
different degrees, and our particular turn
of thinking, that either of the objects prevails,
and excites its proper passion.
SECT. IV OF THE LOVE OF RELATIONS
Having given a reason, why several actions,
that cause a real pleasure or uneasiness,
excite not any degree, or but a small one,
of the passion of love or hatred towards
the actors; it will be necessary to shew,
wherein consists the pleasure or uneasiness
of many objects, which we find by experience
to produce these passions.
According to the preceding system there is
always required a double relation of impressions
and ideas betwixt the cause and effect, in
order to produce either love or hatred. But
though this be universally true, it is remarkable
that the passion of love may be excited by
only one relation of a different kind, viz,
betwixt ourselves and the object; or more
properly speaking, that this relation is
always attended with both the others. Whoever
is united to us by any connexion is always
sure of a share of our love, proportioned
to the connexion, without enquiring into
his other qualities. Thus the relation of
blood produces the strongest tie the mind
is capable of in the love of parents to their
children, and a lesser degree of the same
affection, as the relation lessens. Nor has
consanguinity alone this effect, but any
other relation without exception. We love
our country-men, our neighbours, those of
the same trade, profession, and even name
with ourselves. Every one of these relations
is esteemed some tie, and gives a title to
a share of our affection.
There is another phaenomenon, which is parallel
to this, viz, that acquaintance, without
any kind of relation, gives rise to love
and kindness. When we have contracted a habitude
and intimacy with any person; though in frequenting
his company we have not been able to discover
any very valuable quality, of which he is
possessed; yet we cannot forebear preferring
him to strangers, of whose superior merit
we are fully convinced. These two phaenomena
of the effects of relation and acquaintance
will give mutual light to each other, and
may be both explained from the same principle.
Those, who take a pleasure in declaiming
against human nature, have observed, that
man is altogether insufficient to support
himself; and that when you loosen all the
holds, which he has of external objects,
he immediately drops down into the deepest
melancholy and despair. From this, say they,
proceeds that continual search after amusement
in gaming, in hunting, in business; by which
we endeavour to forget ourselves, and excite
our spirits from the languid state, into
which they fall, when not sustained by some
brisk and lively emotion. To this method
of thinking I so far agree, that I own the
mind to be insufficient, of itself, to its
own entertainment, and that it naturally
seeks after foreign objects, which may produce
a lively sensation, and agitate the spirits.
On the appearance of such an object it awakes,
as it were, from a dream: The blood flows
with a new tide: The heart is elevated: And
the whole man acquires a vigour, which he
cannot command in his solitary and calm moments.
Hence company is naturally so rejoicing,
as presenting the liveliest of all objects,
viz, a rational and thinking Being like ourselves,
who communicates to us all the actions of
his mind; makes us privy to his inmost sentiments
and affections; and lets us see, in the very
instant of their production, all the emotions,
which are caused by any object. Every lively
idea is agreeable, but especially that of
a passion, because such an idea becomes a
kind of passion, and gives a more sensible
agitation to the mind, than any other image
or conception.
This being once admitted, all the rest is
easy. For as the company of strangers is
agreeable to us for a short time, by inlivening
our thought; so the company of our relations
and acquaintance must be peculiarly agreeable,
because it has this effect in a greater degree,
and is of more durable influence. Whatever
is related to us is conceived in a lively
manner by the easy transition from ourselves
to the related object. Custom also, or acquaintance
facilitates the entrance, and strengthens
the conception of any object. The first case
is parallel to our reasonings from cause
and effect; the second to education. And
as reasoning and education concur only in
producing a lively and strong idea of any
object; so is this the only particular, which
is common to relation and acquaintance. This
must, therefore, be the influencing quality,
by which they produce all their common effects;
and love or kindness being one of these effects,
it must be from the force and liveliness
of conception, that the passion is derived.
Such a conception is peculiarly agreeable,
and makes us have an affectionate regard
for every thing, that produces it, when the
proper object of kindness and goodwill.
It is obvious, that people associate together
according to their particular tempers and
dispositions, and that men of gay tempers
naturally love the gay; as the serious bear
an affection to the serious. This not only
happens, where they remark this resemblance
betwixt themselves and others, but also by
the natural course of the disposition, and
by a certain sympathy, which always arises
betwixt similar characters. Where they remark
the resemblance, it operates after the manner
of a relation, by producing a connexion of
ideas. Where they do not remark it, it operates
by some other principle; and if this latter
principle be similar to the former, it must
be received as a confirmation of the foregoing
reasoning.
The idea of ourselves is always intimately
present to us, and conveys a sensible degree
of vivacity to the idea of any other object,
to which we are related. This lively idea
changes by degrees into a real impression;
these two kinds of perception being in a
great measure the same, and differing only
in their degrees of force and vivacity. But
this change must be produced with the greater
ease, that our natural temper gives us a
propensity to the same impression, which
we observe in others, and makes it arise
upon any slight occasion. In that case resemblance
converts the idea into an impression, not
only by means of the relation, and by transfusing
the original vivacity into the related idea;
but also by presenting such materials as
take fire from the least spark. And as in
both cases a love or affection arises from
the resemblance, we may learn that a sympathy
with others is agreeable only by giving an
emotion to the spirits, since an easy sympathy
and correspondent emotions are alone common
to RELATION, ACQUAINTANCE, and RESEMBLANCE.
The great propensity men have to pride may
be considered as another similar phaenomenon.
It often happens, that after we have lived
a considerable time in any city; however
at first it might be disagreeable to us;
yet as we become familiar with the objects,
and contact an acquaintance, though merely
with the streets and buildings, the aversion
diminishes by degrees, and at last changes
into the opposite passion. The mind finds
a satisfaction and ease in the view of objects,
to which it is accustomed, and naturally
prefers them to others, which, though, perhaps,
in themselves more valuable, are less known
to it. By the same quality of the mind we
are seduced into a good opinion of ourselves,
and of all objects, that belong to us. They
appear in a stronger light; are more agreeable;
and consequently fitter subjects of pride
and vanity, than any other.
It may not be amiss, in treating of the affection
we bear our acquaintance and relations, to
observe some pretty curious phaenomena, which
attend it. It is easy to remark in common
life, that children esteem their relation
to their mother to be weakened, in a great
measure, by her second marriage, and no longer
regard her with the same eye, as if she had
continued in her state of widow-hood. Nor
does this happen only, when they have felt
any inconveniences from her second marriage,
or when her husband is much her inferior;
but even without any of these considerations,
and merely because she has become part of
another family. This also takes place with
regard to the second marriage of a father;
but in a much less degree: And it is certain
the ties of blood are not so much loosened
in the latter case as by the marriage of
a mother. These two phaenomena are remarkable
in themselves, but much more so when compared.
In order to produce a perfect relation betwixt
two objects, it is requisite, not only that
the imagination be conveyed from one to the
other by resemblance, contiguity or causation,
but also that it return back from the second
to the first with the same ease and facility.
At first sight this may seem a necessary
and unavoidable consequence. If one object
resemble another, the latter object must
necessarily resemble the former. If one object
be the cause of another, the second object
is effect to its cause. It is the same case
with contiguity: And therefore the relation
being always reciprocal, it may be thought,
that the return of the imagination from the
second to the first must also, in every case,
be equally natural as its passage from the
first to the second. But upon farther examination
we shall easily discover our mistake. For
supposing the second object, beside its reciprocal
relation to the first, to have also a strong
relation to a third object; in that case
the thought, passing from the first object
to the second, returns not back with the
same facility, though the relation continues
the same; but is readily carryed on to the
third object, by means of the new relation,
which presents itself, and gives a new impulse
to the imagination. This new relation, therefore,
weakens the tie betwixt the first and second
objects. The fancy is by its very nature
wavering and inconstant; and considers always
two objects as more strongly related together,
where it finds the passage equally easy both
in going and returning, than where the transition
is easy only in one of these motions. The
double motion is a kind of a double tie,
and binds the objects together in the closest
and most intimate manner.
The second marriage of a mother breaks not
the relation of child and parent; and that
relation suffices to convey my imagination
from myself to her with the greatest ease
and facility. But after the imagination is
arrived at this point of view, it finds its
object to be surrounded with so many other
relations, which challenge its regard, that
it knows not which to prefer, and is at a
loss what new object to pitch upon. The ties
of interest and duty bind her to another
family, and prevent that return of the fancy
from her to myself, which is necessary to
support the union. The thought has no longer
the vibration, requisite to set it perfectly
at ease, and indulge its inclination to change.
It goes with facility, but returns with difficulty;
and by that interruption finds the relation
much weakened from what it would be were
the passage open and easy on both sides.
Now to give a reason, why this effect follows
not in the same degree upon the second marriage
of a father: we may reflect on what has been
proved already, that though the imagination
goes easily from the view of a lesser object
to that of a greater, yet it returns not
with the same facility from the greater to
the less. When my imagination goes from myself
to my father, it passes not so readily from
him to his second wife, nor considers him
as entering into a different family, but
as continuing the head of that family, of
which I am myself a part. His superiority
prevents the easy transition of the thought
from him to his spouse, but keeps the passage
still open for a return to myself along the
same relation of child and parent. He is
not sunk in the new relation he acquires;
so that the double motion or vibration of
thought is still easy and natural. By this
indulgence of the fancy in its inconstancy,
the tie of child and parent still preserves
its full force and influence. A mother thinks
not her tie to a son weakened, because it
is shared with her husband: Nor a son his
with a parent, because it is shared with
a brother. The third object is here related
to the first, as well as to the second; so
that the imagination goes and comes along
all of them with the greatest facility.
SECT. V OF OUR ESTEEM FOR THE RICH AND POWERFUL
Nothing has a greater tendency to give us
an esteem for any person, than his power
and riches; or a contempt, than his poverty
and meanness: And as esteem and contempt
are to be considered as species of love and
hatred, it will be proper in this place to
explain these phaenomena.
Here it happens most fortunately, that the
greatest difficulty is not to discover a
principle capable of producing such an effect,
but to choose the chief and predominant among
several, that present themselves. The satisfaction
we take in the riches of others, and the
esteem we have for the possessors may be
ascribed to three different causes. FIRST,
To the objects they possess; such as houses,
gardens, equipages; which, being agreeable
in themselves, necessarily produce a sentiment
of pleasure in every one; that either considers
or surveys them. SECONDLY, To the expectation
of advantage from the rich and powerful by
our sharing their possessions. THIRDLY, To
sympathy, which makes us partake of the satisfaction
of every one, that approaches us. All these
principles may concur in producing the present
phaenomenon. The question is, to which of
them we ought principally to ascribe it.
It is certain, that the first principle,
viz, the reflection on agreeable objects,
has a greater influence, than what, at first
sight, we may be apt to imagine. We seldom
reflect on what is beautiful or ugly, agreeable
or disagreeable, without an emotion of pleasure
or uneasiness; and though these sensations
appear not much in our common indolent way
of thinking, it is easy, either in reading
or conversation, to discover them. Men of
wit always turn the discourse on subjects
that are entertaining to the imagination;
and poets never present any objects but such
as are of the same nature. Mr Philips has
chosen CYDER for the subject of an excellent
poem. Beer would not have been so proper,
as being neither so agreeable to the taste
nor eye. But he would certainly have preferred
wine to either of them, coued his native
country have afforded him so agreeable a
liquor. We may learn from thence, that every
thing, which is agreeable to the senses,
is also in some measure agreeable to the
fancy, and conveys to the thought an image
of that satisfaction, which it gives by its
real application to the bodily organs.
But though these reasons may induce us to
comprehend this delicacy of the imagination
among the causes of the respect, which we
pay the rich and powerful, there are many
other reasons, that may keep us from regarding
it as the sole or principal. For as the ideas
of pleasure can have an influence only by
means of their vivacity, which makes them
approach impressions, it is most natural
those ideas should have that influence, which
are favoured by most circumstances, and have
a natural tendency to become strong and lively;
such as our ideas of the passions and sensations
of any human creature. Every human creature
resembles ourselves, and by that means has
an advantage above any other object, in operating
on the imagination.
Besides, if we consider the nature of that
faculty, and the great influence which all
relations have upon it, we shall easily be
persuaded, that however the ideas of the
pleasant wines, music, or gardens, which
the rich man enjoys, may become lively and
agreeable, the fancy will not confine itself
to them, but will carry its view to the related
objects; and in particular, to the person,
who possesses them. And this is the more
natural, that the pleasant idea or image
produces here a passion towards the person,
by means of his relation to the object; so
that it is unavoidable but he must enter
into the original conception, since he makes
the object of the derivative passion: But
if he enters into the original conception,
and is considered as enjoying these agreeable
objects, it is sympathy, which is properly
the cause of the affection; and the third
principle is more powerful and universal
than the first.
Add to this, that riches and power alone,
even though unemployed, naturally cause esteem
and respect: And consequently these passions
arise not from the idea of any beautiful
or agreeable objects. It is true; money implies
a kind of representation of such objects,
by the power it affords of obtaining them;
and for that reason may still be esteemed
proper to convey those agreeable images,
which may give rise to the passion. But as
this prospect is very distant, it is more
natural for us to take a contiguous object,
viz, the satisfaction, which this power affords
the person, who is possest of it. And of
this we shall be farther satisfyed, if we
consider, that riches represent the goods
of life, only by means of the will; which
employs them; and therefore imply in their
very nature an idea of the person, and cannot
be considered without a kind of sympathy
with his sensations and enjoyments.
This we may confirm by a reflection, which
to some will, perhaps, appear too subtile
and refined. I have already observed, that
power, as distinguished from its exercise,
has either no meaning at all, or is nothing
but a possibility or probability of existence;
by which any object approaches to reality,
and has a sensible influence on the mind.
I have also observed, that this approach,
by an illusion of the fancy, appears much
greater, when we ourselves are possest of
the power, than when it is enjoyed by another;
and that in the former case the objects seem
to touch upon the very verge of reality,
and convey almost an equal satisfaction,
as if actually in our possession. Now I assert,
that where we esteem a person upon account
of his riches, we must enter into this sentiment
of the proprietor, and that without such
a sympathy the idea of the agreeable objects,
which they give him the power to produce,
would have but a feeble influence upon us.
An avaritious man is respected for his money,
though he scarce is possest of a power; that
is, there scarce is a probability or even
possibility of his employing it in the acquisition
of the pleasures and conveniences of life.
To himself alone this power seems perfect
and entire; and therefore we must receive
his sentiments by sympathy, before we can
have a strong intense idea of these enjoyments,
or esteem him upon account of them.
Thus we have found, that the first principle,
viz, the agreeable idea of those objects,
which riches afford the enjoyment of; resolves
itself in a great measure into the third,
and becomes a sympathy with the person we
esteem or love. Let us now examine the second
principle, viz, the agreeable expectation
of advantage, and see what force we may justly
attribute to it.
It is obvious, that though riches and authority
undoubtedly give their owner a power of doing
us service, yet this power is not to be considered
as on the same footing with that, which they
afford him, of pleasing himself, and satisfying
his own appetites. Self-love approaches the
power and exercise very near each other in
the latter case; but in order to produce
a similar effect in the former, we must suppose
a friendship and good-will to be conjoined
with the riches. Without that circumstance
it is difficult to conceive on what we can
found our hope of advantage from the riches
of others, though there is nothing more certain,
than that we naturally esteem and respect
the rich, even before we discover in them
any such favourable disposition towards us.
But I carry this farther, and observe, not
only that we respect the rich and powerful,
where they shew no inclination to serve us,
but also when we lie so much out of the sphere
of their activity, that they cannot even
be supposed to be endowed with that power.
Prisoners of war are always treated with
a respect suitable to their condition; and
it is certain riches go very far towards
fixing the condition of any person. If birth
and quality enter for a share, this still
affords us an argument of the same kind.
For what is it we call a man of birth, but
one who is descended from a long succession
of rich and powerful ancestors, and who acquires
our esteem by his relation to persons whom
we esteem? His ancestors, therefore, though
dead, are respected, in some measure, on
account of their riches, and consequently
without any kind of expectation.
But not to go so far as prisoners of war
and the dead to find instances of this disinterested
esteem for riches, let us observe with a
little attention those phaenomena that occur
to us in common life and conversation. A
man, who is himself of a competent fortune,
upon coming into a company of strangers,
naturally treats them with different degrees
of respect and deference, as he is informed
of their different fortunes and conditions;
though it is impossible he can ever propose,
and perhaps would not accept of any advantage
from them. A traveller is always admitted
into company, and meets with civility, in
proportion as his train and equipage speak
him a man of great or moderate fortune. In
short, the different ranks of men are, in
a great measure, regulated by riches, and
that with regard to superiors as well as
inferiors, strangers as well as acquaintance.
There is, indeed, an answer to these arguments,
drawn from the influence of general rules.
It may be pretended, that being accustomed
to expect succour and protection from the
rich and powerful, and to esteem them upon
that account, we extend the same sentiments
to those, who resemble them in their fortune,
but from whom we can never hope for any advantage.
The general rule still prevails, and by giving
a bent to the imagination draws along the
passion, in the same manner as if its proper
object were real and existent.
But that this principle does not here take
place, will easily appear, if we consider,
that in order to establish a general rule,
and extend it beyond its proper bounds, there
is required a certain uniformity in our experience,
and a great superiority of those instances,
which are conformable to the rule, above
the contrary. But here the case is quite
otherwise. Of a hundred men of credit and
fortune I meet with, there is not, perhaps,
one from whom I can expect advantage; so
that it is impossible any custom can ever
prevail in the present case.
Upon the whole, there remains nothing, which
can give us an esteem for power and riches,
and a contempt for meanness and poverty,
except the principle of sympathy, by which
we enter into the sentiments of the rich
and poor, and partake of their pleasure and
uneasiness. Riches give satisfaction to their
possessor; and this satisfaction is conveyed
to the beholder by the imagination, which
produces an idea resembling the original
impression in force and vivacity. This agreeable
idea or impression is connected with love,
which is an agreeable passion. It proceeds
from a thinking conscious being, which is
the very object of love. From this relation
of impressions, and identity of ideas, the
passion arises, according to my hypothesis.
The best method of reconciling us to this
opinion is to take a general survey of the
universe, and observe the force of sympathy
through the whole animal creation, and the
easy communication of sentiments from one
thinking being to another. In all creatures,
that prey not upon others, and are not agitated
with violent passions, there appears a remarkable
desire of company, which associates them
together, without any advantages they can
ever propose to reap from their union. This
is still more conspicuous in man, as being
the creature of the universe, who has the
most ardent desire of society, and is fitted
for it by the most advantages. We can form
no wish, which has not a reference to society.
A perfect solitude is, perhaps, the greatest
punishment we can suffer. Every pleasure
languishes when enjoyed a-part from company,
and every pain becomes more cruel and intolerable.
Whatever other passions we may be actuated
by; pride, ambition, avarice, curiosity,
revenge or lust; the soul or animating principle
of them all is sympathy; nor would they have
any force, were we to abstract entirely from
the thoughts and sentiments of others. Let
all the powers and elements of nature conspire
to serve and obey one man: Let the sun rise
and set at his command: The sea and rivers
roll as he pleases, and the earth furnish
spontaneously whatever may be useful or agreeable
to him: He will still be miserable, till
you give him some one person at least, with
whom he may share his happiness, and whose
esteem and friendship he may enjoy.
This conclusion from a general view of human
nature, we may confirm by particular instances,
wherein the force of sympathy is very remarkable.
Most kinds of beauty are derived from this
origin; and though our first object be some
senseless inanimate piece of matter, it is
seldom we rest there, and carry not our view
to its influence on sensible and rational
creatures. A man, who shews us any house
or building, takes particular care among
other things to point out the convenience
of the apartments, the advantages of their
situation, and the little room lost in the
stairs, antichambers and passages; and indeed
it is evident, the chief part of the beauty
consists in these particulars. The observation
of convenience gives pleasure, since convenience
is a beauty. But after what manner does it
give pleasure? It is certain our own interest
is not in the least concerned; and as this
is a beauty of interest, not of form, so
to speak, it must delight us merely by communication,
and by our sympathizing with the proprietor
of the lodging. We enter into his interest
by the force of imagination, and feel the
same satisfaction, that the objects naturally
occasion in him.
This observation extends to tables, chairs,
scritoires, chimneys, coaches, sadles, ploughs,
and indeed to every work of art; it being
an universal rule, that their beauty is chiefly
derived from their utility, and from their
fitness for that purpose, to which they are
destined. But this is an advantage, that
concerns only the owner, nor is there any
thing but sympathy, which can interest the
spectator.
It is evident, that nothing renders a field
more agreeable than its fertility, and that
scarce any advantages of ornament or situation
will be able to equal this beauty. It is
the same case with particular trees and plants,
as with the field on which they grow. I know
not but a plain, overgrown with furze and
broom, may be, in itself, as beautiful as
a hill covered with vines or olive-trees;
though it will never appear so to one, who
is acquainted with the value of each. But
this is a beauty merely of imagination, and
has no foundation in what appears to the
senses. Fertility and value have a plain
reference to use; and that to riches, joy,
and plenty; in which though we have no hope
of partaking, yet we enter into them by the
vivacity of the fancy, and share them, in
some measure, with the proprietor.
There is no rule in painting more reasonable
than that of ballancing the figures, and
placing them with the greatest exactness
on their proper centers of gravity. A figure,
which is not justly ballanced, is disagreeable;
and that because it conveys the ideas of
its fall, of harm, and of pain: Which ideas
are painful, when by sympathy they acquire
any degree of force and vivacity.
Add to this, that the principal part of personal
beauty is an air of health and vigour, and
such a construction of members as promises
strength and activity. This idea of beauty
cannot be accounted for but by sympathy.
In general we may remark, that the minds
of men are mirrors to one another, not only
because they reflect each others emotions,
but also because those rays of passions,
sentiments and opinions may be often reverberated,
and may decay away by insensible degrees.
Thus the pleasure, which a rich man receives
from his possessions, being thrown upon the
beholder, causes a pleasure and esteem; which
sentiments again, being perceived and sympathized
with, encrease the pleasure of the possessor;
and being once more reflected, become a new
foundation for pleasure and esteem in the
beholder. There is certainly an original
satisfaction in riches derived from that
power, which they bestow, of enjoying all
the pleasures of life; and as this is their
very nature and essence, it must be the first
source of all the passions, which arise from
them. One of the most considerable of these
passions is that of love or esteem in others,
which therefore proceeds from a sympathy
with the pleasure of the possessor. But the
possessor has also a secondary satisfaction
in riches arising from the love and esteem
he acquires by them, and this satisfaction
is nothing but a second reflexion of that
original pleasure, which proceeded from himself.
This secondary satisfaction or vanity becomes
one of the principal recommendations of riches,
and is the chief reason, why we either desire
them for ourselves, or esteem them in others.
Here then is a third rebound of the original
pleasure; after which it is difficult to
distinguish the images and reflexions, by
reason of their faintness and confusion.
SECT. VI OF BENEVOLENCE AND ANGER
Ideas may be compared to the extension and
solidity of matter, and impressions, especially
reflective ones, to colours, tastes, smells
and other sensible qualities. Ideas never
admit of a total union, but are endowed with
a kind of impenetrability, by which they
exclude each other, and are capable of forming
a compound by their conjunction, not by their
mixture. On the other hand, impressions and
passions are susceptible of an entire union;
and like colours, may be blended so perfectly
together, that each of them may lose itself,
and contribute only to vary that uniform
impression, which arises from the whole.
Some of the most curious phaenomena of the
human mind are derived from this property
of the passions.
In examining those ingredients, which are
capable of uniting with love and hatred,
I begin to be sensible, in some measure,
of a misfortune, that has attended every
system of philosophy, with which the world
has been yet acquainted. It is commonly found,
that in accounting for the operations of
nature by any particular hypothesis; among
a number of experiments, that quadrate exactly
with the principles we would endeavour to
establish; there is always some phaenomenon,
which is more stubborn, and will not so easily
bend to our purpose. We need not be surprized,
that this should happen in natural philosophy.
The essence and composition of external bodies
are so obscure, that we must necessarily,
in our reasonings, or rather conjectures
concerning them, involve ourselves in contradictions
and absurdities. But as the perceptions of
the mind are perfectly known, and I have
used all imaginable caution in forming conclusions
concerning them, I have always hoped to keep
clear of those contradictions, which have
attended every other system. Accordingly
the difficulty, which I have at present in
my eye, is nowise contrary to my system;
but only departs a little from that simplicity,
which has been hitherto its principal force
and beauty.
The passions of love and hatred are always
followed by, or rather conjoined with benevolence
and anger. It is this conjunction, which
chiefly distinguishes these affections from
pride and humility. For pride and humility
are pure emotions in the soul, unattended
with any desire, and not immediately exciting
us to action. But love and hatred are not
compleated within themselves, nor rest in
that emotion, which they produce, but carry
the mind to something farther. Love is always
followed by a desire of the happiness of
the person beloved, and an aversion to his
misery: As hatred produces a desire of the
misery and an aversion to the happiness of
the person hated. So remarkable a difference
betwixt these two sets of passions of pride
and humility, love and hatred, which in so
many other particulars correspond to each
other, merits our attention.
The conjunction of this desire and aversion
with love and hatred may be accounted for
by two different hypotheses. The first is,
that love and hatred have not only a cause,
which excites them, viz, pleasure and pain;
and an object, to which they are directed,
viz, a person or thinking being; but likewise
an end, which they endeavour to attain, viz,
the happiness or misery of the person beloved
or hated; all which views, mixing together,
make only one passion. According to this
system, love is nothing but the desire of
happiness to another person, and hatred that
of misery. The desire and aversion constitute
the very nature of love and hatred. They
are not only inseparable but the same.
But this is evidently contrary to experience.
For though it is certain we never love any
person without desiring his happiness, nor
hate any without wishing his misery, yet
these desires arise only upon the ideas of
the happiness or misery of our friend or
enemy being presented by the imagination,
and are not absolutely essential to love
and hatred. They are the most obvious and
natural sentiments of these affections, but
not the only ones. The passions may express
themselves in a hundred ways, and may subsist
a considerable time, without our reflecting
on the happiness or misery of their objects;
which clearly proves, that these desires
are not the same with love and hatred, nor
make any essential part of them.
We may, therefore, infer, that benevolence
and anger are passions different from love
and hatred, and only conjoined with them,
by the original constitution of the mind.
As nature has given to the body certain appetites
and inclinations, which she encreases, diminishes,
or changes according to the situation of
the fluids or solids; she has proceeded in
the same manner with the mind. According
as we are possessed with love or hatred,
the correspondent desire of the happiness
or misery of the person, who is the object
of these passions, arises in the mind, and
varies with each variation of these opposite
passions. This order of things, abstractedly
considered, is not necessary. Love and hatred
might have been unattended with any such
desires, or their particular connexion might
have been entirely reversed. If nature had
so pleased, love might have had the same
effect as hatred, and hatred as love. I see
no contradiction in supposing a desire of
producing misery annexed to love, and of
happiness to hatred. If the sensation of
the passion and desire be opposite, nature
coued have altered the sensation without
altering the tendency of the desire, and
by that means made them compatible with each
other.
SECT. VII OF COMPASSION
But though the desire of the happiness or
misery of others, according to the love or
hatred we bear them, be an arbitrary and
original instinct implanted in our nature,
we find it may be counterfeited on many occasions,
and may arise from secondary principles.
Pity is a concern for, and malice a joy in
the misery of others, without any friendship
or enmity to occasion this concern or joy.
We pity even strangers, and such as are perfectly
indifferent to us: And if our ill-will to
another proceed from any harm or injury,
it is not, properly speaking, malice, but
revenge. But if we examine these affections
of pity and malice we shall find them to
be secondary ones, arising from original
affections, which are varied by some particular
turn of thought and imagination.
It will be easy to explain the passion of
pity, from the precedent reasoning concerning
sympathy. We have a lively idea of every
thing related to us. All human creatures
are related to us by resemblance. Their persons,
therefore, their interests, their passions,
their pains and pleasures must strike upon
us in a lively manner, and produce an emotion
similar to the original one; since a lively
idea is easily converted into an impression.
If this be true in general, it must be more
so of affliction and sorrow. These have always
a stronger and more lasting influence than
any pleasure or enjoyment.
A spectator of a tragedy passes through a
long train of grief, terror, indignation,
and other affections, which the poet represents
in the persons he introduces. As many tragedies
end happily, and no excellent one can be
composed without some reverses of fortune,
the spectator must sympathize with all these
changes, and receive the fictitious joy as
well as every other passion. Unless, therefore,
it be asserted, that every distinct passion
is communicated by a distinct original quality,
and is not derived from the general principle
of sympathy above-explained, it must be allowed,
that all of them arise from that principle.
To except any one in particular must appear
highly unreasonable. As they are all first
present in the mind of one person, and afterwards
appear in the mind of another; and as the
manner of their appearance, first as an idea,
then as an impression, is in every case the
same, the transition must arise from the
same principle. I am at least sure, that
this method of reasoning would be considered
as certain, either in natural philosophy
or common life.
Add to this, that pity depends, in a great
measure, on the contiguity, and even sight
of the object; which is a proof, that it
is derived from the imagination. Not to mention
that women and children are most subject
to pity, as being most guided by that faculty.
The same infirmity, which makes them faint
at the sight of a naked sword, though in
the hands of their best friend, makes them
pity extremely those, whom they find in any
grief or affliction. Those philosophers,
who derive this passion from I know not what
subtile reflections on the instability of
fortune, and our being liable to the same
miseries we behold, will find this observation
contrary to them among a great many others,
which it were easy to produce.
There remains only to take notice of a pretty
remarkable phaenomenon of this passion; which
is, that the communicated passion of sympathy
sometimes acquires strength from the weakness
of its original, and even arises by a transition
from affections, which have no existence.
Thus when a person obtains any honourable
office, or inherits a great fortune, we are
always the more rejoiced for his prosperity,
the less sense he seems to have of it, and
the greater equanimity and indifference he
shews in its enjoyment. In like manner a
man, who is not dejected by misfortunes,
is the more lamented on account of his patience;
and if that virtue extends so far as utterly
to remove all sense of uneasiness, it still
farther encreases our compassion. When a
person of merit falls into what is vulgarly
esteemed a great misfortune, we form a notion
of his condition; and carrying our fancy
from the cause to the usual effect, first
conceive a lively idea of his sorrow, and
then feel an impression of it, entirely over-looking
that greatness of mind, which elevates him
above such emotions, or only considering
it so far as to encrease our admiration,
love and tenderness for him. We find from
experience, that such a degree of passion
is usually connected with such a misfortune;
and though there be an exception in the present
case, yet the imagination is affected by
the general rule, and makes us conceive a
lively idea of the passion, or rather feel
the passion itself, in the same manner, as
if the person were really actuated by it.
From the same principles we blush for the
conduct of those, who behave themselves foolishly
before us; and that though they shew no sense
of shame, nor seem in the least conscious
of their folly. All this proceeds from sympathy;
but it is of a partial kind, and views its
objects only on one side, without considering
the other, which has a contrary effect, and
would entirely destroy that emotion, which
arises from the first appearance.
We have also instances, wherein an indifference
and insensibility under misfortune encreases
our concern for the misfortunate, even though
the indifference proceed not from any virtue
and magnanimity. It is an aggravation of
a murder, that it was committed upon persons
asleep and in perfect security; as historians
readily observe of any infant prince, who
is captive in the hands of his enemies, that
he is the more worthy of compassion the less
sensible he is of his miserable condition.
As we ourselves are here acquainted with
the wretched situation of the person, it
gives us a lively idea and sensation of sorrow,
which is the passion that generally attends
it; and this idea becomes still more lively,
and the sensation more violent by a contrast
with that security and indifference, which
we observe in the person himself. A contrast
of any kind never fails to affect the imagination,
especially when presented by the subject;
and it is on the imagination that pity entirely
depends.
[FN 11. To prevent all ambiguity, I must
observe, that where I oppose the imagination
to the memory, I mean in general the faculty
that presents our fainter ideas. In all other
places, and particularly when it is opposed
to the understanding, I understand the same
faculty, excluding only our demonstrative
and probable reasonings.]
SECT. VIII OF MALICE AND ENVY
We must now proceed to account for the passion
of malice, which imitates the effects of
hatred, as pity does those of love; and gives
us a joy in the sufferings and miseries of
others, without any offence or injury on
their part.
So little are men governed by reason in their
sentiments and opinions, that they always
judge more of objects by comparison than
from their intrinsic worth and value. When
the mind considers, or is accustomed to,
any degree of perfection, whatever falls
short of it, though really esteemable, has
notwithstanding the same effect upon the
passions; as what is defective and ill. This
is an original quality of the soul, and similar
to what we have every day experience of in
our bodies. Let a man heat one band and cool
the other; the same water will, at the same
time, seem both hot and cold, according to
the disposition of the different organs.
A small degree of any quality, succeeding
a greater, produces the same sensation, as
if less than it really is, and even sometimes
as the opposite quality. Any gentle pain,
that follows a violent one, seems as nothing,
or rather becomes a pleasure; as on the other
hand a violent pain, succeeding a gentle
one, is doubly grievous and uneasy.
This no one can doubt of with regard to our
passions and sensations. But there may arise
some difficulty with regard to our ideas
and objects. When an object augments or diminishes
to the eye or imagination from a comparison
with others, the image and idea of the object
are still the same, and are equally extended
in the retina, and in the brain or organ
of perception. The eyes refract the rays
of light, and the optic nerves convey the
images to the brain in the very same manner,
whether a great or small object has preceded;
nor does even the imagination alter the dimensions
of its object on account of a comparison
with others. The question then is, how from
the same impression and the same idea we
can form such different judgments concerning
the same object, and at one time admire its
bulk, and at another despise its littleness.
This variation in our judgments must certainly
proceed from a variation in some perception;
but as the variation lies not in the immediate
impression or idea of the object, it must
lie in some other impression, that accompanies
it.
In order to explain this matter, I shall
just touch upon two principles, one of which
shall be more fully explained in the progress
of this treatise; the other has been already
accounted for. I believe it may safely be
established for a general maxim, that no
object is presented to the senses, nor image
formed in the fancy, but what is accompanyed
with some emotion or movement of spirits
proportioned to it; and however custom may
make us insensible of this sensation and
cause us to confound it with the object or
idea, it will be easy, by careful and exact
experiments, to separate and distinguish
them. For to instance only in the cases of
extension and number; it is evident, that
any very bulky object, such as the ocean,
an extended plain, a vast chain of mountains,
a wide forest: or any very numerous collection
of objects, such as an army, a fleet, a crowd,
excite in the mind a sensible emotion; and
that the admiration, which arises on the
appearance of such objects, is one of the
most lively pleasures, which human nature
is capable of enjoying. Now as this admiration
encreases or diminishes by the encrease or
diminution of the objects, we may conclude,
according to our foregoing [Book I. Part
III. Sect. 15.] principles, that it is a
compound effect, proceeding from the conjunction
of the several effects, which arise from
each part of the cause. Every part, then,
of extension, and every unite of number has
a separate emotion attending it; and though
that emotion be not always agreeable, yet
by its conjunction with others, and by its
agitating the spirits to a just pitch, it
contributes to the production of admiration,
which is always agreeable. If this be allowed
with respect to extension and number, we
can make no difficulty with respect to virtue
and vice, wit and folly, riches and poverty,
happiness and misery, and other objects of
that kind, which are always attended with
an evident emotion.
The second principle I shall take notice
of is that of our adherence to general rules;
which has such a mighty influence on the
actions and understanding, and is able to
impose on the very senses. When an object
is found by-experience to be always accompanyed
with another; whenever the first object appears,
though changed in very material circumstances;
we naturally fly to the conception of the
second, and form an idea of it in as lively
and strong a manner, as if we had infered
its existence by the justest and most authentic
conclusion of our understanding. Nothing
can undeceive us, not even our senses, which,
instead of correcting this false judgment,
are often perverted by it, and seem to authorize
its errors.
The conclusion I draw from these two principles,
joined to the influence of comparison above-mentioned,
is very short and decisive. Every object
is attended with some emotion proportioned
to it; a great object with a great emotion,
a small object with a small emotion. A great
object, therefore, succeeding a small one
makes a great emotion succeed a small one.
Now a great emotion succeeding a small one
becomes still greater, and rises beyond its
ordinary proportion. But as there is a certain
degree of an emotion, which commonly attends
every magnitude of an object; when the emotion
encreases, we naturally imagine that the
object has likewise encreased. The effect
conveys our view to its usual cause, a certain
degree of emotion to a certain magnitude
of the object; nor do we consider, that comparison
may change the emotion without changing anything
in the object. Those who are acquainted with
the metaphysical part of optics and know
how we transfer the judgments and conclusions
of the understanding to the senses, will
easily conceive this whole operation.
But leaving this new discovery of an impression,
that secretly attends every idea; we must
at least allow of that principle, from whence
the discovery arose, that objects appear
greater or less by a comparison with others.
We have so many instances of this, that it
is impossible we can dispute its veracity;
and it is from this principle I derive the
passions of malice and envy.
It is evident we must receive a greater or
less satisfaction or uneasiness from reflecting
on our own condition and circumstances, in
proportion as they appear more or less fortunate
or unhappy, in proportion to the degrees
of riches, and power, and merit, and reputation,
which we think ourselves possest of. Now
as we seldom judge of objects from their
intrinsic value, but form our notions of
them from a comparison with other objects;
it follows, that according as we observe
a greater or less share of happiness or misery
in others, we must make an estimate of our
own, and feel a consequent pain or pleasure.
The misery of another gives us a more lively
idea of our happiness, and his happiness
of our misery. The former, therefore, produces
delight; and the latter uneasiness.
Here then is a kind of pity reverst, or contrary
sensations arising in the beholder, from
those which are felt by the person, whom
he considers. In general we may observe,
that in all kinds of comparison an object
makes us always receive from another, to
which it is compared, a sensation contrary
to what arises from itself in its direct
and immediate survey. A small object makes
a great one appear still greater. A great
object makes a little one appear less. Deformity
of itself produces uneasiness; but makes
us receive new pleasure by its contrast with
a beautiful object, whose beauty is augmented
by it; as on the other hand, beauty, which
of itself produces pleasure, makes us receive
a new pain by the contrast with any thing
ugly, whose deformity it augments. The case,
therefore, must be the same with happiness
and misery. The direct survey of another's
pleasure naturally gives us plcasure, and
therefore produces pain when cornpared with
our own. His pain, considered in itself,
is painful to us, but augments the idea of
our own happiness, and gives us pleasure.
Nor will it appear strange, that we may feel
a reverst sensation from the happiness and
misery of others; since we find the same
comparison may give us a kind of malice against
ourselves, and make us rejoice for our pains,
and grieve for our pleasures. Thus the prospect
of past pain is agreeable, when we are satisfyed
with our present condition; as on the other
hand our past pleasures give us uneasiness,
when we enjoy nothing at present equal to
them. The comparison being the same, as when
we reflect on the sentiments of others, must
be attended with the same effects.
Nay a person may extend this malice against
himself, even to his present fortune, and
carry it so far as designedly to seek affliction,
and encrease his pains and sorrows. This
may happen upon two occasions. First, Upon
the distress and misfortune of a friend,
or person dear to him. Secondly, Upon the
feeling any remorses for a crime, of which
he has been guilty. It is from the principle
of comparison that both these irregular appetites
for evil arise. A person, who indulges himself
in any pleasure, while his friend lies under
affliction, feels the reflected uneasiness
from his friend more sensibly by a comparison
with the original pleasure, which he himself
enjoys. This contrast, indeed, ought also
to inliven the present pleasure. But as grief
is here supposed to be the predominant passion,
every addition falls to that side, and is
swallowed up in it, without operating in
the least upon the contrary affection. It
is the same case with those penances, which
men inflict on themselves for their past
sins and failings. When a criminal reflects
on the punishment he deserves, the idea of
it is magnifyed by a comparison with his
present ease and satisfaction; which forces
him, in a manner, to seek uneasiness, in
order to avoid so disagreeable a contrast.
This reasoning will account for the origin
of envy as well as of malice. The only difference
betwixt these passions lies in this, that
envy is excited by some present enjoyment
of another, which by comparison diminishes
our idea of our own: Whereas malice is the
unprovoked desire of producing evil to another,
in order to reap a pleasure from the comparison.
The enjoyment, which is the object of envy,
is commonly superior to our own. A superiority
naturally seems to overshade us, and presents
a disagreeable comparison. But even in the
case of an inferiority, we still desire a
greater distance, in order to augment, still
more the idea of ourself. When this distance
diminishes, the comparison is less to our
advantage; and consequently gives us less
pleasure, and is even disagreeable. Hence
arises that species of envy, which men feel,
when they perceive their inferiors approaching
or overtaking them in the pursuits of glory
or happiness. In this envy we may see the
effects of comparison twice repeated. A man,
who compares himself to his inferior, receives
a pleasure from the comparison: And when
the inferiority decreases by the elevation
of the inferior, what should only have been
a decrease of pleasure, becomes a real pain,
by a new comparison with its preceding condition.
It is worthy of observation concerning that
envy, which arises from a superiority in
others, that it is not the great disproportion
betwixt ourself and another, which produces
it; but on the contrary, our proximity. A
common soldier bears no such envy to his
general as to his sergeant or corporal; nor
does an eminent writer meet with so great
jealousy in common hackney scriblers, as
in authors, that more nearly approach him.
It may, indeed, be thought, that the greater
the disproportion is, the greater must be
the uneasiness from the comparison. But we
may consider on the other hand, that the
great disproportion cuts off the relation,
and either keeps us from comparing ourselves
with what is remote from us, or diminishes
the effects of the comparison. Resemblance
and proximity always produce a relation of
ideas; and where you destroy these ties,
however other accidents may bring two ideas
together; as they have no bond or connecting
quality to join them in the imagination;
it is impossible they can remain long united,
or have any considerable influence on each
other.
I have observed in considering the nature
of ambition, that the great feel a double
pleasure in authority from the comparison
of their own condition with that of their
slaves; and that this comparison has a double
influence, because it is natural, and presented
by the subject. When the fancy, in the comparison
of objects, passes not easily from the one
object to the other, the action of the mind
is, in a great measure, broke, and the fancy,
in considering the second object, begins,
as it were, upon a new footing. The impression,
which attends every object, seems not greater
in that case by succeeding a less of the
same kind; but these two impressions are
distinct, and produce their distinct effects,
without any communication together. The want
of relation in the ideas breaks the relation
of the impressions, and by such a separation
prevents their mutual operation and influence.
To confirm this we may observe, that the
proximity in the degree of merit is not alone
sufficient to give rise to envy, but must
be assisted by other relations. A poet is
not apt to envy a philosopher, or a poet
of a different kind, of a different nation,
or of a different age. All these differences
prevent or weaken the comparison, and consequently
the passion.
This too is the reason, why all objects appear
great or little, merely by a comparison with
those of the same species. A mountain neither
magnifies nor diminishes a horse in our eyes;
but when a Flemish and a Welsh horse are
seen together, the one appears greater and
the other less, than when viewed apart.
From the same principle we may account for
that remark of historians, that any party
in a civil war always choose to call in a
foreign enemy at any hazard rather than submit
to their fellow-citizens. Guicciardin applies
this remark to the wars in Italy, where the
relations betwixt the different states are,
properly speaking, nothing but of name, language,
and contiguity. Yet even these relations,
when joined with superiority, by making the
comparison more natural, make it likewise
more grievous, and cause men to search for
some other superiority, which may be attended
with no relation, and by that means may have
a less sensible influence on the imagination.
The mind quickly perceives its several advantages
and disadvantages; and finding its situation
to be most uneasy, where superiority is conjoined
with other relations, seeks its repose as
much as possible, by their separation, and
by breaking that association of ideas, which
renders the comparison so much more natural
and efficacious. When it cannot break the
association, it feels a stronger desire to
remove the superiority; and this is the reason
why travellers are commonly so lavish of
their praises to the Chinese and Persians,
at the same time, that they depreciate those
neighbouring nations, which may stand upon
a foot of rivalship with their native country.
These examples from history and common experience
are rich and curious; but we may find parallel
ones in the arts, which are no less remarkable.
should an author compose a treatise, of which
one part was serious and profound, another
light and humorous, every one would condemn
so strange a mixture, and would accuse him
of the neglect of all rules of art and criticism.
These rules of art are founded on the qualities
of human nature; and the quality of human
nature, which requires a consistency in every
performance is that which renders the mind
incapable of passing in a moment from one
passion and disposition to a quite different
one. Yet this makes us not blame Mr Prior
for joining his Alma and his Solomon in the
same volume; though that admirable poet has
succeeded perfectly well in the gaiety of
the one, as well as in the melancholy of
the other. Even supposing the reader should
peruse these two compositions without any
interval, he would feel little or no difficulty
in the change of passions: Why, but because
he considers these performances as entirely
different, and by this break in the ideas,
breaks the progress of the affections, and
hinders the one from influencing or contradicting
the other?
An heroic and burlesque design, united in
one picture, would be monstrous; though we
place two pictures of so opposite a character
in the same chamber, and even close by each
other, without any scruple or difficulty.
In a word, no ideas can affect each other,
either by comparison, or by the passions
they separately produce, unless they be united
together by some relation, which may cause
an easy transition of the ideas, and consequently
of the emotions or impressions, attending
the ideas; and may preserve the one impression
in the passage of the imagination to the
object of the other. This principle is very
remarkable, because it is analogous to what
we have observed both concerning the understanding
and the passions. Suppose two objects to
be presented to me, which are not connected
by any kind of relation. Suppose that each
of these objects separately produces a passion;
and that these two passions are in themselves
contrary: We find from experience, that the
want of relation in the objects or ideas
hinders the natural contrariety of the passions,
and that the break in the transition of the
thought removes the affections from each
other, and prevents their opposition. It
is the same case with comparison; and from
both these phaenomena we may safely conclude,
that the relation of ideas must forward the
transition of impressions; since its absence
alone is able to prevent it, and to separate
what naturally should have operated upon
each other. When the absence of an object
or quality re moves any usual or natural
effect, we may certalnly conclude that its
presence contributes to the production of
the effect.
SECT. IX OF THE MIXTURE OF BENEVOLENCE AND
ANGER WITH COMPASSION AND MALICE
Thus we have endeavoured to account for pity
and malice. Both these affections arise from
the imagination, according to the light,
in which it places its object. When our fancy
considers directly the sentiments of others,
and enters deep into them, it makes us sensible
of all the passions it surveys, but in a
particular manner of grief or sorrow. On
the contrary, when we compare the sentiments
of others to our own, we feel a sensation
directly opposite to the original one, viz.
a joy from the grief of others, and a grief
from their joy. But these are only the first
foundations of the affections of pity and
malice. Other passions are afterwards confounded
with them. There is always a mixture of love
or tenderness with pity, and of hatred or
anger with malice. But it must be confessed,
that this mixture seems at first sight to
be contradictory to my system. For as pity
is an uneasiness, and malice a joy, arising
from the misery of others, pity should naturally,
as in all other cases, produce hatred; and
malice, love. This contradiction I endeavour
to reconcile, after the following manner.
In order to cause a transition of passions,
there is required a double relation of impressions
and ideas, nor is one relation sufficient
to produce this effect. But that we may understand
the full force of this double relation, we
must consider, that it is not the present
sensation alone or momentary pain or pleasure,
which determines the character of any passion,
but the whole bent or tendency of it from
the beginning to the end. One impression
may be related to another, not only when
their sensations are resembling, as we have
all along supposed in the preceding cases;
but also when their im pulses or directions
are similar and correspondent. This cannot
take place with regard to pride and humility;
because these are only pure sensations, without
any direction or tendency to action. We are,
therefore, to look for instances of this
peculiar relation of impressions only in
such affections, as are attended with a certain
appetite or desire; such as those of love
and hatred.
Benevolence or the appetite, which attends
love, is a desire of the happiness of the
person beloved, and an aversion to his misery;
as anger or the appetite, which attends hatred,
is a desire of the misery of the person hated,
and an aversion to his happiness. A desire,
therefore, of the happiness of another, and
aversion to his misery, are similar to benevolence;
and a desire of his misery and aversion to
his happiness are correspondent to anger.
Now pity is a desire of happiness to another,
and aversion to his misery; as malice is
the contrary appetite. Pity, then, is related
to benevolence; and malice to anger: And
as benevolence has been already found to
be connected with love, by a natural and
original quality, and anger with hatred;
it is by this chain the passions of pity
and malice are connected with love and hatred.
This hypothesis is founded on sufficient
experience. A man, who from any motives has
entertained a resolution of performing an
action, naturally runs into every other view
or motive, which may fortify that resolution,
and give it authority and influence on the
mind. To confirm us in any design, we search
for motives drawn from interest, from honour,
from duty. What wonder, then, that pity and
benevolence, malice, and anger, being the
same desires arising from different principles,
should so totally mix together as to be undistinguishable?
As to the connexion betwixt benevolence and
love, anger and hatred, being original and
primary, it admits of no difficulty.
We may add to this another experiment, viz,
that benevolence and anger, and consequently
love and hatred, arise when our happiness
or misery have any dependance on the happiness
or misery of another person, without any
farther relation. I doubt not but this experiment
will appear so singular as to excuse us for
stopping a moment to consider it.
Suppose, that two persons of the same trade
should seek employment in a town, that is
not able to maintain both, it is plain the
success of one is perfectly incompatible
with that of the other, and that whatever
is for the interest of either is contrary
to that of his rival, and so vice versa.
Suppose again, that two merchants, though
living in different parts of the world, should
enter into co-partnership together, the advantage
or loss of one becomes immediately the advantage
or loss of his partner, and the same fortune
necessarily attends both. Now it is evident,
that in the first case, hatred always follows
upon the contrariety of interests; as in
the second, love arises from their union.
Let us consider to what principle we can
ascribe these passions.
It is plain they arise not from the double
relations of impressions and ideas, if we
regard only the present sensation. For takeing
the first case of rivalship; though the pleasure
and advantage of an antagonist necessarily
causes my pain and loss, yet to counter-ballance
this, his pain and loss causes my pleasure
and advantage; and supposing him to be unsuccessful,
I may by this means receive from him a superior
degree of satisfaction. In the same manner
the success of a partner rejoices me, but
then his misfortunes afflict me in an equal
proportion; and it is easy to imagine, that
the latter sentiment may in many cases preponderate.
But whether the fortune of a rival or partner
be good or bad, I always hate the former
and love the latter.
This love of a partner cannot proceed from
the relation or connexion betwixt us; in
the same manner as I love a brother or countryman.
A rival has almost as close a relation to
me as a partner. For as the pleasure of the
latter causes my pleasure, and his pain my
pain; so the pleasure of the former causes
my pain, and his pain my pleasure. The connexion,
then, of cause and effect is the same in
both cases; and if in the one case, the cause
and effect have a farther relation of resemblance,
they have that of contrariety in the other;
which, being also a species of resemblance,
leaves the matter pretty equal.
The only explication, then, we can give of
this phaenomenon is derived from that principle
of a parallel direction above-mentioned.
Our concern for our own interest gives us
a pleasure in the pleasure, and a pain in
the pain of a partner, after the same manner
as by sympathy we feel a sensation correspondent
to those, which appear in any person, who
is present with us. On the other hand, the
same concern for our interest makes us feel
a pain in the pleasure, and a pleasure in
the pain of a rival; and in short the same
contrariety of sentiments as arises from
comparison and malice. Since, therefore,
a parallel direction of the affections, proceeding
from interest, can give rise to benevolence
or anger, no wonder the same parallel direction,
derived from sympathy and from comparison,
should have the same effect.
In general we may observe, that it is impossible
to do good to others, from whatever motive,
without feeling some touches of kindness
and good-will towards them; as the injuries
we do, not only cause hatred in the person,
who suffers them, but even in ourselves.
These phaenomena, indeed, may in part be
accounted for from other principles.
But here there occurs a considerable objection,
which it will be necessary to examine before
we proceed any farther. I have endeavoured
to prove, that power and riches, or poverty
and meanness; which give rise to love or
hatred, without producing any original pleasure
or uneasiness; operate upon us by means of
a secondary sensation derived from a sympathy
with that pain or satisfaction, which they
produce in the person, who possesses them.
From a sympathy with his pleasure there arises
love; from that with his uneasiness, hatred.
But it is a maxim, which I have just now
established, and which is absolutely necessary
to the explication of the phaenomena of pity
and malice, that it is not the present sensation
or momentary pain or pleasure, which determines
the character of any passion, but the general
bent or tendency of it from the beginning
to the end. For this reason, pity or a sympathy
with pain produces love, and that because
it interests us in the fortunes of others,
good or bad, and gives us a secondary sensation
correspondent to the primary; in which it
has the same influence with love and benevolence.
Since then this rule holds good in one case,
why does it not prevail throughout, and why
does sympathy in uneasiness ever produce
any passion beside good-will and kindness?
Is it becoming a philosopher to alter his
method of reasoning, and run from one principle
to its contrary, according to the particular
phaenomenon, which he would explain?
I have mentioned two different causes, from
which a transition of passion may arise,
viz, a double relation of ideas and impressions,
and what is similar to it, a conformity in
the tendency and direction of any two desires,
which arise from different principles. Now
I assert, that when a sympathy with uneasiness
is weak, it produces hatred or contempt by
the former cause; when strong, it produces
love or tenderness by the latter. This is
the solution of the foregoing difficulty,
which seems so urgent; and this is a principle
founded on such evident arguments, that we
ought to have established it, even though
it were not necessary to the explication
of any phaenomenon.
It is certain, that sympathy is not always
limited to the present moment, but that we
often feel by communication the pains and
pleasures of others, which are not in being,
and which we only anticipate by the force
of imagination. For supposing I saw a person
perfectly unknown to me, who, while asleep
in the fields, was in danger of being trod
under foot by horses, I should immediately
run to his assistance; and in this I should
be actuated by the same principle of sympathy,
which makes me concerned for the present
sorrows of a stranger. The bare mention of
this is sufficient. Sympathy being nothing
but a lively idea converted into an impression,
it is evident, that, in considering the future
possible or probable condition of any person,
we may enter into it with so vivid a conception
as to make it our own concern; and by that
means be sensible of pains and pleasures,
which neither belong to ourselves, nor at
the present instant have any real existence.
But however we may look forward to the future
in sympathizing with any person, the extending
of our sympathy depends in a great measure
upon our sense of his present condition.
It is a great effort of imagination, to form
such lively ideas even of the present sentiments
of others as to feel these very sentiments;
but it is impossible we coued extend this
sympathy to the future, without being aided
by some circumstance in the present, which
strikes upon us in a lively manner. When
the present misery of another has any strong
influence upon me, the vivacity of the conception
is not confined merely to its immediate object,
but diffuses its influence over all the related
ideas, and gives me a lively notion of all
the circumstances of that person, whether
past, present, or future; possible, probable
or certain. By means of this lively notion
I am interested in them; take part with them;
and feel a sympathetic motion in my breast,
conformable to whatever I imagine in his.
If I diminish the vivacity of the first conception,
I diminish that of the related ideas; as
pipes can convey no more water than what
arises at the fountain. By this diminution
I destroy the future prospect, which is necessary
to interest me perfectly in the fortune of
another. I may feel the present impression,
but carry my sympathy no farther, and never
transfuse the force of the first conception
into my ideas of the related objects. If
it be another's misery, which is presented
in this feeble manner, I receive it by communication,
and am affected with all the passions related
to it: But as I am not so much interested
as to concern myself in his good fortune,
as well as his bad, I never feel the extensive
sympathy, nor the passions related to it.
Now in order to know what passions are related
to these different kinds of sympathy, we
must consider, that benevolence is an original
pleasure arising from the pleasure of the
person beloved, and a pain proceeding from
his pain: From which correspondence of impressions
there arises a subsequent desire of his pleasure,
and aversion to his pain. In order, then,
to make a passion run parallel with benevolence,
it is requisite we should feel these double
impressions, correspondent to those of the
person, whom we consider; nor is any one
of them alone sufficient for that purpose.
When we sympathize only with one impression,
and that a painful one, this sympathy is
related to anger and to hatred, upon account
of the uneasiness it conveys to us. But as
the extensive or limited sympathy depends
upon the force of the first sympathy; it
follows, that the passion of love or hatred
depends upon the same principle. A strong
impression, when communicated, gives a double
tendency of the passions; which is related
to benevolence and love by a similarity of
direction; however painful the first impression
might have been. A weak impression, that
is painful, is related to anger and hatred
by the resemblance of sensations. Benevolence,
therefore, arises from a great degree of
misery, or any degree strongly sympathized
with: Hatred or contempt from a small degree,
or one weakly sympathized with; which is
the principle I intended to prove and explain.
Nor have we only our reason to trust to for
this principle, but also experience. A certain
degree of poverty produces contempt; but
a degree beyond causes compassion and good-will.
We may under-value a peasant or servant;
but when the misery of a beggar appears very
great, or is painted in very lively colours,
we sympathize with him in his afflictions;
and feel in our heart evident touches of
pity and benevolence. The same object causes
contrary passions according to its different
degrees. The passions, therefore, must depend
upon principles, that operate in such certain
degrees, according to my hypothesis. The
encrease of the sympathy has evidently the
same effect as the encrease of the misery.
A barren or desolate country always seems
ugly and disagreeable, and commonly inspires
us with contempt for the inhabitants. This
deformity, however, proceeds in a great measure
from a sympathy with the inhabitants, as
has been already observed; but it is only
a weak one, and reaches no farther than the
immediate sensation, which is disagreeable.
The view of a city in ashes conveys benevolent
sentiments; because we there enter so deep
into the interests of the miserable inhabitants,
as to wish for their prosperity, as well
as feel their adversity.
But though the force of the impression generally
produces pity and benevolence, it is certain,
that by being carryed too far it ceases to
have that effect. This, perhaps, may be worth
our notice. When the uneasiness is either
small in itself, or remote from us, it engages
not the imagination, nor is able to convey
an equal concern for the future and contingent
good, as for the present and real evil Upon
its acquiring greater force, we become so
interested in the concerns of the person,
as to be sensible both of his good and had
fortune; and from that compleat sympathy
there arises pity and benevolence. But it
will easily be imagined, that where the present
evil strikes with more than ordinary force,
it may entirely engage our attention, and
prevent that double sympathy, above-mentioned.
Thus we find, that though every one, but
especially women, are apt to contract a kindness
for criminals, who go to the scaffold, and
readily imagine them to be uncommonly handsome
and wellshaped; yet one, who is present at
the cruel execution of the rack, feels no
such tender emotions; but is in a manner
overcome with horror, and has no leisure
to temper this uneasy sensation by any opposite
sympathy.
But the instance, which makes the most clearly
for my hypothesis, is that wherein by a change
of the objects we separate the double sympathy
even from a midling degree of the passion;
in which case we find, that pity, instead
of producing love and tenderness as usual,
always gives rise to the contrary affection.
When we observe a person in misfortunes,
we are affected with pity and love; but the
author of that misfortune becomes the object
of our strongest hatred, and is the more
detested in proportion to the degree of our
compassion. Now for what reason should the
same passion of pity produce love to the
person, who suffers the misfortune, and hatred
to the person, who causes it; unless it be
because in the latter case the author bears
a relation only to the misfortune; whereas
in considering the sufferer we carry our
view on every side, and wish for his prosperity,
as well as are sensible of his affliction?
I. shall just observe, before I leave the
present subject, that this phaenomenon of
the double sympathy, and its tendency to
cause love, may contribute to the production
of the kindness, which we naturally bear
our relations and acquaintance. Custom and
relation make us enter deeply into the sentiments
of others; and whatever fortune we suppose
to attend them, is rendered present to us
by the imagination, and operates as if originally
our own. We rejoice in their pleasures, and
grieve for their sorrows, merely from the
force of sympathy. Nothing that concerns
them is indifferent to us; and as this correspondence
of sentiments is the natural attendant of
love, it readily produces that affection.
SECT. X OF RESPECT AND CONTEMPT
There now remains only to explain the passion
of respect and contempt, along with the amorous
affection, in order to understand all the
passions which have any mixture of love or
hatred. Let us begin with respect and contempt.
In considering the qualities and circumstances
of others, we may either regard them as they
really are in themselves; or may make a comparison
betwixt them and our own qualities and circumstances;
or may join these two methods of consideration.
The good qualities of others, from the first
point of view, produce love; from the second,
humility; and from the third, respect; which
is a mixture of these two passions. Their
bad qualities, after the same manner, cause
either hatred, or pride, or contempt, according
to the light in which we survey them.
That there is a mixture of pride in contempt,
and of humility in respect, is, I think,
too evident, from their very feeling or appearance,
to require any particular proof. That this
mixture arises from a tacit comparison of
the person contemned or respected with ourselves
is no less evident. The same man may cause
either respect, love, or contempt by his
condition and talents, according as the person,
who considers him, from his inferior becomes
his equal or superior. In changing the point
of view, though the object may remain the
same, its proportion to ourselves entirely
alters; which is the cause of an alteration
in the passions. These passions, therefore,
arise from our observing the proportion;
that is, from a comparison.
I have already observed, that the mind has
a much stronger propensity to pride than
to humility, and have endeavoured, from the
principles of human nature, to assign a cause
for this phaenomenon. Whether my reasoning
be received or not, the phaenomenon is undisputed,
and appears in many instances. Among the
rest, it is the reason why there is a much
greater mixture of pride in contempt, than
of humility in respect, and why we are more
elevated with the view of one below us, than
mortifyed with the presence of one above
us. Contempt or scorn has so strong a tincture
of pride, that there scarce is any other
passion discernable: Whereas in esteem or
respect, love makes a more considerable ingredient
than humility. The passion of vanity is so
prompt, that it rouzes at the least call;
while humility requires a stronger impulse
to make it exert itself.
But here it may reasonably be asked, why
this mixture takes place only in some cases,
and appears not on every occasion. All those
objects, which cause love, when placed on
another person, are the causes of pride,
when transfered to ourselves; and consequently
ought to be causes of humility, as well as
love, while they belong to others, and are
only compared to those, which we ourselves
possess. In like manner every quality, which,
by being directly considered, produces hatred,
ought always to give rise to pride by comparison,
and by a mixture of these passions of hatred
and pride ought to excite contempt or scorn.
The difficulty then is, why any objects ever
cause pure love or hatred, and produce not
always the mixt passions of respect and contempt.
I have supposed all along, that the passions
of love and pride, and those of humility
and hatred are similar in their sensations,
and that the two former are always agreeable,
and the two latter painful. But though this
be universally true, it is observable, that
the two agreeable, as well as the two painful
passions, have some difference, and even
contrarieties, which distinguish them. Nothing
invigorates and exalts the mind equally with
pride and vanity; though at the same time
love or tenderness is rather found to weaken
and infeeble it. The same difference is observable
betwixt the uneasy passions. Anger and hatred
bestow a new force on all our thoughts and
actions; while humility and shame deject
and discourage us. Of these qualities of
the passions, it will be necessary to form
a distinct idea. Let us remember, that pride
and hatred invigorate the soul; and love
and humility infeeble it.
From this it follows, that though the conformity
betwixt love and hatred in the agreeableness
of their sensation makes them always be excited
by the same objects, yet this other contrariety
is the reason, why they are excited in very
different degrees. Genius and learning are
pleasant and magnificent objects, and by
both these circumstances are adapted to pride
and vanity; but have a relation to love by
their pleasure only. Ignorance and simplicity
are disagreeable and mean, which in the same
manner gives them a double connexion with
humility, and a single one with hatred. We
may, therefore, consider it as certain, that
though the same object always produces love
and pride, humility and hatred, according
to its different situations, yet it seldom
produces either the two former or the two
latter passions, in the same proportion.
It is here we must seek for a solution of
the difficulty above-mentioned, why any object
ever excites pure love or hatred, and does
not always produce respect or contempt, by
a mixture of humility or pride. No quality
in another gives rise to humility by comparison,
unless it would have produced pride by being
placed in ourselves; and vice versa no object
excites pride by comparison, unless it would
have produced humility by the direct survey.
This is evident, objects always produce by
comparison a sensation directly contrary
to their original one. Suppose, therefore,
an object to be presented, which is peculiarly
fitted to produce love, but imperfectly to
excite pride; this object, belonging to another,
gives rise directly to a great degree of
love, but to a small one of humility by comparison;
and consequently that latter passion is scarce
felt in the compound, nor is able to convert
the love into respect. This is the case with
good nature, good humour, facility, generosity,
beauty, and many other qualities. These have
a peculiar aptitude to produce love in others;
but not so great a tendency to excite pride
in ourselves: For which reason the view of
them, as belonging to another person, produces
pure love, with but a small mixture of humility
and respect. It is easy to extend the same
reasoning to the opposite passions.
Before we leave this subject, it may not
be amiss to account for a pretty curious
phaenomenon, viz, why we commonly keep at
a distance such as we contemn, and allow
not our inferiors to approach too near even
in place and situation. It has already been
observed, that almost every kind of idea
is attended with some emotion, even the ideas
of number and extension, much more those
of such objects as are esteemed of consequence
in life, and fix our attention. It is not
with entire indifference we can survey either
a rich man or a poor one, but must feel some
faint touches at least, of respect in the
former case, and of contempt in the latter.
These two passions are contrary to each other;
but in order to make this contrariety be
felt, the objects must be someway related;
otherwise the affections are totally separate
and distinct, and never encounter. The relation
takes place wherever the persons become contiguous;
which is a general reason why we are uneasy
at seeing such disproportioned objects, as
a rich man and a poor one, a nobleman and
a porter, in that situation.
This uneasiness, which is common to every
spectator, must be more sensible to the superior;
and that because the near approach of the
inferior is regarded as a piece of ill-breeding,
and shews that he is not sensible of the
disproportion, and is no way affected by
it. A sense of superiority in another breeds
in all men an inclination to keep themselves
at a distance from him, and determines them
to redouble the marks of respect and reverence,
when they are obliged to approach him; and
where they do not observe that conduct, it
is a proof they are not sensible of his superiority.
From hence too it proceeds, that any great
difference in the degrees of any quality
is called a distance by a common metaphor,
which, however trivial it may appear, is
founded on natural principles of the imagination.
A great difference inclines us to produce
a distance. The ideas of distance and difference
are, therefore, connected together. Connected
ideas are readily taken for each other; and
this is in general the source of the metaphor,
as we shall have occasion to observe afterwards.
SECT. XI OF THE AMOROUS PASSION, OR LOVE
BETWIXT THE SEXES
Of all the compound passions, which proceed
from a mixture of love and hatred with other
affections, no one better deserves our attention,
than that love, which arises betwixt the
sexes, as well on account of its force and
violence, as those curious principles of
philosophy, for which it affords us an uncontestable
argument. It is plain, that this affection,
in its most natural state, is derived from
the conjunction of three different impressions
or passions, viz. The pleasing sensation
arising from beauty; the bodily appetite
for generation; and a generous kindness or
good-will. The origin of kindness from beauty
may be explained from the foregoing reasoning.
The question is how the bodily appetite is
excited by it.
The appetite of generation, when confined
to a certain degree, is evidently of the
pleasant kind, and has a strong connexion
with, all the agreeable emotions. Joy, mirth,
vanity, and kindness are all incentives to
this desire; as well as music, dancing, wine,
and good cheer. On the other hand, sorrow,
melancholy, poverty, humility are destructive
of it. From this quality it is easily conceived
why it should be connected with the sense
of beauty.
But there is another principle that contributes
to the same effect. I have observed that
the parallel direction of the desires is
a real relation, and no less than a resemblance
in their sensation, produces a connexion
among them. That we may fully comprehend
the extent of this relation, we must consider,
that any principal desire may be attended
with subordinate ones, which are connected
with it, and to which if other desires are
parallel, they are by that means related
to the principal one. Thus hunger may oft
be considered as the primary inclination
of the soul, and the desire of approaching
the meat as the secondary one; since it is
absolutely necessary to the satisfying that
appetite. If an object, therefore, by any
separate qualities, inclines us to approach
the meat, it naturally encreases our appetite;
as on the contrary, whatever inclines us
to set our victuals at a distance, is contradictory
to hunger, and diminishes our inclination
to them. Now it is plain that beauty has
the first effect, and deformity the second:
Which is the reason why the former gives
us a keener appetite for our victuals, and
the latter is sufficient to disgust us at
the most savoury dish that cookery has invented.
All this is easily applicable to the appetite
for generation.
From these two relations, viz, resemblance
and a parallel desire, there arises such
a connexion betwixt the sense of beauty,
the bodily appetite, and benevolence, that
they become in a manner inseparable: And
we find from experience that it is indifferent
which of them advances first; since any of
them is almost sure to be attended with the
related affections. One, who is inflamed
with lust, feels at least a momentary kindness
towards the object of it, and at the same
time fancies her more beautiful than ordinary;
as there are many, who begin with kindness
and esteem for the wit and merit of the person,
and advance from that to the other passions.
But the most common species of love is that
which first arises from beauty, and afterwards
diffuses itself into kindness and into the
bodily appetite. Kindness or esteem, and
the appetite to generation, are too remote
to unite easily together. The one is, perhaps,
the most refined passion of the soul; the
other the most gross and vulgar. The love
of beauty is placed in a just medium betwixt
them, and partakes of both their natures:
From whence it proceeds, that it is so singularly
fitted to produce both.
This account of love is not peculiar to my
system, but is unavoidable on any hypothesis.
The three affections, which compose this
passion, are evidently distinct, and has
each of them its distinct object. It is certain,
therefore, that it is only by their relation
they produce each other. But the relation
of passions is not alone sufficient. It is
likewise necessary, there should be a relation
of ideas. The beauty of one person never
inspires us with love for another. This then
is a sensible proof of the double relation
of impressions and ideas. From one instance
so evident as this we may form a judgment
of the rest.
This may also serve in another view to illustrate
what I have insisted on concerning the origin
of pride and humility, love and hatred. I
have observed, that though self be the object
of the first set of passions, and some other
person of the second, yet these objects cannot
alone be the causes of the passions; as having
each of them a relation to two contrary affections,
which must from the very first moment destroy
each other. Here then is the situation of
the mind, as I have already described it.
It has certain organs naturally fitted to
produce a passion; that passion, when produced,
naturally turns the view to a certain object.
But this not being sufficient to produce
the passion, there is required some other
emotion, which by a double relation of impressions
and ideas may set these principles in action,
and bestow on them their first impulse. This
situation is still more remarkable with regard
to the appetite of generation. Sex is not
only the object, but also the cause of the
appetite. We not only turn our view to it,
when actuated by that appetite; but the reflecting
on it suffices to excite the appetite. But
as this cause loses its force by too great
frequency, it is necessary it should be quickened
by some new impulse; and that impulse we
find to arise from the beauty of the person;
that is, from a double relation of impressions
and ideas. Since this double relation is
necessary where an affection has both a distinct
cause, and object, how much more so, where
it has only a distinct object, without any
determinate cause?
SECT. XII OF THE LOVE AND HATRED OF ANIMALS
But to pass from the passions of love and
hatred, and from their mixtures and compositions,
as they appear m man, to the same affections,
as they display themselves in brutes; we
may observe, not only that love and hatred
are common to the whole sensitive creation,
but likewise that their causes, as above-explained,
are of so simple a nature, that they may
easily be supposed to operate on mere animals.
There is no force of reflection or penetration
required. Every thing is conducted by springs
and principles, which are not peculiar to
man, or any one species of animals. The conclusion
from this is obvious in favour of the foregoing
system.
Love in animals, has not for its only object
animals of the same species, but extends
itself farther, and comprehends almost every
sensible and thinking being. A dog naturally
loves a man above his own species, and very
commonly meets with a return of affection.
As animals are but little susceptible either
of the pleasures or pains of the imagination,
they can judge of objects only by the sensible
good or evil, which they produce, and from
that must regulate their affections towards
them. Accordingly we find, that by benefits
or injuries we produce their love or hatred;
and that by feeding and cherishing any animal,
we quickly acquire his affections; as by
beating and abusing him we never fail to
draw on us his enmity and ill-will.
Love in beasts is not caused so much by relation,
as in our species; and that because their
thoughts are not so active as to trace relations,
except in very obvious instances. Yet it
is easy to remark, that on some occasions
it has a considerable influence upon them.
Thus acquaintance, which has the same effect
as relation, always produces love in animals
either to men or to each other. For the same
reason any likeness among them is the source
of affection. An ox confined to a park with
horses, will naturally join their company,
if I may so speak, but always leaves it to
enjoy that of his own species, where he has
the choice of both.
The affection of parents to their young proceeds
from a peculiar instinct in animals, as well
as in our species.
It is evident, that sympathy, or the communication
of passions, takes place among animals, no
less than among men. Fear, anger, courage,
and other affections are frequently communicated
from one animal to another, without their
knowledge of that cause, which produced the
original passion. Grief likewise is received
by sympathy; and produces almost all the
same consequences, and excites the same emotions
as in our species. The howlings and lamentations
of a dog produce a sensible concern in his
fellows. And it is remarkable, that though
almost all animals use in play the same member,
and nearly the same action as in fighting;
a lion, a tyger, a cat their paws; an ox
his horns; a dog his teeth; a horse his heels:
Yet they most carefully avoid harming their
companion, even though they have nothing
to fear from his resentment; which is an
evident proof of the sense brutes have of
each other's pain and pleasure.
Every one has observed how much more dogs
are animated when they hunt in a pack, than
when they pursue their game apart; and it
is evident this can proceed from nothing
but from sympathy. It is also well known
to hunters, that this effect follows in a
greater degree, and even in too great a degree,
where two packs, that are strangers to each
other, are joined together. We might, perhaps,
be at a loss to explain this phaenomenon,
if we had not experience of a similar in
ourselves.
Envy and malice are passions very remarkable
in animals. They are perhaps more common
than pity; as requiring less effort of thought
and imagination.
PART III OF THE WILL AND DIRECT PASSIONS
SECT. I OF LIBERTY AND NECESSITY
We come now to explain the direct passions,
or the impressions, which arise immediately
from good or evil, from pain or pleasure.
Of this kind are, desire and aversion, grief
and joy, hope and fear.
Of all the immediate effects of pain and
pleasure, there is none more remarkable than
the WILL; and though properly speaking, it
be not comprehended among the passions, yet
as the full understanding of its nature and
properties, is necessary to the explanation
of them, we shall here make it the subject
of our enquiry. I desire it may be observed,
that by the will, I mean nothing but the
internal impression we feel and are conscious
of, when we knowingly give rise to any new
motion of our body, or new perception of
our mind. This impression, like the preceding
ones of pride and humility, love and hatred,
it is impossible to define, and needless
to describe any farther; for which reason
we shall cut off all those definitions and
distinctions, with which philosophers are
wont to perplex rather than dear up this
question; and entering at first upon the
subject, shall examine that long disputed
question concerning liberty and necessity;
which occurs so naturally in treating of
the will.
It is universally acknowledged, that the
operations of external bodies are necessary,
and that in the communication of their motion,
in their attraction, and mutual cohesion,
there are nor the least traces of indifference
or liberty. Every object is determined by
an absolute fate toa certain degree and direction
of irs motion, and can no more depart from
that precise line, in which it moves, than
it can convert itself into an angel, or spirit,
or any superior substance. The actions, therefore,
of matter are to be regarded as instances
of necessary actions; and whatever is in
this respect on the same footing with matter,
must be acknowledged to be necessary. That
we may know whether this be the case with
the actions of the mind, we shall begin with
examining matter, and considering on what
the idea of a necessity in its operations
are founded, and why we conclude one body
or action to be the infallible cause of another.
It has been observed already, that in no
single instance the ultimate connexion of
any objects is discoverable, either by our
senses or reason, and that we can never penetrate
so far into the essence and construction
of bodies, as to perceive the principle,
on which their mutual influence depends.
It is their constant union alone, with which
we are acquainted; and it is from the constant
union the necessity arises. If objects had
nor an uniform and regular conjunction with
each other, we should never arrive at any
idea of cause and effect; and even after
all, the necessity, which enters into that
idea, is nothing but a determination of the
mind to pass from one object to its usual
attendant, and infer the existence of one
from that of the other. Here then are two
particulars, which we are to consider as
essential to necessity, viz, the constant
union and the inference of the mind; and
wherever we discover these we must acknowledge
a necessity. As the actions of matter have
no necessity, but what is derived from these
circumstances, and it is not by any insight
into the essence of bodies we discover their
connexion, the absence of this insight, while
the union and inference remain, will never,
in any case, remove the necessity. It is
the observation of the union, which produces
the inference; for which reason it might
be thought sufficient, if we prove a constant
union in the actions of the mind, in order
to establish the inference, along with the
necessity of these actions. But that I may
bestow a greater force on my reasoning, I
shall examine these particulars apart, and
shall first prove from experience that our
actions have a constant union with our motives,
tempers, and circumstances, before I consider
the inferences we draw from it.
To this end a very slight and general view
of the common course of human affairs will
be sufficient. There is no light, in which
we can take them, that does nor confirm this
principle. Whether we consider mankind according
to the difference of sexes, ages, governments,
conditions, or methods of education; the
same uniformity and regular operation of
natural principles are discernible. Uke causes
still produce like effects; in the same manner
as in the mutual action of the elements and
powers of nature.
There are different trees, which regularly
produce fruit, whose relish is different
from each other; and this regularity will
be admitted as an instance of necessity and
causes in external bodies. But are the products
of Guienne and of Champagne more regularly
different than the sentiments, actions, and
passions of the two sexes, of which the one
are distinguished by their force and maturity,
the other by their delicacy and softness?
Are the changes of our body from infancy
to old age more regular and certain than
those of our mind and conduct? And would
a man be more ridiculous, who would expect
that an infant of four years old will raise
a weight of three hundred pound, than one,
who from a person of the same age would look
for a philosophical reasoning, or a prudent
and well-concerted action?
We must certainly allow, that the cohesion
of the parts of matter arises from natural
and necessary principles, whatever difficulty
we may find in explaining them: And for a
reason we must allow, that human society
is founded on like principles; and our reason
in the latter case, is better than even that
in the former; because we not only observe,
that men always seek society, but can also
explain the principles, on which this universal
propensity is founded. For is it more certain,
that two flat pieces of marble will unite
together, than that two young savages of
different sexes will copulate? Do the children
arise from this copulation more uniformly,
than does the parents care for their safety
and preservation? And after they have arrived
at years of discretion by the care of their
parents, are the inconveniencies attending
their separation more certain than their
foresight of these inconveniencies and their
care of avoiding them by a close union and
confederacy?
The skin, pores, muscles, and nerves of a
day-labourer are different from those of
a man of quality: So are his sentiments,
actions and manners. The different stations
of life influence the whole fabric, external
and internal; and different stations arise
necessarily, because uniformly, from the
necessary and uniform principles of human
nature. Men cannot live without society,
and cannot be associated without government.
Government makes a distinction of property,
and establishes the different ranks of men.
This produces industry, traffic, manufactures,
law-suits, war, leagues, alliances, voyages,
travels, cities, fleets, ports, and all those
other actions and objects, which cause such
a diversity, and at the same time maintain
such an uniformity in human life.
Should a traveller, returning from a far
country, tell us, that he had seen a climate
in the fiftieth degree of northern latitude,
where all the fruits ripen and come to perfection
in the winter, and decay in the summer, after
the same manner as in England they are produced
and decay in the contrary seasons, he would
find few so credulous as to believe him.
I am apt to think a travellar would meet
with as little credit, who should inform
us of people exactly of the same character
with those in Plato's republic on the one
hand, or those in Hobbes's Leviathan on the
other. There is a general course of nature
in human actions, as well as in the operations
of the sun and the climate. There are also
characters peculiar to different nations
and particular persons, as well as common
to mankind. The knowledge of these characters
is founded on the observation of an uniformity
in the actions, that flow from them; and
this uniformity forms the very essence of
necessity.
I can imagine only one way of eluding this
argument, which is by denying that uniformity
of human actions, on which it is founded.
As long as actions have a constant union
and connexion with the situation and temper
of the agent, however we may in words refuse
to acknowledge the necessity, we really allow
the thing. Now some may, perhaps, find a
pretext to deny this regular union and connexion.
For what is more capricious than human actions?
What more inconstant than the desires of
man? And what creature departs more widely,
not only from right reason, but from his
own character and disposition? An hour, a
moment is sufficient to make him change from
one extreme to another, and overturn what
cost the greatest pain and labour to establish.
Necessity is regular and certain. Human conduct
is irregular and uncertain. The one, therefore,
proceeds not from the other.
To this I reply, that in judging of the actions
of men we must proceed upon the same maxims,
as when we reason concerning external objects.
When any phaenomena are constantly and invariably
conjoined together, they acquire such a connexion
in the imagination, that it passes from one
to the other, without any doubt or hesitation.
But below this there are many inferior degrees
of evidence and probability, nor does one
single contrariety of experiment entirely
destroy all our reasoning. The mind ballances
the contrary experiments, and deducting the
inferior from the superior, proceeds with
that degree of assurance or evidence, which
remains. Even when these contrary experiments
are entirely equal, we remove not the notion
of causes and necessity; but supposing that
the usual contrariety proceeds from the operation
of contrary and concealed causes, we conclude,
that the chance or indifference lies only
in our judgment on account of our imperfect
knowledge, not in the things themselves,
which are in every case equally necessary,
though to appearance not equally constant
or certain. No union can be more constant
and certain, than that of some actions with
some motives and characters; and if in other
cases the union is uncertain, it is no more
than what happens in the operations of body,
nor can we conclude any thing from the one
irregularity, which will not follow equally
from the other.
It is commonly allowed that mad-men have
no liberty. But were we to judge by their
actions, these have less regularity and constancy
than the actions of wise-men, and consequently
are farther removed from necessity. Our way
of thinking in this particular is, therefore,
absolutely inconsistent; but is a natural
consequence of these confused ideas and undefined
terms, which we so commonly make use of in
our reasonings, especially on the present
subject.
We must now shew, that as the union betwixt
motives and actions has the same constancy,
as that in any natural operations, so its
influence on the understanding is also the
same, in determining us to infer the existence
of one from that of another. If this shall
appear, there is no known circumstance, that
enters into the connexion and production
of the actions of matter, that is not to
be found in all the operations of the mind;
and consequently we cannot, without a manifest
absurdity, attribute necessity to the one,
and refuse into the other.
There is no philosopher, whose judgment is
so riveted to this fantastical system of
liberty, as not to acknowledge the force
of moral evidence, and both in speculation
and practice proceed upon it, as upon a reasonable
foundation. Now moral evidence is nothing
but a conclusion concerning the actions of
men, derived from the consideration of their
motives, temper and situation. Thus when
we see certain characters or figures described
upon paper, we infer that the person, who
produced them, would affirm such facts, the
death of Caesar, the success of Augustus,
the cruelty of Nero; and remembering many
other concurrent testimonies we conclude,
that those facts were once really existant,
and that so many men, without any interest,
would never conspire to deceive us; especially
since they must, in the attempt, expose themselves
to the derision of all their contemporaries,
when these facts were asserted to be recent
and universally known. The same kind of reasoning
runs through politics, war, commerce, economy,
and indeed mixes itself so entirely in human
life, that it is impossible to act or subsist
a moment without having recourse to it. A
prince, who imposes a tax upon his subjects,
expects their compliance. A general, who
conducts an army, makes account of a certain
degree of courage. A merchant looks for fidelity
and skill in his factor or super-cargo. A
man, who gives orders for his dinner, doubts
not of the obedience of his servants. In
short, as nothing more nearly interests us
than our own actions and those of others,
the greatest part of our reasonings is employed
in judgments concerning them. Now I assert,
that whoever reasons after this manner, does
ipso facto believe the actions of the will
to arise from necessity, and that he knows
not what he means, when he denies it.
All those objects, of which we call the one
cause and the other effect, considered in
themselves, are as distinct and separate
from each other, as any two things in nature,
nor can we ever, by the most accurate survey
of them, infer the existence of the one from
that of the other. It is only from experience
and the observation of their constant union,
that we are able to form this inference;
and even after all, the inference is nothing
but the effects of custom on the imagination.
We must not here be content with saying,
that the idea of cause and effect arises
from objects constantly united; but must
affirm, that it is the very same with the
idea of those objects, and that the necessary
connexion is not discovered by a conclusion
of the understanding, but is merely a perception
of the mind. Wherever, therefore, we observe
the same union, and wherever the union operates
in the same manner upon the belief and opinion,
we have the idea of causes and necessity,
though perhaps we may avoid those expressions.
Motion in one body in all past instances,
that have fallen under our observation, is
followed upon impulse by motion in another.
It is impossible for the mind to penetrate
farther. From this constant union it forms
the idea of cause and effect, and by its
influence feels the necessity. As there is
the same constancy, and the same influence
in what we call moral evidence, I ask no
more. What remains can only be a dispute
of words.
And indeed, when we consider how aptly natural
and moral evidence cement together, and form
only one chain of argument betwixt them,
we shall make no scruple to allow, that they
are of the same nature, and derived from
the same principles. A prisoner, who has
neither money nor interest, discovers the
impossibility of his escape, as well from
the obstinacy of the goaler, as from the
walls and bars with which he is surrounded;
and in all attempts for his freedom chuses
rather to work upon the stone and iron of
the one, than upon the inflexible nature
of the other. The same prisoner, when conducted
to the scaffold, foresees his death as certainly
from the constancy and fidelity of his guards
as from the operation of the ax or wheel.
His mind runs along a certain train of ideas:
The refusal of the soldiers to consent to
his escape, the action of the executioner;
the separation of the head and body; bleeding,
convulsive motions, and death. Here is a
connected chain of natural causes and voluntary
actions; but the mind feels no difference
betwixt them in passing from one link to
another; nor is less certain of the future
event than if it were connected with the
present impressions of the memory and senses
by a train of causes cemented together by
what we are pleased to call a physical necessity.
The same experienced union has the same effect
on the mind, whether the united objects be
motives, volitions and actions; or figure
and motion. We may change the names of things;
but their nature and their operation on the
understanding never change.
I dare be positive no one will ever endeavour
to refute these reasonings otherwise than
by altering my definitions, and assigning
a different meaning to the terms of cause,
and effect, and necessity, and liberty, and
chance. According to my definitions, necessity
makes an essential part of causation; and
consequently liberty, by removing necessity,
removes also causes, and is the very same
thing with chance. As chance is commonly
thought to imply a contradiction, and is
at least directly contrary to experience,
there are always the same arguments against
liberty or free-will. If any one alters the
definitions, I cannot pretend to argue with
him, until I know the meaning he assigns
to these terms.
SECT. II THE SAME SUBJECT CONTINUed
I believe we may assign the three following
reasons for the prevalance of the doctrine
of liberty, however absurd it may be in one
sense, and unintelligible in any other. First,
After we have performed any action; though
we confess we were influenced by particular
views and motives; it is difficult for us
to persuade ourselves we were governed by
necessity, and that it was utterly impossible
for us to have acted otherwise; the idea
of necessity seeming to imply something of
force, and violence, and constraint, of which
we are not sensible. Few are capable of distinguishing
betwixt the liberty of spontaniety, as it
is called in the schools, and the liberty
of indifference; betwixt that which is opposed
to violence, and that which means a negation
of necessity and causes. The first is even
the most common sense of the word; and as
it is only that species of liberty, which
it concerns us to preserve, our thoughts
have been principally turned towards it,
and have almost universally confounded it
with the other.
Secondly, There is a false sensation or experience
even of the liberty of indifference; which
is regarded as an argument for its real existence.
The necessity of any action, whether of matter
or of the mind, is not properly a quality
in the agent, but in any thinking or intelligent
being, who may consider the action, and consists
in the determination of his thought to infer
its existence from some preceding objects:
As liberty or chance, on the other hand,
is nothing but the want of that determination,
and a certain looseness, which we feel in
passing or not passing from the idea of one
to that of the other. Now we may observe,
that though in reflecting on human actions
we seldom feel such a looseness or indifference,
yet it very commonly happens, that in performing
the actions themselves we are sensible of
something like it: And as all related or
resembling objects are readily taken for
each other, this has been employed as a demonstrative
or even an intuitive proof of human liberty.
We feel that our actions are subject to our
will on most occasions, and imagine we feel
that the will itself is subject to nothing;
because when by a denial of it we are provoked
to try, we feel that it moves easily every
way, and produces an image of itself even
on that side, on which it did not settle.
This image or faint motion, we persuade ourselves,
coued have been compleated into the thing
itself; because, should that be denyed, we
find, upon a second trial, that it can. But
these efforts are all in vain; and whatever
capricious and irregular actions we may perform;
as the desire of showing our liberty is the
sole motive of our actions; we can never
free ourselves from the bonds of necessity.
We may imagine we feel a liberty within ourselves;
but a spectator can commonly infer our actions
from our motives and character; and even
where he cannot, he concludes in general,
that he might, were he perfectly acquainted
with every circumstance of our situation
and temper, and the most secret springs of
our complexion and disposition. Now this
is the very essence of necessity, according
to the foregoing doctrine.
A third reason why the doctrine of liberty
has generally been better received in the
world, than its antagonist, proceeds from
religion, which has been very unnecessarily
interested in this question. There is no
method of reasoning more common, and yet
none more blameable, than in philosophical
debates to endeavour to refute any hypothesis
by a pretext of its dangerous consequences
to religion and morality. When any opinion
leads us into absurdities, it is certainly
false; but it is not certain an opinion is
false, because it is of dangerous consequence.
Such topics, therefore, ought entirely to
be foreborn, as serving nothing to the discovery
of truth, but only to make the person of
an antagonist odious. This I observe in general,
without pretending to draw any advantage
from it. I submit myself frankly to an examination
of this kind, and dare venture to affirm,
that the doctrine of necessity, according
to my explication of it, is not only innocent,
but even advantageous to religion and morality.
I define necessity two ways, conformable
to the two definitions of cause, of which
it makes an essential part. I place it either
in the constant union and conjunction of
like objects, or in the inference of the
mind from the one to the other. Now necessity,
in both these senses, has universally, though
tacitely, in the schools, in the pulpit,
and in common life, been allowed to belong
to the will of man, and no one has ever pretended
to deny, that we can draw inferences concerning
human actions, and that those inferences
are founded on the experienced union of like
actions with like motives and circumstances.
The only particular in which any one can
differ from me, is either, that perhaps he
will refuse to call this necessity. But as
long as the meaning is understood, I hope
the word can do no harm. Or that he will
maintain there is something else in the operations
of matter. Now whether it be so or not is
of no consequence to religion, whatever it
may be to natural philosophy. I may be mistaken
in asserting, that we have no idea of any
other connexion in the actions of body, and
shall be glad to be farther instructed on
that head: But sure I am, I ascribe nothing
to the actions of the mind, but what must
readily be allowed of. Let no one, therefore,
put an invidious construction on my words,
by saying simply, that I assert the necessity
of human actions, and place them on the same
footing with the operations of senseless
matter. I do not ascribe to the will that
unintelligible necessity, which is supposed
to lie in matter. But I ascribe to matter,
that intelligible quality, call it necessity
or not, which the most rigorous orthodoxy
does or must allow to belong to the will.
I change, therefore, nothing in the received
systems, with regard to the will, but only
with regard to material objects.
Nay I shall go farther, and assert, that
this kind of necessity is so essential to
religion and morality, that without it there
must ensue an absolute subversion of both,
and that every other supposition is entirely
destructive to all laws both divine and human.
It is indeed certain, that as all human laws
are founded on rewards and punishments, it
is supposed as a fundamental principle, that
these motives have an influence on the mind,
and both produce the good and prevent the
evil actions. We may give to this influence
what name we please; but as it is usually
conjoined with the action, common sense requires
it should be esteemed a cause, and be booked
upon as an instance of that necessity, which
I would establish.
This reasoning is equally solid, when applied
to divine laws, so far as the deity is considered
as a legislator, and is supposed to inflict
punishment and bestow rewards with a design
to produce obedience. But I also maintain,
that even where he acts not in his magisterial
capacity, but is regarded as the avenger
of crimes merely on account of their odiousness
and deformity, not only it is impossible,
without the necessary connexion of cause
and effect in human actions, that punishments
coued be inflicted compatible with justice
and moral equity; but also that it coued
ever enter into the thoughts of any reasonable
being to inflict them. The constant and universal
object of hatred or anger is a person or
creature endowed with thought and consciousness;
and when any criminal or injurious actions
excite that passion, it is only by their
relation to the person or connexion with
him. But according to the doctrine of liberty
or chance, this connexion is reduced to nothing,
nor are men more accountable for those actions,
which are designed and premeditated, than
for such as are the most casual and accidental.
Actions are by their very nature temporary
and perishing; and where they proceed not
from some cause in the characters and disposition
of the person, who performed them, they infix
not themselves upon him, and can neither
redound to his honour, if good, nor infamy,
if evil. The action itself may be blameable;
it may be contrary to all the rules of morality
and religion: But the person is not responsible
for it; and as it proceeded from nothing
in him, that is durable or constant, and
leaves nothing of that nature behind it,
it is impossible he can, upon its account,
become the object of punishment or vengeance.
According to the hypothesis of liberty, therefore,
a man is as pure and untainted, after having
committed the most horrid crimes, as at the
first moment of his birth, nor is his character
any way concerned in his actions; since they
are not derived from it, and the wickedness
of the one can never be used as a proof of
the depravity of the other. It is only upon
the principles of necessity, that a person
acquires any merit or demerit from his actions,
however the common opinion may incline to
the contrary.
But so inconsistent are men with themselves,
that though they often assert, that necessity
utterly destroys all merit and demerit either
towards mankind or superior powers, yet they
continue still to reason upon these very
principles of necessity in all their judgments
concerning this matter. Men are not blamed
for such evil actions as they perform ignorantly
and casually, whatever may be their consequences.
Why? but because the causes of these actions
are only momentary, and terminate in them
alone. Men are less blamed for such evil
actions, as they perform hastily and unpremeditately,
than for such as proceed from thought and
deliberation. For what reason? but because
a hasty temper, though a constant cause in
the mind, operates only by intervals, and
infects not the whole character. Again, repentance
wipes off every crime, especially if attended
with an evident reformation of life and manners.
How is this to be accounted for? But by asserting
that actions render a person criminal, merely
as they are proofs of criminal passions or
principles in the mind; and when by any alteration
of these principles they cease to be just
proofs, they likewise cease to be criminal.
But according to the doctrine of liberty
or chance they never were just proofs, and
consequently never were criminal.
Here then I turn to my adversary, and desire
him to free his own system from these odious
consequences before he charge them upon others.
Or if he rather chuses, that this question
should be decided by fair arguments before
philosophers, than by declamations before
the people, let him return to what I have
advanced to prove that liberty and chance
are synonimous; and concerning the nature
of moral evidence and the regularity of human
actions. Upon a review of these reasonings,
I cannot doubt of an entire victory; and
therefore having proved, that all actions
of the will have particular causes, I proceed
to explain what these causes are, and how
they operate.
SECT. III OF THE INFLUENCING MOTIVES OF THE
WILL
Nothing is more usual in philosophy, and
even in common life, than to talk of the
combat of passion and reason, to give the
preference to reason, and assert that men
are only so far virtuous as they conform
themselves to its dictates. Every rational
creature, it is said, is obliged to regulate
his actions by reason; and if any other motive
or principle challenge the direction of his
conduct, he ought to oppose it, till it be
entirely subdued, or at least brought to
a conformity with that superior principle.
On this method of thinking the greatest part
of moral philosophy, antient and modern,
seems to be founded; nor is there an ampler
field, as well for metaphysical arguments,
as popular declamations, than this supposed
pre-eminence of reason above passion. The
eternity, invariableness, and divine origin
of the former have been displayed to the
best advantage: The blindness, unconstancy,
and deceitfulness of the latter have been
as strongly insisted on. In order to shew
the fallacy of all this philosophy, I shall
endeavour to prove first, that reason alone
can never be a motive to any action of the
will; and secondly, that it can never oppose
passion in the direction of the will.
The understanding exerts itself after two
different ways, as it judges from demonstration
or probability; as it regards the abstract
relations of our ideas, or those relations
of objects, of which experience only gives
us information. I believe it scarce will
be asserted, that the first species of reasoning
alone is ever the cause of any action. As
its proper province is the world of ideas,
and as the will always places us in that
of realities, demonstration and volition
seem, upon that account, to be totally removed,
from each other. Mathematics, indeed, are
useful in all mechanical operations, and
arithmetic in almost every art and profession:
But it is not of themselves they have any
influence: Mechanics are the art of regulating
the motions of bodies to some designed end
or purpose; and the reason why we employ
arithmetic in fixing the proportions of numbers,
is only that we may discover the proportions
of their influence and operation. A merchant
is desirous of knowing the sum total of his
accounts with any person: Why? but that he
may learn what sum will have the same effects
in paying his debt, and going to market,
as all the particular articles taken together.
Abstract or demonstrative reasoning, therefore,
never influences any of our actions, but
only as it directs our judgment concerning
causes and effects; which leads us to the
second operation of the understanding.
It is obvious, that when we have the prospect
of pain or pleasure from any object, we feel
a consequent emotion of aversion or propensity,
and are carryed to avoid or embrace what
will give us this uneasines or satisfaction.
It is also obvious, that this emotion rests
not here, but making us cast our view on
every side, comprehends whatever objects
are connected with its original one by the
relation of cause and effect. Here then reasoning
takes place to discover this relation; and
according as our reasoning varies, our actions
receive a subsequent variation. But it is
evident in this case that the impulse arises
not from reason, but is only directed by
it. It is from the prospect of pain or pleasure
that the aversion or propensity arises towards
any object: And these emotions extend themselves
to the causes and effects of that object,
as they are pointed out to us by reason and
experience. It can never in the least concern
us to know, that such objects are causes,
and such others effects, if both the causes
and effects be indifferent to us. Where the
objects themselves do not affect us, their
connexion can never give them any influence;
and it is plain, that as reason is nothing
but the discovery of this connexion, it cannot
be by its means that the objects are able
to affect us.
Since reason alone can never produce any
action, or give rise to volition, I infer,
that the same faculty is as incapable of
preventing volition, or of disputing the
preference with any passion or emotion. This
consequence is necessary. It is impossible
reason coued have the latter effect of preventing
volition, but by giving an impulse in a contrary
direction to our passion; and that impulse,
had it operated alone, would have been able
to produce volition. Nothing can oppose or
retard the impulse of passion, but a contrary
impulse; and if this contrary impulse ever
arises from reason, that latter faculty must
have an original influence on the will, and
must be able to cause, as well as hinder
any act of volition. But if reason has no
original influence, it is impossible it can
withstand any principle, which has such an
efficacy, or ever keep the mind in suspence
a moment. Thus it appears, that the principle,
which opposes our passion, cannot be the
same with reason, and is only called so in
an improper sense. We speak not strictly
and philosophically when we talk of the combat
of passion and of reason. Reason is, and
ought only to be the slave of the passions,
and can never pretend to any other office
than to serve and obey them. As this opinion
may appear somewhat extraordinary, it may
not be improper to confirm it by some other
considerations.
A passion is an original existence, or, if
you will, modification of existence, and
contains not any representative quality,
which renders it a copy of any other existence
or modification. When I am angry, I am actually
possest with the passion, and in that emotion
have no more a reference to any other object,
than when I am thirsty, or sick, or more
than five foot high. It is impossible, therefore,
that this passion can be opposed by, or be
contradictory to truth and reason; since
this contradiction consists in the disagreement
of ideas, considered as copies, with those
objects, which they represent.
What may at first occur on this head, is,
that as nothing can be contrary to truth
or reason, except what has a reference to
it, and as the judgments of our understanding
only have this reference, it must follow,
that passions can be contrary to reason only
so far as they are accompanyed with some
judgment or opinion. According to this principle,
which is so obvious and natural, it is only
in two senses, that any affection can be
called unreasonable. First, When a passion,
such as hope or fear, grief or joy, despair
or security, is founded on the supposition
or the existence of objects, which really
do not exist. Secondly, When in exerting
any passion in action, we chuse means insufficient
for the designed end, and deceive ourselves
in our judgment of causes and effects. Where
a passion is neither founded on false suppositions,
nor chuses means insufficient for the end,
the understanding can neither justify nor
condemn it. It is not contrary to reason
to prefer the destruction of the whole world
to the scratching of my finger. It is not
contrary to reason for me to chuse my total
ruin, to prevent the least uneasiness of
an Indian or person wholly unknown to me.
It is as little contrary to reason to prefer
even my own acknowledgeed lesser good to
my greater, and have a more ardent affection
for the former than the latter. A trivial
good may, from certain circumstances, produce
a desire superior to what arises from the
greatest and most valuable enjoyment; nor
is there any thing more extraordinary in
this, than in mechanics to see one pound
weight raise up a hundred by the advantage
of its situation. In short, a passion must
be accompanyed with some false judgment in
order to its being unreasonable; and even
then it is not the passion, properly speaking,
which is unreasonable, but the judgment.
The consequences are evident. Since a passion
can never, in any sense, be called unreasonable,
but when founded on a false supposition or
when it chuses means insufficient for the
designed end, it is impossible, that reason
and passion can ever oppose each other, or
dispute for the government of the will and
actions. The moment we perceive the falshood
of any supposition, or the insufficiency
of any means our passions yield to our reason
without any opposition. I may desire any
fruit as of an excellent relish; but whenever
you convince me of my mistake, my longing
ceases. I may will the performance of certain
actions as means of obtaining any desired
good; but as my willing of these actions
is only secondary, and founded on the supposition,
that they are causes of the proposed effect;
as soon as I discover the falshood of that
supposition, they must become indifferent
to me.
It is natural for one, that does not examine
objects with a strict philosophic eye, to
imagine, that those actions of the mind are
entirely the same, which produce not a different
sensation, and are not immediately distinguishable
to the feeling and perception. Reason, for
instance, exerts itself without producing
any sensible emotion; and except in the more
sublime disquisitions of philosophy, or in
the frivolous subtilties of the school, scarce
ever conveys any pleasure or uneasiness.
Hence it proceeds, that every action of the
mind, which operates with the same calmness
and tranquillity, is confounded with reason
by all those, who judge of things from the
first view and appearance. Now it is certain,
there are certain calm desires and tendencies,
which, though they be real passions, produce
little emotion in the mind, and are more
known by their effects than by the immediate
feeling or sensation. These desires are of
two kinds; either certain instincts originally
implanted in our natures, such as benevolence
and resentment, the love of life, and kindness
to children; or the general appetite to good,
and aversion to evil, considered merely as
such. When any of these passions are calm,
and cause no disorder in the soul, they are
very readily taken for the determinations
of reason, and are supposed to proceed from
the same faculty, with that, which judges
of truth and falshood. Their nature and principles
have been supposed the same, because their
sensations are not evidently different.
Beside these calm passions, which often determine
the will, there are certain violent emotions
of the same kind, which have likewise a great
influence on that faculty. When I receive
any injury from another, I often feel a violent
passion of resentment, which makes me desire
his evil and punishment, independent of all
considerations of pleasure and advantage
to myself. When I am immediately threatened
with any grievous ill, my fears, apprehensions,
and aversions rise to a great height, and
produce a sensible emotion.
The common error of metaphysicians has lain
in ascribing the direction of the will entirely
to one of these principles, and supposing
the other to have no influence. Men often
act knowingly against their interest: For
which reason the view of the greatest possible
good does not always influence them. Men
often counter-act a violent passion in prosecution
of their interests and designs: It is not
therefore the present uneasiness alone, which
determines them. In general we may observe,
that both these principles operate on the
will; and where they are contrary, that either
of them prevails, according to the general
character or present disposition of the person.
What we call strength of mind, implies the
prevalence of the calm passions above the
violent; though we may easily observe, there
is no man so constantly possessed of this
virtue, as never on any occasion to yield
to the sollicitations of passion and desire.
From these variations of temper proceeds
the great difficulty of deciding concerning
the actions and resolutions of men, where
there is any contrariety of motives and passions.
SECT. IV OF THE CAUSES OF THE VIOLENT PASSIONS
There is not-in philosophy a subject of more
nice speculation than this of the different
causes and effects of the calm and violent
passions. It is evident passions influence
not the will in proportion to their violence,
or the disorder they occasion in the temper;
but on the contrary, that when a passion
has once become a settled principle of action,
and is the predominant inclination of the
soul, it commonly produces no longer any
sensible agitation. As repeated custom and
its own force have made every thing yield
to it, it directs the actions and conduct
without that opposition and emotion, which
so naturally attend every momentary gust
of passion. We must, therefore, distinguish
betwixt a calm and a weak passion; betwixt
a violent and a strong one. But notwithstanding
this, it is certain, that when we would govern
a man, and push him to any action, it will
commonly be better policy to work upon the
violent than the calm passions, and rather
take him by his inclination, than what is
vulgarly called his reason. We ought to place
the object in such particular situations
as are proper to encrease the violence of
the passion. For we may observe, that all
depends upon the situation of the object,
and that a variation in this particular will
be able to change the calm and the violent
passions into each other. Both these kinds
of passions pursue good, and avoid evil;
and both of them are encreased or diminished
by the encrease or diminution of the good
or evil. But herein lies the difference betwixt
them: The same good, when near, will cause
a violent passion, which, when remote, produces
only a calm one. As this subject belongs
very properly to the present question concerning
the will, we shall here examine it to the
bottom, and shall consider some of those
circumstances and situations of objects,
which render a passion either calm or violent.
It is a remarkable property of human nature,
that any emotion, which attends a passion,
is easily converted into it, though in their
natures they be originally different from,
and even contrary to each other. It is true;
in order to make a perfect union among passions,
there is always required a double relation
of impressions and ideas; nor is one relation
sufficient for that purpose. But though this
be confirmed by undoubted experience, we
must understand it with its proper limitations,
and must regard the double relation, as requisite
only to make one passion produce another.
When two passions are already produced by
their separate causes, and are both present
in the mind, they readily mingle and unite,
though they have but one relation, and sometimes
without any. The predominant passion swallows
up the inferior, and converts it into itself.
The spirits, when once excited, easily receive
a change in their direction; and it is natural
to imagine this change will come from the
prevailing affection. The connexion is in
many respects closer betwixt any two passions,
than betwixt any passion and indifference.
When a person is once heartily in love, the
little faults and caprices of his mistress,
the jealousies and quarrels, to which that
commerce is so subject; however unpleasant
and related to anger and hatred; are yet
found to give additional force to the prevailing
passion. It is a common artifice of politicians,
when they would affect any person very much
by a matter of fact, of which they intend
to inform him, first to excite his curiosity;
delay as long as possible the satisfying
it; and by that means raise his anxiety and
impatience to the utmost, before they give
him a full insight into the business. They
know that his curiosity will precipitate
him into the passion they design to raise,
and assist the object in its influence on
the mind. A soldier advancing to the battle,
is naturally inspired with courage and confidence,
when he thinks on his friends and fellow-soldiers;
and is struck with fear and terror, when
he reflects on the enemy. Whatever new emotion,
therefore, proceeds from the former naturally
encreases the courage; as the same emotion,
proceeding from the latter, augments the
fear; by the relation of ideas, and the conversion
of the inferior emotion into the predominant.
Hence it is that in martial discipline, the
uniformity and lustre of our habit, the regularity
of our figures and motions, with all the
pomp and majesty of war, encourage ourselves
and allies; while the same objects in the
enemy strike terror into us, though agreeable
and beautiful in themselves.
Since passions, however independent, are
naturally transfused into each other, if
they are both present at the same time; it
follows, that when good or evil is placed
in such a situation, as to cause any particular
emotion, beside its direct passion of desire
or aversion, that latter passion must acquire
new force and violence.
This happens, among other cases, whenever
any object excites contrary passions. For
it is observable that an opposition of passions
commonly causes a new emotion in the spirits,
and produces more disorder, than the concurrence
of any two affections of equal force. This
new emotion is easily converted into the
predominant passion, and encreases its violence,
beyond the pitch it would have arrived at
had it met with no opposition. Hence we naturally
desire what is forbid, and take a pleasure
in performing actions, merely because they
are unlawful. The notion of duty, when opposite
to the passions, is seldom able to overcome
them; and when it fails of that effect, is
apt rather to encrease them, by producing
an opposition in our motives and principles.
The same effect follows whether the opposition
arises from internal motives or external
obstacles. The passion commonly acquires
new force and violence in both cases.
The efforts, which the mind makes to surmount
the obstacle, excite the spirits and inliven
the passion.
Uncertainty has the same influence as opposition.
The agitation of the thought; the quick turns
it makes from one view to another; the variety
of passions, which succeed each other, according
to the different views; All these produce
an agitation in the mind, and transfuse themselves
into the predominant passion.
There is not in my opinion any other natural
cause, why security diminishes the passions,
than because it removes that uncertainty,
which encreases them. The mind, when left
to itself, immediately languishes; and in
order to preserve its ardour, must be every
moment supported by a new flow of passion.
For the same reason, despair, though contrary
to security, has a like influence.
It is certain nothing more powerfully animates
any affection, than to conceal some part
of its object by throwing it into a kind
of shade, which at the same time that it
chews enough to pre-possess us in favour
of the object, leaves still some work for
the imagination. Besides that obscurity is
always attended with a kind of uncertainty;
the effort, which the fancy makes to compleat
the idea, rouzes the spirits, and gives an
additional force to the passion.
As despair and security, though contrary
to each other, produce the same effects;
so absence is observed to have contrary effects,
and in different circumstances either encreases
or diminishes our affections. The Duc de
La Rochefoucault has very well observed,
that absence destroys weak passions, but
encreases strong; as the wind extinguishes
a candle, but blows up a fire. Long absence
naturally weakens our idea, and diminishes
the passion: But where the idea is so strong
and lively as to support itself, the uneasiness,
arising from absence, encreases the passion
and gives it new force and violence.
SECT. V OF THE EFFECTS OF CUSTOM
But nothing has a greater effect both to
encrease and diminish our passions, to convert
pleasure into pain, and pain into pleasure,
than custom and repetition. Custom has two
original effects upon the mind, in bestowing
a facility in the performance of any action
or the conception of any object; and afterwards
a tendency or inclination towards it; and
from these we may account for all its other
effects, however extraordinary.
When the soul applies itself to the performance
of any action, or the conception of any object,
to which it is not accustomed, there is a
certain unpliableness in the faculties, and
a difficulty of the spirit's moving in their
new direction. As this difficulty excites
the spirits, it is the source of wonder,
surprize, and of all the emotions, which
arise from novelty; and is in itself very
agreeable, like every thing, which inlivens
the mind to a moderate degree. But though
surprize be agreeable in itself, yet as it
puts the spirits in agitation, it not only
augments our agreeable affections, but also
our painful, according to the foregoing principle,
that every emotion, which precedes or attends
a passion, is easily converted into it. Hence
every thing, that is new, is most affecting,
and gives us either more pleasure or pain,
than what, strictly speaking, naturally belongs
to it. When it often returns upon us, the
novelty wears off; the passions subside;
the hurry of the spirits is over; and we
survey the objects with greater tranquillity.
By degrees the repetition produces a facility
of the human mind, and an infallible source
of pleasure, where the facility goes not
beyond a certain degree. And here it is remarkable
that the pleasure, which arises from a moderate
facility, has not the same tendency with
that which arises from novelty, to augment
the painful, as well as the agreeable affections.
The pleasure of facility does not so much
consist in any ferment of the spirits, as
in their orderly motion; which will sometimes
be so powerful as even to convert pain into
pleasure, and give us a relish in time what
at first was most harsh and disagreeable.
But again, as facility converts pain into
pleasure, so it often converts pleasure into
pain, when it is too great, and renders the
actions of the mind so faint and languid,
that they are no longer able to interest
and support it. And indeed, scarce any other
objects become disagreeable through custom;
but such as are naturally attended with some
emotion or affection, which is destroyed
by the too frequent repetition. One can consider
the clouds, and heavens, and trees, and stones,
however frequently repeated, without ever
feeling any aversion. But when the fair sex,
or music, or good cheer, or any thing, that
naturally ought to be agreeable, becomes
indifferent, it easily produces the opposite
affection.
But custom not only gives a facility to perform
any action, but likewise an inclination and
tendency towards it, where it is not entirely
disagreeable, and can never be the object
of inclination. And this is the reason why
custom encreases all active habits, but diminishes
passive, according to the observation of
a late eminent philosopher. The facility
takes off from the force of the passive habits
by rendering the motion of the spirits faint
and languid. But as in the active, the spirits
are sufficiently supported of themselves,
the tendency of the mind gives them new force,
and bends them more strongly to the action.
SECT. VI OF THE INFLUENCE OF THE IMAGINATION
ON THE PASSIONS
It is remarkable, that the imagination and
affections have close union together, and
that nothing, which affects the former, can
be entirely indifferent to the latter. Wherever
our ideas of good or evil acquire a new vivacity,
the passions become more violent; and keep
pace with the imagination in all its variations.
Whether this proceeds from the principle
above-mentioned, that any attendant emotion
is easily converted into the predominant,
I shall not determine. It is sufficient for
my present purpose, that we have many instances
to confirm this influence of the imagination
upon the passions.
Any pleasure, with which we are acquainted,
affects us more than any other, which we
own to be superior, but of whose nature we
are wholly ignorant. Of the one we can form
a particular and determinate idea: The other
we conceive under the general notion of pleasure;
and it is certain, that the more general
and universal any of our ideas are, the less
influence they have upon the imagination.
A general idea, though it be nothing but
a particular one considered in a certain
view, is commonly more obscure; and that
because no particular idea, by which we represent
a general one, is ever fixed or determinate,
but may easily be changed for other particular
ones, which will serve equally in the representation.
There is a noted passage in the history of
Greece, which may serve for our present purpose.
Themistocles told the Athenians, that he
had formed a design, which would be highly
useful to the public, but which it was impossible
for him to communicate to them without ruining
the execution, since its success depended
entirely on the secrecy with which it should
be conducted. The Athenians, instead of granting
him full power to act as he thought fitting,
ordered him to communicate his design to
Aristides, in whose prudence they had an
entire confidence, and whose opinion they
were resolved blindly to submit to. The design
of Themistocles was secretly to set fire
to the fleet of all the Grecian commonwealths,
which was assembled in a neighbouring port,
and which being once destroyed would give
the Athenians the empire of the sea without
any rival Aristides returned to the assembly,
and told them, that nothing coued be more
advantageous than the design of Themistocles
but at the same time that nothing coued be
more unjust: Upon which the people unanimously
rejected the project.
A late celebrated historian [Mons. Rollin
{Charles Rollin, HISTOIRE ANCIENNE.(Paris
1730-38)}.] admires this passage of antient
history, as one of the most singular that
is any where to be met.
"Here," says he, "they are
not philosophers, to whom it is easy in their
schools to establish the finest maxims and
most sublime rules of morality, who decide
that interest ought never to prevail above
justice. It is a whole people interested
in the proposal which is made to them, who
consider it as of importance to the public
good, and who notwithstanding reject it unanimously,
and without hesitation, merely because it
is contrary to justice."
For my part I see nothing so extraordinary
in this proceeding of the Athenians. The
same reasons, which render it so easy for
philosophers to establish these sublime maxims,
tend, in part, to diminish the merit of such
a conduct in that people. Philosophers never
ballance betwixt profit and honesty, because
their decisions are general, and neither
their passions nor imaginations are interested
in the objects. And though in the present
case the advantage was immediate to the Athenians,
yet as it was known only under the general
notion of advantage, without being conceived
by any particular idea, it must have had
a less considerable influence on their imaginations,
and have been a less violent temptation,
than if they had been acquainted with all
its circumstances: Otherwise it is difficult
to conceive, that a whole people, unjust
and violent as men commonly are, should so
unanimously have adhered to justice, and
rejected any considerable advantage.
Any satisfaction, which we lately enjoyed,
and of which the memory is fresh and recent,
operates on the will with more violence,
than another of which the traces are decayed,
and almost obliterated. From whence does
this proceed, but that the memory in the
first case assists the fancy and gives an
additional force and vigour to its conceptions?
The image of the past pleasure being strong
and violent, bestows these qualities on the
idea of the future pleasure, which is connected
with it by the relation of resemblance.
A pleasure, which is suitable to the way
of life, in which we are engaged, excites
more our desires and appetites than another,
which is foreign to it. This phaenomenon
may be explained from the same principle.
Nothing is more capable of infusing any passion
into the mind, than eloquence, by which objects
are represented in their strongest and most
lively colours. We may of ourselves acknowledge,
that such an object is valuable, and such
another odious; but until an orator excites
the imagination, and gives force to these
ideas, they may have but a feeble influence
either on the will or the affections.
But eloquence is not always necessary. The
bare opinion of another, especially when
inforced with passion, will cause an idea
of good or evil to have an influence upon
us, which would otherwise have been entirely
neglected. This proceeds from the principle
of sympathy or communication; and sympathy,
as I have already observed, is nothing but
the conversion of an idea into an impression
by the force of imagination.
It is remarkable, that lively passions commonly
attend a lively imagination. In this respect,
as well as others, the force of the passion
depends as much on the temper of the person,
as the nature or situation of the object.
I have already observed, that belief is nothing
but a lively idea related to a present impression.
This vivacity is a requisite circumstance
to the exciting all our passions, the calm
as well as the violent; nor has a mere fiction
of the imagination any considerable influence
upon either of them. It is too weak to take
hold of the mind, or be attended with emotion.
SECT. VII OF CONTIGUITY AND DISTANCE IN SPACE
AND TIME
There is an easy reason, why every thing
contiguous to us, either in space or time,
should be conceived with a peculiar force
and vivacity, and excel every other object,
in its influence on the imagination. Ourself
is intimately present to us, and whatever
is related to self must partake of that quality.
But where an object is so far removed as
to have lost the advantage of this relation,
why, as it is farther removed, its idea becomes
still fainter and more obscure, would, perhaps,
require a more particular examination.
It is obvious, that the imagination can never
totally forget the points of space and time,
in which we are existent; but receives such
frequent advertisements of them from the
passions and senses, that however it may
turn its attention to foreign and remote
objects, it is necessitated every moment
to reflect on the present. IOt is also remarkable,
that in the conception of those objects,
which we regard as real and existent, we
take them in their proper order and situation,
and never leap from one object to another,
which is distant from it, without running
over, at least in a cursory manner, all those
objects, which are interposed betwixt them.
When we reflect, therefore, on any object
distant from ourselves, we are obliged not
only to reach it at first by passing through
all the intermediate space betwixt ourselves
and the object, but also to renew our progress
every moment; being every moment recalled
to the consideration of ourselves and our
present situation. It is easily conceived,
that this interruption must weaken the idea
by breaking the action of the mind, and hindering
the conception from being so intense and
continued, as when we reflect on a nearer
object. The fewer steps we make to arrive
at the object, and the smoother the road
is, this diminution of vivacity is less sensibly
felt, but still may be observed more or less
in proportion to the degrees of distance
and difficulty.
Here then we are to consider two kinds of
objects, the contiguous and remote; of which
the former, by means of their relation to
ourselves, approach an impression in force
and vivacity; the latter by reason of the
interruption in our manner of conceiving
them, appear in a weaker and more imperfect
light. This is their effect on the imagination.
If my reasoning be just, they must have a
proportionable effect on the will and passions.
Contiguous objects must have an influence
much superior to the distant and remote.
Accordingly we find in common life, that
men are principally concerned about those
objects, which are not much removed either
in space or time, enjoying the present, and
leaving what is afar off to the care of chance
and fortune. Talk to a man of his condition
thirty years hence, and he will not regard
you. Speak of what is to happen tomorrow,
and he will lend you attention. The breaking
of a mirror gives us more concern when at
home, than the burning of a house, when abroad,
and some hundred leagues distant.
But farther; though distance both in space
and time has a considerable effect on the
imagination, and by that means on the will
and passions, yet the consequence of a removal
in space are much inferior to those of a
removal in time. Twenty years are certainly
but a small distance of time in comparison
of what history and even the memory of some
may inform them of, and yet I doubt if a
thousand leagues, or even the greatest distance
of place this globe can admit of, will so
remarkably weaken our ideas, and diminish
our passions. A West-Indian merchant will
tell you, that he is not without concern
about what passes in Jamaica; though few
extend their views so far into futurity,
as to dread very remote accidents.
The cause of this phaenomenon must evidently
lie in the different properties of space
and time. Without having recourse to metaphysics,
any one may easily observe, that space or
extension consists of a number of co-existent
parts disposed in a certain order, and capable
of being at once present to the sight or
feeling. On the contrary, time or succession,
though it consists likewise of parts, never
presents to us more than one at once; nor
is it possible for any two of them ever to
be co-existent. These qualities of the objects
have a suitable effect on the imagination.
The parts of extension being susceptible
of an union to the senses, acquire an union
in the fancy; and as the appearance of one
part excludes not another, the transition
or passage of the thought through the contiguous
parts is by that means rendered more smooth
and easy. On the other hand, the incompatibility
of the parts of time in their real existence
separates them in the imagination, and makes
it more difficult for that faculty to trace
any long succession or series of events.
Every part must appear single and alone,
nor can regularly have entrance into the
fancy without banishing what is supposed
to have been immediately precedent. By this
means any distance in time causes a greater
interruption in the thought than an equal
distance in space, and consequently weakens
more considerably the idea, and consequently
the passions; which depend in a great measure,
on the imagination, according to my system.
There is another phaenomenon of a like nature
with the foregoing, viz, the superior effects
of the same distance in futurity above that
in the past. This difference with respect
to the will is easily accounted for. As none
of our actions can alter the past, it is
not strange it should never determine the
will. But with respect to the passions the
question is yet entire, and well worth the
examining.
Besides the propensity to a gradual progression
through the points of space and time, we
have another peculiarity in our method of
thinking, which concurs in producing this
phaenomenon. We always follow the succession
of time in placing our ideas, and from the
consideration of any object pass more easily
to that, which follows immediately after
it, than to that which went before it. We
may learn this, among other instances, from
the order, which is always observed in historical
narrations. Nothing but an absolute necessity
can oblige an historian to break the order
of time, and in his narration give the precedence
to an event, which was in reality posterior
to another.
This will easily be applied to the question
in hand, if we reflect on what I have before
observed, that the present situation of the
person is always that of the imagination,
and that it is from thence we proceed to
the conception of any distant object. When
the object is past, the progression of the
thought in passing to it from the present
is contrary to nature, as proceeding from
one point of time to that which is preceding,
and from that to another preceding, in opposition
to the natural course of the succession.
On the other hand, when we turn our thought
to a future object, our fancy flows along
the stream of time, and arrives at the object
by an order, which seems most natural, passing
always from one point of time to that which
is immediately posterior to it. This easy
progression of ideas favours the imagination,
and makes it conceive its object in a stronger
and fuller light, than when we are continually
opposed in our passage, and are obliged to
overcome the difficulties arising from the
natural propensity of the fancy. A small
degree of distance in the past has, therefore,
a greater effect, in interupting and weakening
the conception, than a much greater in the
future. From this effect of it on the imagination
is derived its influence on the will and
passions.
There is another cause, which both contributes
to the same effect, and proceeds from the
same quality of the fancy, by which we are
determined to trace the succession of time
by a similar succession of ideas. When from
the present instant we consider two points
of time equally distant in the future and
in the past, it is evident, that, abstractedly
considered, their relation to the present
is almost equal. For as the future will sometime
be present, so the past was once present.
If we coued, therefore, remove this quality
of the imagination, an equal distance in
the past and in the future, would have a
similar influence. Nor is this only true,
when the fancy remains fixed, and from the
present instant surveys the future and the
past; but also when it changes its situation,
and places us in different periods of time.
For as on the one hand, in supposing ourselves
existent in a point of time interposed betwixt
the present instant and the future object,
we find the future object approach to us,
and the past retire, and become more distant:
so on the other hand, in supposing ourselves
existent in a point of time interposed betwixt
the present and the past, the past approaches
to us, and the future becomes more distant.
But from the property of the fancy above-mentioned
we rather chuse to fix our thought on the
point of time interposed betwixt the present
and the future, than on that betwixt the
present and the past. We advance, rather
than retard our existence; and following
what seems the natural succession of time,
proceed from past to present, and from present
to future. By which means we conceive the
future as flowing every moment nearer us,
and the past as retiring. An equal distance,
therefore, in the past and in the future,
has not the same effect on the imagination;
and that because we consider the one as continually
encreasing, and the other as continually
diminishing. The fancy anticipates the course
of things, and surveys the object in that
condition, to which it tends, as well as
in that, which is regarded as the present.
SECT. VIII THE SAME SUBJECT CONTINUed
Thus we have accounted for three phaenomena,
which seem pretty remarkable. Why distance
weakens the conception and passion: Why distance
in time has a greater effect than that in
space: And why distance in past time has
still a greater effect than that in future.
We must now consider three phaenomena, which
seem to be, in a manner, the reverse of these:
Why a very great distance encreases our esteem
and admiration for an object; Why such a
distance in time encreases it more than that
in space: And a distance in past time more
than that in future. The curiousness of the
subject will, I hope, excuse my dwelling
on it for some time.
To begin with the first phaenomenon, why
a great distance encreases our esteem and
admiration for an object; it is evident that
the mere view and contemplation of any greatness,
whether successive or extended, enlarges
the soul, and give it a sensible delight
and pleasure. A wide plain, the ocean, eternity,
a succession of several ages; all these are
entertaining objects, and excel every thing,
however beautiful, which accompanies not
its beauty with a suitable greatness. Now
when any very distant object is presented
to the imagination, we naturally reflect
on the interposed distance, and by that means,
conceiving something great and magnificent,
receive the usual satisfaction. But as the
fancy passes easily from one idea to another
related to it, and transports to the second
all the passions excited by the first, the
admiration, which is directed to the distance,
naturally diffuses itself over the distant
object. Accordingly we find, that it is not
necessary the object should be actually distant
from us, in order to cause our admiration;
but that it is sufficient, if, by the natural
association of ideas, it conveys our view
to any considerable distance. A great traveller,
though in the same chamber, will pass for
a very extraordinary person; as a Greek medal,
even in our cabinet, is always esteemed a
valuable curiosity. Here the object, by a
natural transition, conveys our views to
the distance; and the admiration, which arises
from that distance, by another natural transition,
returns back to the object.
But though every great distance produces
an admiration for the distant object, a distance
in time has a more considerable effect than
that in space. Antient busts and inscriptions
are more valued than Japan tables: And not
to mention the Greeks and Romans, it is certain
we regard with more veneration the old Chaldeans
and Egyptians, than the modern Chinese and
Persians, and bestow more fruitless pains
to dear up the history and chronology of
the former, than it would cost us to make
a voyage, and be certainly informed of the
character, learning and government of the
latter. I shall be obliged to make a digression
in order to explain this phaenomenon.
It is a quality very observable in human
nature, that any opposition, which does not
entirely discourage and intimidate us, has
rather a contrary effect, and inspires us
with a more than ordinary grandeur and magnanimity.
In collecting our force to overcome the opposition,
we invigorate the soul, and give it an elevation
with which otherwise it would never have
been acquainted. Compliance, by rendering
our strength useless, makes us insensible
of it: but opposition awakens and employs
it.
This is also true in the universe. Opposition
not only enlarges the soul; but the soul,
when full of courage and magnanimity, in
a manner seeks opposition.
SPUMANTEMQUE DARI PECORA INTER INERTIA VOTIS
OPTAT APRUM, AUT FULVUM DESCENDERE MONTE
LEONEM.
[And, among the tamer beasts, [he] longs
to be granted, in answer to his prayers,
a slavering boar, or to have a tawny lion
come down from the mountain.]
Whatever supports and fills the passions
is agreeable to us; as on the contrary, what
weakens and infeebles them is uneasy. As
opposition has the first effect, and facility
the second, no wonder the mind, in certain
dispositions, desires the former, and is
averse to the latter.
These principles have an effect on the imagination
as well as on the passions. To be convinced
of this we need only consider the influence
of heights and depths on that faculty. Any
great elevation of place communicates a kind
of pride or sublimity of imagination, and
gives a fancyed superiority over those that
lie below; and, vice versa, a sublime and
strong imagination conveys the idea of ascent
and elevation. Hence it proceeds, that we
associate, in a manner, the idea of whatever
is good with that of height, and evil with
lowness. Heaven is supposed to be above,
and hell below. A noble genius is called
an elevate and sublime one. ATQUE UDAM SPERNIT
HUMUM FUGIENTE PENNA. [Spurns the dank soil
in winged flight.] On the contrary, a vulgar
and trivial conception is stiled indifferently
low or mean. Prosperity is denominated ascent,
and adversity descent. Kings and princes
are supposed to be placed at the top of human
affairs; as peasants and day-labourers are
said to be in the lowest stations. These
methods of thinking, and of expressing ourselves,
are not of so little consequence as they
may appear at first sight.
It is evident to common sense, as well as
philosophy, that there is no natural nor
essential difference betwixt high and low,
and that this distinction arises only from
the gravitation of matter, which produces
a motion from the one to the other. The very
same direction, which in this part of the
globe is called ascent, is denominated descent
in our antipodes; which can proceed from
nothing but the contrary tendency of bodies.
Now it is certain, that the tendency of bodies,
continually operating upon our senses, must
produce, from custom, a like tendency in
the fancy, and that when we consider any
object situated in an ascent, the idea of
its weight gives us a propensity to transport
it from the place, in which it is situated,
to the place immediately below it, and so
on, until we come to the ground, which equally
stops the body and our imagination. For a
like reason we feel a difficulty in mounting,
and pass not without a kind of reluctance
from the inferior to that which is situated
above it; as if our ideas acquired a kind
of gravity from their objects. As a proof
of this, do we not find, that the facility,
which is so much studyed in music and poetry,
is called the fail or cadency of the harmony
or period; the idea of facility communicating
to us that of descent, in the same manner
as descent produces a facility?
Since the imagination, therefore, in running
from low to high, finds an opposition in
its internal qualities and principles, and
since the soul, when elevated with joy and
courage, in a manner seeks opposition, and
throws itself with alacrity into any scene
of thought or action, where its courage meets
with matter to nourish and employ it; it
follows, that everything, which invigorates
and inlivens the soul, whether by touching
the passions or imagination naturally conveys
to the fancy this inclination for ascent,
and determines it to run against the natural
stream of its thoughts and conceptions. This
aspiring progress of the imagination suits
the present disposition of the mind; and
the difficulty, instead of extinguishing
its vigour and alacrity, has the contrary
affect, of sustaining and encreasing it.
Virtue, genius, power, and riches are for
this reason associated with height and sublimity;
as poverty, slavery, and folly are conjoined
with descent and lowness. Were the case the
same with us as Milton represents it to be
with the angels, to whom descent is adverse,
and who cannot sink without labour and compulsion,
this order of things would be entirely inverted;
as appears hence, that the very nature of
ascent and descent is derived from the difficulty
and propensity, and consequently every one
of their effects proceeds from that origin.
All this is easily applied to the present
question, why a considerable distance in
time produces a greater veneration for the
distant objects than a like removal in space.
The imagination moves with more difficulty
in passing from one portion of time to another,
than in a transition through the parts of
space; and that because space or extension
appears united to our senses, while time
or succession is always broken and divided.
This difficulty, when joined with a small
distance, interrupts and weakens the fancy:
But has a contrary effect in a great removal.
The mind, elevated by the vastness of its
object, is still farther elevated by the
difficulty of the conception; and being obliged
every moment to renew its efforts in the
transition from one part of time to another,
feels a more vigorous and sublime disposition,
than in a transition through the parts of
space, where the ideas flow along with easiness
and facility. In this disposition, the imagination,
passing, as is usual, from the consideration
of the distance to the view of the distant
objects, gives us a proportionable veneration
for it; and this is the reason why all the
relicts of antiquity are so precious in our
eyes, and appear more valuable than what
is brought even from the remotest parts of
the world.
The third phaenomenon I have remarked will
be a full confirmation of this. It is not
every removal in time, which has the effect
of producing veneration and esteem. We are
not apt to imagine our posterity will excel
us, or equal our ancestors. This phaenomenon
is the more remarkable, because any distance
in futurity weakens not our ideas so much
as an equal removal in the past. Though a
removal in the past, when very great, encreases
our passions beyond a like removal in the
future, yet a small removal has a greater
influence in diminishing them.
In our common way of thinking we are placed
in a kind of middle station betwixt the past
and future; and as our imagination finds
a kind of difficulty in running along the
former, and a facility in following the course
of the latter, the difficulty conveys the
notion of ascent, and the facility of the
contrary. Hence we imagine our ancestors
to be, in a manner, mounted above us, and
our posterity to lie below us. Our fancy
arrives not at the one without effort, but
easily reaches the other: Which effort weakens
the conception, where the distance is small;
but enlarges and elevates the imagination,
when attended with a suitable object. As
on the other hand, the facility assists the
fancy in a small removal, but takes off from
its force when it contemplates any considerable
distance.
It may not be improper, before we leave this
subject of the will, to resume, in a few
words, all that has been said concerning
it, in order to set the whole more distinctly
before the eyes of the reader. What we commonly
understand by passion is a violent and sensible
emotion of mind, when any good or evil is
presented, or any object, which, by the original
formation of our faculties, is fitted to
excite an appetite. By reason we mean affections
of the very same kind with the former; but
such as operate more calmly, and cause no
disorder in the temper: Which tranquillity
leads us into a mistake concerning them,
and causes us to regard them as conclusions
only of our intellectual faculties. Both
the causes and effects of these violent and
calm passions are pretty variable, and depend,
in a great measure, on the peculiar temper
and disposition of every individual. Generally
speaking, the violent passions have a more
powerful influence on the will; though it
is often found, that the calm ones, when
corroborated by reflection, and seconded
by resolution, are able to controul them
in their most furious movements. What makes
this whole affair more uncertain, is, that
a calm passion may easily be changed into
a violent one, either by a change of temper,
or of the circumstances and situation of
the object, as by the borrowing of force
from any attendant passion, by custom, or
by exciting the imagination. Upon the whole,
this struggle of passion and of reason, as
it is called, diversifies human life, and
makes men so different not only from each
other, but also from themselves in different
times. Philosophy can only account for a
few of the greater and more sensible events
of this war; but must leave all the smaller
and more delicate revolutions, as dependent
on principles too fine and minute for her
comprehension.
SECT. IX OF THE DIRECT PASSIONS
It is easy to observe, that the passions,
both direct and indirect, are founded on
pain and pleasure, and that in order to produce
an affection of any kind, it is only requisite
to present some good or evil. Upon the removal
of pain and pleasure there immediately follows
a removal of love and hatred, pride and humility,
desire and aversion, and of most of our reflective
or secondary impressions.
The impressions, which arise from good and
evil most naturally, and with the least preparation
are the direct passions of desire and aversion,
grief and joy, hope and fear, along with
volition. The mind by an original instinct
tends to unite itself with the good, and
to avoid the evil, though they be conceived
merely in idea, and be considered as to exist
in any future period of time.
But supposing that there is an immediate
impression of pain or pleasure, and that
arising from an object related to ourselves
or others, this does not prevent the propensity
or aversion, with the consequent emotions,
but by concurring with certain dormant principles
of the human mind, excites the new impressions
of pride or humility, love or hatred. That
propensity, which unites us to the object,
or separates us from it, still continues
to operate, but in conjunction with the indirect
passions, which arise from a double relation
of impressions and ideas.
These indirect passions, being always agreeable
or uneasy, give in their turn additional
force to the direct passions, and encrease
our desire and aversion to the object. Thus
a suit of fine cloaths produces pleasure
from their beauty; and this pleasure produces
the direct passions, or the impressions of
volition and desire. Again, when these cloaths
are considered as belonging to ourself, the
double relation conveys to us the sentiment
of pride, which is an indirect passion; and
the pleasure, which attends that passion,
returns back to the direct affections, and
gives new force to our desire or volition,
joy or hope.
When good is certain or probable, it produces
joy. When evil is in the same situation there
arises GRIEF or SORROW.
When either good or evil is uncertain, it
gives rise to FEAR or HOPE, according to
the degrees of uncertainty on the one side
or the other.
DESIRE arises from good considered simply,
and AVERSION is derived from evil. The WILL
exerts itself, when either the good or the
absence of the evil may be attained by any
action of the mind or body.
Beside good and evil, or in other words,
pain and pleasure, the direct passions frequently
arise from a natural impulse or instinct,
which is perfectly unaccountable. Of this
kind is the desire of punishment to our enemies,
and of happiness to our friends; hunger,
lust, and a few other bodily appetites. These
passions, properly speaking, produce good
and evil, and proceed not from them, like
the other affections.
None of the direct affections seem to merit
our particular attention, except hope and
fear, which we shall here endeavour to account
for. It is evident that the very same event,
which by its certainty would produce grief
or joy, gives always rise to fear or hope,
when only probable and uncertain. In order,
therefore, to understand the reason why this
circumstance makes such a considerable difference,
we must reflect on what I have already advanced
in the preceding book concerning the nature
of probability.
Probability arises from an opposition of
contrary chances or causes, by which the
mind is not allowed to fix on either side,
but is incessantly tost from one to another,
and at one moment is determined to consider
an object as existent, and at another moment
as the contrary. The imagination or understanding,
call it which you please, fluctuates betwixt
the opposite views; and though perhaps it
may be oftener turned to the one side than
the other, it is impossible for it, by reason
of the opposition of causes or chances, to
rest on either. The pro and con of the question
alternately prevail; and the mind, surveying
the object in its opposite principles, finds
such a contrariety as utterly destroys all
certainty and established opinion.
Suppose, then, that the object, concerning
whose reality we are doubtful, is an object
either of desire or aversion, it is evident,
that, according as the mind turns itself
either to the one side or the other, it must
feel a momentary impression of joy or sorrow.
An object, whose existence we desire, gives
satisfaction, when we reflect on those causes,
which produce it; and for the same reason
excites grief or uneasiness from the opposite
consideration: So that as the understanding,
in all probable questions, is divided betwixt
the contrary points of view, the affections
must in the same manner be divided betwixt
opposite emotions.
Now if we consider the human mind, we shall
find, that with regard to the passions, it
is not the nature of a wind-instrument of
music, which in running over all the notes
immediately loses the sound after the breath
ceases; but rather resembles a string-instrument,
where after each stroke the vibrations still
retain some sound, which gradually and insensibly
decays. The imagination is extreme quick
and agile; but the passions are slow and
restive: For which reason, when any object
is presented, that affords a variety of views
to the one, and emotions to the other; though
the fancy may change its views with great
celerity; each stroke will not produce a
clear and distinct note of passion, but the
one passion will always be mixt and confounded
with the other. According as the probability
inclines to good or evil, the passion of
joy or sorrow predominates in the composition:
Because the nature of probability is to cast
a superior number of views or chances on
one side; or, which is the same thing, a
superior number of returns of one passion;
or since the dispersed passions are collected
into one, a superior degree of that passion.
That is, in other words, the grief and joy
being intermingled with each other, by means
of the contrary views of the imagination,
produce by their union the passions of hope
and fear.
Upon this head there may be started a very
curious question concerning that contrariety
of passions, which is our present subject.
It is observable, that where the objects
of contrary passions are presented at once,
beside the encrease of the predominant passion
(which has been already explained, and commonly
arises at their first shock or rencounter)
it sometimes happens, that both the passions
exist successively, and by short intervals;
sometimes, that they destroy each other,
and neither of them takes place; and sometimes
that both of them remain united in the mind.
It may, therefore, be asked, by what theory
we can explain these variations, and to what
general principle we can reduce them.
When the contrary passions arise from objects
entirely different, they take place alternately,
the want of relation in the ideas separating
the impressions from each other, and preventing
their opposition. Thus when a man is afflicted
for the loss of a law-suit, and joyful for
the birth of a son, the mind running from
the agreeable to the calamitous object, with
whatever celerity it may perform this motion,
can scarcely temper the one affection with
the other, and remain betwixt them in a state
of indifference.
It more easily attains that calm situation,
when the same event is of a mixt nature,
and contains something adverse and something
prosperous in its different circumstances.
For in that case, both the passions, mingling
with each other by means of the relation,
become mutually destructive, and leave the
mind in perfect tranquility.
But suppose, in the third place, that the
object is not a compound of good or evil,
but is considered as probable or improbable
in any degree; in that case I assert, that
the contrary passions will both of them be
present at once in the soul, and instead
of destroying and tempering each other, will
subsist together, and produce a third impression
or affection by their union. Contrary passions
are not capable of destroying each other,
except when their contrary movements exactly
rencounter, and are opposite in their direction,
as well as in the sensation they produce.
This exact rencounter depends upon the relations
of those ideas, from which they are derived,
and is more or less perfect, according to
the degrees of the relation. In the case
of probability the contrary chances are so
far related, that they determine concerning
the existence or non-existence of the same
object. But this relation is far from being
perfect; since some of the chances lie on
the side of existence, and others on that
of non-existence; which are objects altogether
incompatible. It is impossible by one steady
view to survey the opposite chances, and
the events dependent on them; but it is necessary,
that the imagination should run alternately
from the one to the other. Each view of the
imagination produces its peculiar passion,
which decays away by degrees, and is followed
by a sensible vibration after the stroke.
The incompatibility of the views keeps the
passions from shocking in a direct line,
if that expression may be allowed; and yet
their relation is sufficient to mingle their
fainter emotions. It is after this manner
that hope and fear arise from the different
mixture of these opposite passions of grief
and joy, and from their imperfect union and
conjunction.
Upon the whole, contrary passions succeed
each other alternately, when they arise from
different objects: They mutually destroy
each other, when they proceed from different
parts of the same: And they subsist both
of them and mingle together, when they are
derived from the contrary and incompatible
chances or possibilities, on which any one
object depends. The influence of the relations
of ideas is plainly seen in this whole affair.
If the objects of the contrary passions be
totally different, the passions are like
two opposite liquors in different bottles,
which have no influence on each other. If
the objects be intimately connected, the
passions are like an alcali and an acid,
which, being mingled, destroy each other.
If the relation be more imperfect, and consists
in the contradictory views of the same object,
the passions are like oil and vinegar, which,
however mingled, never perfectly unite and
incorporate.
As the hypothesis concerning hope and fear
carries its own evidence along with it, we
shall be the more concise in our proofs.
A few strong arguments are better than many
weak ones.
The passions of fear and hope may arise when
the chances are equal on both sides, and
no superiority can be discovered in the one
above the other. Nay, in this situation the
passions are rather the strongest, as the
mind has then the least foundation to rest
upon, and is tossed with the greatest uncertainty.
Throw in a superior degree of probability
to the side of grief, you immediately see
that passion diffuse itself over the composition,
and tincture it into fear. Encrease the probability,
and by that means the grief, the fear prevails
still more and more, till at last it runs
insensibly, as the joy continually diminishes,
into pure grief. After you have brought it
to this situation, diminish the grief, after
the same manner that you encreased it; by
diminishing the probability on that side,
and you'll see the passion clear every moment,
until it changes insensibly into hope; which
again runs, after the same manner, by slow
degrees, into joy, as you encrease that part
of the composition by the encrease of the
probability. Are not these as plain proofs,
that the passions of fear and hope are mixtures
of grief and joy, as in optics it is a proof,
that a coloured ray of the sun passing through
a prism, is a composition of two others,
when, as you diminish or encrease the quantity
of either, you find it prevail proportionably
more or less in the composition? I am sure
neither natural nor moral philosophy admits
of stronger proofs.
Probability is of two kinds, either when
the object is really in itself uncertain,
and to be determined by chance; or when,
though the object be already certain, yet
it is uncertain to our judgment, which finds
a number of proofs on each side of the question.
Both these kinds of probabilities cause fear
and hope; which can only proceed from that
property, in which they agree, viz, the uncertainty
and fluctuation they bestow on the imagination
by that contrariety of views, which is common
to both.
It is a probable good or evil, that commonly
produces hope or fear; because probability,
being a wavering and unconstant method of
surveying an object, causes naturally a like
mixture and uncertainty of passion. But we
may observe, that wherever from other causes
this mixture can be produced, the passions
of fear and hope will arise, even though
there be no probability; which must be allowed
to be a convincing proof of the present hypothesis.
We find that an evil, barely conceived as
possible, does sometimes produce fear; especially
if the evil be very great. A man cannot think
of excessive pains and tortures without trembling,
if he be in the least danger of suffering
them. The smallness of the probability is
compensated by the greatness of the evil;
and the sensation is equally lively, as if
the evil were more probable. One view or
glimpse of the former, has the same effect
as several of the latter.
But they are not only possible evils, that
cause fear, but even some allowed to be impossible;
as when we tremble on the brink of a precipice,
though we know ourselves to be in perfect
security, and have it in our choice whether
we wili advance a step farther. This proceeds
from the immediate presence of the evil,
which influences the imagination in the same
manner as the certainty of it would do; but
being encountered by the reflection on our
security, is immediately retracted, and causes
the same kind of passion, as when from a
contrariety of chances contrary passions
are produced.
Evils, that are certain, have sometimes the
same effect in producing fear, as the possible
or impossible. Thus a man in a strong prison
well-guarded, without the least means of
escape, trembles at the thought of the rack,
to which he is sentenced. This happens only
when the certain evil is terrible and confounding;
in which case the mind continually rejects
it with horror, while it continually presses
in upon the thought. The evil is there flxed
and established, but the mind cannot endure
to fix upon it; from which fluctuation and
uncertainty there arises a passion of much
the same appearance with fear.
But it is not only where good or evil is
uncertain, as to its existence, but also
as to its kind, that fear or hope arises.
Let one be told by a person, whose veracity
he cannot doubt of, that one of his sons
is suddenly killed, it is evident the passion
this event would occasion, would not settle
into pure grief, till he got certain information,
which of his sons he had lost. Here there
is an evil certain, but the kind of it uncertain.
Consequently the fear we feel on this occasion
is without the least mixture of joy, and
arises merely from the fluctuation of the
fancy betwixt its objects. And though each
side of the question produces here the same
passion, yet that passion cannot settle,
but receives from the imagination a tremulous
and unsteady motion, resembling in its cause,
as well as in its sensation, the mixture
and contention of grief and joy.
From these principles we may account for
a phaenomenon in the passions, which at first
sight seems very extraordinary, viz, that
surprize is apt to change into fear, and
every thing that is unexpected affrights
us. The most obvious conclusion from this
is, that human nature is in general pusillanimous;
since upon the sudden appearance of any object.
we immediately conclude it to be an evil,
and without waiting till we can examine its
nature, whether it be good or bad, are at
first affected with fear. This I say is the
most obvious conclusion; but upon farther
examination we shall find that the phaenomenon
is otherwise to be accounted for. The suddenness
and strangeness of an appearance naturally
excite a commotion in the mind, like every
thing for which we are not prepared, and
to which we are not accustomed. This commotion,
again, naturally produces a curiosity or
inquisitiveness, which being very violent,
from the strong and sudden impulse of the
object, becomes uneasy, and resembles in
its fluctuation and uncertainty, the sensation
of fear or the mixed passions of grief and
joy. This image of fear naturally converts
into the thing itself, and gives us a real
apprehension of evil, as the mind always
forms its judgments more from its present
disposition than from the nature of its objects.
Thus all kinds of uncertainty have a strong
connexion with fear, even though they do
not cause any opposition of passions by the
opposite views and considerations they present
to us. A person, who has left his friend
in any malady, will feel more anxiety upon
his account, than if he were present, though
perhaps he is not only incapable of giving
him assistance, but likewise of judging of
the event of his sickness. In this case,
though the principal object of the passion,
viz, the life or death of his friend, be
to him equally uncertain when present as
when absent; yet there are a thousand little
circumstances of his friend's situation and
condition, the knowledge of which fixes the
idea, and prevents that fluctuation and uncertainty
so near allyed to fear. Uncertainty is, indeed,
in one respect as near allyed to hope as
to fear, since it makes an essential part
in the composition of the former passion;
but the reason, why it inclines not to that
side, is, that uncertainty alone is uneasy,
and has a reladon of impressions to the uneasy
passions.
It is thus our uncertainty concerning any
minute circumstance relating to a person
encreases our apprehensions of his death
or misfortune. Horace has remarked this phaenomenon.
UT ASSIDENS IMPLUMI BUS PULLUS AVIS SERPENTIUM
ALLAPSUS TIRNET, MAGIS RELICTIS; NON, UT
ADSIT, AUXILI LATURA PLUS PRESENTIBUS.
[As a bird, watching over her fledgelings,
is more afraid of their being attacked by
snakes if she were to leave them even though,
were she to stay, she would not be any more
capable of helping them, when they were with
her.]
But this principle of the connexion of fear
with uncertainty I carry farther, and observe
that any doubt produces that passion, even
though it presents nothing to us on any side
but what is good and desireable. A virgin,
on her bridalnight goes to bed full of fears
and apprehensions, though she expects nothing
but pleasure of the highest kind, and what
she has long wished for. The newness and
greatness of the event, the confusion of
wishes and joys so embarrass the mind, that
it knows not on what passion to fix itself;
from whence arises a fluttering or unsettledness
of the spirits which being, in some degree,
uneasy, very naturally degenerates into fear.
Thus we still find, that whatever causes
any fluctuation or mixture of passions, with
any degree of uneasiness, always produces
fear, or at least a passion so like it, that
they are scarcely to be distinguished.
I have here confined myself to the examination
of hope and fear in their most simple and
natural situation, without considering all
the variations they may receive from the
mixture of different views and reflections.
Terror, consternation, astonishment, anxiety,
and other passions of that kind, are nothing
but different species and degrees of fear.
It is easy to imagine how a different situation
of the object, or a different turn of thought,
may change even the sensation of a passion;
and this may in general account for all the
particular sub-divisions of the other affections,
as well as of fear. Love may shew itself
in the shape of tenderness, friendship, intimacy,
esteem, good-will, and in many other appearances;
which at the bottom are the same affections;
and arise from the same causes, though with
a small variation, which it is not necessary
to give any particular account of. It is
for this reason I have all along confined
myself to the principal passion.
The same care of avoiding prolixity is the
reason why I wave the examination of the
will and direct passions, as they appear
in animals; since nothing is more evident,
than that they are of the same nature, and
excited by the same causes as in human creatures.
I leave this to the reader's own observation;
desiring him at the same time to consider
the additional force this bestows on the
present system.
SECT. X OF CURIOSITY, OR THE LOVE OF TRUTH
But methinks we have been not a little inattentive
to run over so many different parts of the
human mind, and examine so many passions,
without taking once into the consideration
that love of truth, which was the first source
of all our enquiries. Twill therefore be
proper, before we leave this subject, to
bestow a few reflections on that passion,
and shew its origin in human nature. It is
an affection of so peculiar a kind, that
it would have been impossible to have treated
of it under any of those heads, which we
have examined, without danger of obscurity
and confusion.
Truth is of two kinds, consisting either
in the discovery of the proportions of ideas,
considered as such, or in the conformity
of our ideas of objects to their real existence.
It is certain, that the former species of
truth, is not desired merely as truth, and
that it is not the justness of our conclusions,
which alone gives the pleasure. For these
conclusions are equally just, when we discover
the equality of two bodies by a pair of compasses,
as when we learn it by a mathematical demonstration;
and though in the one case the proofs be
demonstrative, and in the other only sensible,
yet generally speaking, the mind acquiesces
with equal assurance in the one as in the
other. And in an arithmetical operation,
where both the truth and the assurance are
of the same nature, as in the most profound
algebraical problem, the pleasure is very
inconsiderable, if rather it does not degenerate
into pain: Which is an evident proof, that
the satisfaction, which we sometimes receive
from the discovery of truth, proceeds not
from it, merely as such, but only as endowed
with certain qualities.
The first and most considerable circumstance
requisite to render truth agreeable, is the
genius and capacity, which is employed in
its invention and discovery. What is easy
and obvious is never valued; and even what
is in itself difficult, if we come to the
knowledge of it without difficulty, and without
any stretch of thought or judgment, is but
little regarded. We love to trace the demonstrations
of mathematicians; but should receive small
entertainment from a person, who should barely
inform us of the proportions of lines and
angles, though we reposed the utmost confidence
both in his judgment and veracity. In this
case it is sufficient to have ears to learn
the truth. We never are obliged to fix our
attention or exert our genius; which of all
other exercises of the mind is the most pleasant
and agreeable.
But though the exercise of genius be the
principal source of that satisfaction we
receive from the sciences, yet I doubt, if
it be alone sufficient to give us any considerable
enjoyment. The truth we discover must also
be of some importance. It is easy to multiply
algebraical problems to infinity, nor is
there any end in the discovery of the proportions
of conic sections; though few mathematicians
take any pleasure in these researches, but
turn their thoughts to what is more useful
and important. Now the question is, after
what manner this utility and importance operate
upon us? The difficulty on this head arises
from hence, that many philosophers have consumed
their time, have destroyed their health,
and neglected their fortune, in the search
of such truths, as they esteemed important
and useful to the world, though it appeared
from their whole conduct and behaviour, that
they were not endowed with any share of public
spirit, nor had any concern for the interests
of mankind. Were they convinced, that their
discoveries were of no consequence, they
would entirely lose all relish for their
studies, and that though the consequences
be entirely indifferent to them; which seems
to be a contradiction.
To remove this contradiction, we must consider,
that there are certain desires and inclinations,
which go no farther than the imagination,
and are rather the faint shadows and images
of passions, than any real affections. Thus,
suppose a man, who takes a survey of the
fortifications of any city; considers their
strength and advantages, natural or acquired;
observes the disposition and contrivance
of the bastions, ramparts, mines, and other
military works; it is plain, that in proportion
as all these are fitted to attain their ends
he will receive a suitable pleasure and satisfaction.
This pleasure, as it arises from the utility,
not the form of the objects, can be no other
than a sympathy with the inhabitants, for
whose security all this art is employed;
though it is possible, that this person,
as a stranger or an enemy, may in his heart
have no kindness for them, or may even entertain
a hatred against them.
It may indeed be objected, that such a remote
sympathy is a very slight foundation for
a passion, and that so much industry and
application, as we frequently observe in
philosophers, can never be derived from so
inconsiderable an original. But here I return
to what I have already remarked, that the
pleasure of study conflicts chiefly in the
action of the mind, and the exercise of the
genius and understanding in the discovery
or comprehension of any truth. If the importance
of the truth be requisite to compleat the
pleasure, it is not on account of any considerable
addition, which of itself it brings to our
enjoyment, but only because it is, in some
measure, requisite to fix our attention.
When we are careless and inattentive, the
same action of the understanding has no effect
upon us, nor is able to convey any of that
satisfaction, which arises from it, when
we are in another disposition.
But beside the action of the mind, which
is the principal foundation of the pleasure,
there is likewise required a degree of success
in the attainment of the end, or the discovery
of that truth we examine. Upon this head
I shall make a general remark, which may
be useful on many occasions, viz, that where
the mind pursues any end with passion; though
that passion be not derived originally from
the end, but merely from the action and pursuit;
yet by the natural course of the affections,
we acquire a concern for the end itself,
and are uneasy under any disappointment we
meet with in the pursuit of it. This proceeds
from the relation and parallel direction
of the passions above-mentioned.
To illustrate all this by a similar instance,
I shall observe, that there cannot be two
passions more nearly resembling each other,
than those of hunting and philosophy, whatever
disproportion may at first sight appear betwixt
them. It is evident, that the pleasure of
hunting conflicts in the action of the mind
and body; the motion, the attention, the
difficulty, and the uncertainty. It is evident
likewise, that these actions must be attended
with an idea of utility, in order to their
having any effect upon us. A man of the greatest
fortune, and the farthest removed from avarice,
though he takes a pleasure in hunting after
patridges and pheasants, feels no satisfaction
in shooting crows and magpies; and that because
he considers the first as fit for the table,
and the other as entirely useless. Here it
is certain, that the utility or importance
of itself causes no real passion, but is
only requisite to support the imagination;
and the same person, who over-looks a ten
times greater profit in any other subject,
is pleased to bring home half a dozen woodcocks
or plovers, after having employed several
hours in hunting after them. To make the
parallel betwixt hunting and philosophy more
compleat, we may observe, that though in
both cases the end of our action may in itself
be despised, yet in the heat of the action
we acquire such an attention to this end,
that we are very uneasy under any disappointments,
and are sorry when we either miss our game,
or fall into any error in our reasoning.
If we want another parallel to these affections,
we may consider the passion of gaming, which
affords a pleasure from the same principles
as hunting and philosophy. It has been remarked,
that the pleasure of gaming arises not from
interest alone; since many leave a sure gain
for this entertainment: Neither is it derived
from the game alone; since the same persons
have no satisfaction, when they play for
nothing: But proceeds from both these causes
united, though separately they have no effect.
It is here, as in certain chymical preparations,
where the mixture of two clear and transparent
liquids produces a third, which is opaque
and coloured..
The interest, which we have in any game,
engages our attention, without which we can
have no enjoyment, either in that or in any
other action. Our attention being once engaged,
the difficulty, variety, and sudden reverses
of fortune, still farther interest us; and
it is from that concern our satisfaction
arises. Human life is so tiresome a scene,
and men generally are of such indolent dispositions,
that whatever amuses them, though by a passion
mixt with pain, does in the main give them
a sensible pleasure. And this pleasure is
here encreased by the nature of the objects,
which being sensible, and of a narrow compass,
are entered into with facility, and are agreeable
to the imagination.
The same theory, that accounts for the love
of truth in mathematics and algebra may be
extended to morals, politics, natural philosophy,
and other studies, where we consider not
the other abstract relations of ideas, but
their real connexions and existence. But
beside the love of knowledge, which displays
itself in the sciences, there is a certain
curiosity implanted in human nature, which
is a passion derived from a quite different
principle. Some people have an insatiable
desire of knowing the actions and circumstances
of their neighbours, though their interest
be no way concerned in them, and they must
entirely depend on others for their information;
in which case there is no room for study
or application. Let us search for the reason
of this phaenomenon.
It has been proved at large, that the influence
of belief is at once to inliven and infix
any idea in the imagination, and prevent
all kind of hesitation and uncertainty about
it. Both these circumstances are advantageous.
By the vivacity of the idea we interest the
fancy, and produce, though in a lesser degree,
the same pleasure, which arises from a moderate
passion. As the vivacity of the idea gives
pleasure, so its certainty prevents uneasiness,
by fixing one particular idea in the mind,
and keeping it from wavering in the choice
of its objects. It is a quality of human
nature, which is conspicuous on many occasions,
and is common both to the mind and body,
that too sudden and violent a change is unpleasant
to us, and that however any objects may in
themselves be indifferent, yet their alteration
gives uneasiness. As it is the nature of
doubt to cause a variation in the thought,
and transport us suddenly from one idea to
another, it must of consequence be the occasion
of pain. This pain chiefly takes place, where
interest, relation, or the greatness and
novelty of any event interests us in it.
It is not every matter of fact, of which
we have a curiosity to be informed; neither
are they such only as we have an interest
to know. It is sufficient if the idea strikes
on us with such force, and concerns us so
nearly, as to give us an uneasiness in its
instability and inconstancy. A stranger,
when he arrives first at any town, may be
entirely indifferent about knowing the history
and adventures of the inhabitants; but as
he becomes farther acquainted with them,
and has lived any considerable time among
them, he acquires the same curiosity as the
natives. When we are reading the history
of a nation, we may have an ardent desire
of clearing up any doubt or difficulty, that
occurs in it; but become careless in such
researches, when the ideas of these events
are, in a great measure, obliterated.
BOOK III OF MORALS
PART I OF VIRTUE AND VICE IN GENERAL
SECT. I MORAL DISTINCTIONS NOT DERIVed FROM
REASON
There is an inconvenience which attends all
abstruse reasoning that it may silence, without
convincing an antagonist, and requires the
same intense study to make us sensible of
its force, that was at first requisite for
its invention. When we leave our closet,
and engage in the common affairs of life,
its conclusions seem to vanish, like the
phantoms of the night on the appearance of
the morning; and it is difficult for us to
retain even that conviction, which we had
attained with difficulty. This is still more
conspicuous in a long chain of reasoning,
where we must preserve to the end the evidence
of the first propositions, and where we often
lose sight of all the most received maxims,
either of philosophy or common life. I am
not, however, without hopes, that the present
system of philosophy will acquire new force
as it advances; and that our reasonings concerning
morals will corroborate whatever has been
said concerning the UNDERSTANDING and the
PASSIONS. Morality is a subject that interests
us above all others: We fancy the peace of
society to be at stake in every decision
concerning it; and it is evident, that this
concern must make our speculations appear
more real and solid, than where the subject
is, in a great measure, indifferent to us.
What affects us, we conclude can never be
a chimera; and as our passion is engaged
on the one side or the other, we naturally
think that the question lies within human
comprehension; which, in other cases of this
nature, we are apt to entertain some doubt
of. Without this advantage I never should
have ventured upon a third volume of such
abstruse philosophy, in an age, wherein the
greatest part of men seem agreed to convert
reading into an amusement, and to reject
every thing that requires any considerable
degree of attention to be comprehended.
It has been observed, that nothing is ever
present to the mind but its perceptions;
and that all the actions of seeing, hearing,
judging, loving, hating, and thinking, fall
under this denomination. The mind can never
exert itself in any action, which we may
not comprehend under the term of perception;
and consequently that term is no less applicable
to those judgments, by which we distinguish
moral good and evil, than to every other
operation of the mind. To approve of one
character, to condemn another, are only so
many different perceptions.
Now as perceptions resolve themselves into
two kinds, viz. impressions and ideas, this
distinction gives rise to a question, with
which we shall open up our present enquiry
concerning morals. WHETHER IT IS BY MEANS
OF OUR IDEAS OR IMPRESSIONS WE DISTINGUISH
BETWIXT VICE AND VIRTUE, AND PRONOUNCE AN
ACTION BLAMEABLE OR PRAISEWORTHY? This will
immediately cut off all loose discourses
and declamations, and reduce us to something
precise and exact on the present subject.
Those who affirm that virtue is nothing but
a conformity to reason; that there are eternal
fitnesses and unfitnesses of things, which
are the same to every rational being that
considers them; that the immutable measures
of right and wrong impose an obligation,
not only on human creatures, but also on
the Deity himself: All these systems concur
in the opinion, that morality, like truth,
is discerned merely by ideas, and by their
juxta-position and comparison. In order,
therefore, to judge of these systems, we
need only consider, whether it be possible,
from reason alone, to distinguish betwixt
moral good and evil, or whether there must
concur some other principles to enable us
to make that distinction.
If morality had naturally no influence on
human passions and actions, it were in vain
to take such pains to inculcate it; and nothing
would be more fruitless than that multitude
of rules and precepts, with which all moralists
abound. Philosophy is commonly divided into
speculative and practical; and as morality
is always comprehended under the latter division,
it is supposed to influence our passions
and actions, and to go beyond the calm and
indolent judgments of the understanding.
And this is confirmed by common experience,
which informs us, that men are often governed
by their duties, and are detered from some
actions by the opinion of injustice, and
impelled to others by that of obligation.
Since morals, therefore, have an influence
on the actions and affections, it follows,
that they cannot be derived from reason;
and that because reason alone, as we have
already proved, can never have any such influence.
Morals excite passions, and produce or prevent
actions. Reason of itself is utterly impotent
in this particular. The rules of morality
therefore, are not conclusions of our reason.
No one, I believe, will deny the justness
of this inference; nor is there any other
means of evading it, than by denying that
principle, on which it is founded. As long
as it is allowed, that reason has no influence
on our passions and action, it is in vain
to pretend, that morality is discovered only
by a deduction of reason. An active principle
can never be founded on an inactive; and
if reason be inactive in itself, it must
remain so in all its shapes and appearances,
whether it exerts itself in natural or moral
subjects, whether it considers the powers
of external bodies, or the actions of rational
beings.
It would be tedious to repeat all the arguments,
by which I have proved [Book II. Part III.
Sect 3.], that reason is perfectly inert,
and can never either prevent or produce any
action or affection, it will be easy to recollect
what has been said upon that subject. I shall
only recall on this occasion one of these
arguments, which I shall endeavour to render
still more conclusive, and more applicable
to the present subject.
Reason is the discovery of truth or falshood.
Truth or falshood consists in an agreement
or disagreement either to the real relations
of ideas, or to real existence and matter
of fact. Whatever, therefore, is not susceptible
of this agreement or disagreement, is incapable
of being true or false, and can never be
an object of our reason. Now it is evident
our passions, volitions, and actions, are
not susceptible of any such agreement or
disagreement; being original facts and realities,
compleat in themselves, and implying no reference
to other passions, volitions, and actions.
It is impossible, therefore, they can be
pronounced either true or false, and be either
contrary or conformable to reason.
This argument is of double advantage to our
present purpose. For it proves DIRECTLY,
that actions do not derive their merit from
a conformity to reason, nor their blame from
a contrariety to it; and it proves the same
truth more INDIRECTLY, by shewing us, that
as reason can never immediately prevent or
produce any action by contradicting or approving
of it, it cannot be the source of moral good
and evil, which are found to have that influence.
Actions may be laudable or blameable; but
they cannot be reasonable: Laudable or blameable,
therefore, are not the same with reasonable
or unreasonable. The merit and demerit of
actions frequently contradict, and sometimes
controul our natural propensities. But reason
has no such influence. Moral distinctions,
therefore, are not the offspring of reason.
Reason is wholly inactive, and can never
be the source of so active a principle as
conscience, or a sense of morals.
But perhaps it may be said, that though no
will or action can be immediately contradictory
to reason, yet we may find such a contradiction
in some of the attendants of the action,
that is, in its causes or effects. The action
may cause a judgment, or may be obliquely
caused by one, when the judgment concurs
with a passion; and by an abusive way of
speaking, which philosophy will scarce allow
of, the same contrariety may, upon that account,
be ascribed to the action. How far this truth
or faishood may be the source of morals,
it will now be proper to consider.
It has been observed, that reason, in a strict
and philosophical sense, can have influence
on our conduct only after two ways: Either
when it excites a passion by informing us
of the existence of something which is a
proper object of it; or when it discovers
the connexion of causes and effects, so as
to afford us means of exerting any passion.
These are the only kinds of judgment, which
can accompany our actions, or can be said
to produce them in any manner; and it must
be allowed, that these judgments may often
be false and erroneous. A person may be affected
with passion, by supposing a pain or pleasure
to lie in an object, which has no tendency
to produce either of these sensations, or
which produces the contrary to what is imagined.
A person may also take false measures for
the attaining his end, and may retard, by
his foolish conduct, instead of forwarding
the execution of any project. These false
judgments may be thought to affect the passions
and actions, which are connected with them,
and may be said to render them unreasonable,
in a figurative and improper way of speaking.
But though this be acknowledged, it is easy
to observe, that these errors are so far
from being the source of all immorality,
that they are commonly very innocent, and
draw no manner of guilt upon the person who
is so unfortunate as to fail into them. They
extend not beyond a mistake of fact, which
moralists have not generally supposed criminal,
as being perfectly involuntary. I am more
to be lamented than blamed, if I am mistaken
with regard to the influence of objects in
producing pain or pleasure, or if I know
not the proper means of satisfying my desires.
No one can ever regard such errors as a defect
in my moral character. A fruit, for instance,
that is really disagreeable, appears to me
at a distance, and through mistake I fancy
it to be pleasant and delicious. Here is
one error. I choose certain means of reaching
this fruit, which are not proper for my end.
Here is a second error; nor is there any
third one, which can ever possibly enter
into our reasonings concerning actions. I
ask, therefore, if a man, in this situation,
and guilty of these two errors, is to be
regarded as vicious and criminal, however
unavoidable they might have been? Or if it
be possible to imagine, that such errors
are the sources of all immorality?
And here it may be proper to observe, that
if moral distinctions be derived from the
truth or falshood of those judgments, they
must take place wherever we form the judgments;
nor will there be any difference, whether
the question be concerning an apple or a
kingdom, or whether the error be avoidable
or unavoidable. For as the very essence of
morality is supposed to consist in an agreement
or disagreement to reason, the other circumstances
are entirely arbitrary, and can never either
bestow on any action the character of virtuous
or vicious, or deprive it of that character.
To which we may add, that this agreement
or disagreement, not admitting of degrees,
all virtues and vices would of course be
equal.
Should it be pretended, that though a mistake
of fact be not criminal, yet a mistake of
right often is; and that this may be the
source of immorality: I would answer, that
it is impossible such a mistake can ever
be the original source of immorality, since
it supposes a real right and wrong; that
is, a real distinction in morals, independent
of these judgments. A mistake, therefore,
of right may become a species of immorality;
but it is only a secondary one, and is founded
on some other, antecedent to it.
As to those judgments which are the effects
of our actions, and which, when false, give
occasion to pronounce the actions contrary
to truth and reason; we may observe, that
our actions never cause any judgment, either
true or false, in ourselves, and that it
is only on others they have such an influence.
It is certain, that an action, on many occasions,
may give rise to false conclusions in others;
and that a person, who through a window sees
any lewd behaviour of mine with my neighbour's
wife, may be so simple as to imagine she
is certainly my own. In this respect my action
resembles somewhat a lye or falshood; only
with this difference, which is material,
that I perform not the action with any intention
of giving rise to a false judgment in another,
but merely to satisfy my lust and passion.
It causes, however, a mistake and false judgment
by accident; and the falshood of its effects
may be ascribed, by some odd figurative way
of speaking, to the action itself. But still
I can see no pretext of reason for asserting,
that the tendency to cause such an error
is the first spring or original source of
all immorality.
[FN 12. One might think it were entirely
superfluous to prove this, if a late author
[William Wollaston, THE RELIGION OF NATURE
DELINEATED (London 1722)], who has had the
good fortune to obtain some reputation, had
not seriously affirmed, that such a falshood
is the foundation of all guilt and moral
deformity. That we may discover the fallacy
of his hypothesis, we need only consider,
that a false conclusion is drawn from an
action, only by means of an obscurity of
natural principles, which makes a cause be
secretly interrupted In its operation, by
contrary causes, and renders the connexion
betwixt two objects uncertain and variable.
Now, as a like uncertainty and variety of
causes take place, even in natural objects,
and produce a like error in our judgment,
if that tendency to produce error were the
very essence of vice and immorality, it should
follow, that even inanimate objects might
be vicious and immoral.
One might think It were entirely superfluous
to prove this, if a late author [William
Wollaston, THE RELIGION OF NATURE DELINEATED
(London 1722)], who has had the good fortune
to obtain some reputation, had not seriously
affirmed, that such a falshood is the foundation
of all guilt and moral deformity. That we
may discover the fallacy of his hypothesis,
we need only consider, that a false conclusion
is drawn from an action, only by means of
an obscurity of natural principles, which
makes a cause be secretly interrupted In
its operation, by contrary causes, and renders
the connexion betwixt two objects uncertain
and variable. Now, as a like uncertainty
and variety of causes take place, even in
natural objects, and produce a like error
in our judgment, if that tendency to produce
error were the very essence of vice and immorality,
it should follow, that even inanimate objects
might be vicious and immoral.
It is in vain to urge, that inanimate objects
act without liberty and choice. For as liberty
and choice are not necessary to make an action
produce in us an erroneous conclusion, they
can be, in no respect, essential to morality;
and I do not readily perceive, upon this
system, how they can ever come to be regarded
by it. If the tendency to cause error be
the origin of immorality, that tendency and
immorality would in every case be inseparable.
Add to this, that if I had used the precaution
of shutting the windows, while I indulged
myself in those liberties with my neighbour's
wife, I should have been guilty of no immorality;
and that because my action, being perfectly
concealed, would have had no tendency to
produce any false conclusion.
For the same reason, a thief, who steals
In by a ladder at a window, and takes all
imaginable care to cause no disturbance,
is in no respect criminal. For either he
will not be perceived, or if he be, it is
impossible he can produce any error, nor
will any one, from these circumstances, take
him to be other than what he really is.
It is well known, that those who are squint-sighted,
do very readily cause mistakes in others,
and that we Imagine they salute or are talking
to one person, while they address themselves
to anther. Are they therefore, upon that
account, immoral?
Besides, we may easily observe, that in all
those arguments there is an evident reasoning
in a circle. A person who takes possession
of another's goods, and uses them as his
own, in a manner declares them to be his
own; and this falshood is the source of the
immorality of injustice. But is property,
or right, or obligation, intelligible, without
an antecedent morality?
A man that is ungrateful to his benefactor,
in a manner affirms, that he never received
any favours from him. But in what manner?
Is it because it is his duty to be grateful?
But this supposes, that there is some antecedent
rule of duty and morals. Is it because human
nature is generally grateful, and makes us
conclude, that a man who does any harm never
received any favour from the person he harmed?
But human nature is not so generally grateful,
as to justify such a conclusion. Or if it
were, is an exception to a general rule in
every case criminal, for no other reason
than because it is an exception?
But what may suffice entirely to destroy
this whimsical system is, that it leaves
us under the same difficulty to give a reason
why truth is virtuous and falshood vicious,
as to account for the merit or turpitude
of any other action. I shall allow, if you
please, that all immorality is derived from
this supposed falshood in action, provided
you can give me any plausible reason, why
such a falshood is immoral. If you consider
rightly of the matter, you will find yourself
in the same difficulty as at the beginning.
This last argument is very conclusive; because,
if there be not an evident merit or turpitude
annexed to this species of truth or falahood,
It can never have any influence upon our
actions. For, who ever thought of forbearing
any action, because others might possibly
draw false conclusions from it? Or, who ever
performed any, that he might give rise to
true conclusions?] Thus upon the whole, it
is impossible, that the distinction betwixt
moral good and evil, can be made to reason;
since that distinction has an influence upon
our actions, of which reason alone is incapable.
Reason and judgment may, indeed, be the mediate
cause of an action, by prompting, or by directing
a passion: But it is not pretended, that
a judgment of this kind, either in its truth
or falshood, is attended with virtue or vice.
And as to the judgments, which are caused
by our judgments, they can still less bestow
those moral qualities on the actions, which
are their causes.
But to be more particular, and to shew, that
those eternal immutable fitnesses and unfitnesses
of things cannot be defended by sound philosophy,
we may weigh the following considerations.
If the thought and understanding were alone
capable of fixing the boundaries of right
and wrong, the character of virtuous and
vicious either must lie in some relations
of objects, or must be a matter of fact,
which is discovered by our reasoning. This
consequence is evident. As the operations
of human understanding divide themselves
into two kinds, the comparing of ideas, and
the inferring of matter of fact; were virtue
discovered by the understanding; it must
be an object of one of these operations,
nor is there any third operation of the understanding.
which can discover it. There has been an
opinion very industriously propagated by
certain philosophers, that morality is susceptible
of demonstration; and though no one has ever
been able to advance a single step in those
demonstrations; yet it is taken for granted,
that this science may be brought to an equal
certainty with geometry or algebra. Upon
this supposition vice and virtue must consist
in some relations; since it is allowed on
all hands, that no matter of fact is capable
of being demonstrated. Let us, therefore,
begin with examining this hypothesis, and
endeavour, if possible, to fix those moral
qualities, which have been so long the objects
of our fruitless researches. Point out distinctly
the relations, which constitute morality
or obligation, that we may know wherein they
consist, and after what manner we must judge
of them.
If you assert, that vice and virtue consist
in relations susceptible of certainty and
demonstration, you must confine yourself
to those four relations, which alone admit
of that degree of evidence; and in that case
you run into absurdities, from which you
will never be able to extricate yourself.
For as you make the very essence of morality
to lie in the relations, and as there is
no one of these relations but what is applicable,
not only to an irrational, but also to an
inanimate object; it follows, that even such
objects must be susceptible of merit or demerit.
RESEMBLANCE, CONTRARIETY, DEGREES IN QUALITY,
and PROPORTIONS IN QUANTITY AND NUMBER; all
these relations belong as properly to matter,
as to our actions, passions, and volitions.
It is unquestionable, therefore, that morality
lies not in any of these relations, nor the
sense of it in their discovery.
[FN 13. As a proof, how confused our way
of thinking on this subject commonly is,
we may observe, that those who assert, that
morality is demonstrable, do not say, that
morality lies in the relations, and that
the relations are distinguishable by reason.
They only say, that reason can discover such
an action, In such relations, to be virtuous,
and such another vicious. It seems they thought
it sufficient, if they could bring the word,
Relation, into the proposition, without troubling
themselves whether it was to the purpose
or not. But here, I think, is plain argument.
Demonstrative reason discovers only relations.
But that reason, according to this hypothesis,
discovers also vice and virtue. These moral
qualities, therefore, must be relations.
When we blame any action, in any situation,
the whole complicated object, of action and
situation, must form certain relations, wherein
the essence of vice consists. This hypothesis
is not otherwise intelligible. For what does
reason discover, when it pronounces any action
vicious? Does it discover a relation or a
matter of fact? These questions are decisive,
and must not be eluded.] Should it be asserted,
that the sense of morality consists in the
discovery of some relation, distinct from
these, and that our enumeration was not compleat,
when we comprehended all demonstrable relations
under four general heads: To this I know
not what to reply, till some one be so good
as to point out to me this new relation.
It is impossible to refute a system, which
has never yet been explained. In such a manner
of fighting in the dark, a man loses his
blows in the air, and often places them where
the enemy is not present.
I must, therefore, on this occasion, rest
contented with requiring the two following
conditions of any one that would undertake
to clear up this system. First, As moral
good and evil belong only to the actions
of the mind, and are derived from our situation
with regard to external objects, the relations,
from which these moral distinctions arise,
must lie only betwixt internal actions, and
external objects, and must not be applicable
either to internal actions, compared among
themselves, or to external objects, when
placed in opposition to other external objects.
For as morality is supposed to attend certain
relations, if these relations coued belong
to internal actions considered singly, it
would follow, that we might be guilty of
crimes in ourselves, and independent of our
situation, with respect to the universe:
And in like manner, if these moral relations
coued be applied to external objects, it
would follow, that even inanimate beings
would be susceptible of moral beauty and
deformity. Now it seems difficult to imagine,
that any relation can be discovered betwixt
our passions, volitions and actions, compared
to external objects, which relation might
not belong either to these passions and volitions,
or to these external objects, compared among
themselves. But it will be still more difficult
to fulfil the second condition, requisite
to justify this system. According to the
principles of those who maintain an abstract
rational difference betwixt moral good and
evil, and a natural fitness and unfitness
of things, it is not only supposed, that
these relations, being eternal and immutable,
are the same, when considered by every rational
creature, but their effects are also supposed
to be necessarily the same; and it is concluded
they have no less, or rather a greater, influence
in directing the will of the deity, than
in governing the rational and virtuous of
our own species. These two particulars are
evidently distinct. It is one thing to know
virtue, and another to conform the will to
it. In order, therefore, to prove, that the
measures of right and wrong are eternal laws,
obligatory on every rational mind, it is
not sufficient to shew the relations upon
which they are founded: We must also point
out the connexion betwixt the relation and
the will; and must prove that this connexion
is so necessary, that in every well-disposed
mind, it must take place and have its influence;
though the difference betwixt these minds
be in other respects immense and infinite.
Now besides what I have already proved, that
even in human nature no relation can ever
alone produce any action: besides this, I
say, it has been shewn, in treating of the
understanding, that there is no connexion
of cause and effect, such as this is supposed
to be, which is discoverable otherwise than
by experience, and of which we can pretend
to have any security by the simple consideration
of the objects. All beings in the universe,
considered in themselves, appear entirely
loose and independent of each other. It is
only by experience we learn their influence
and connexion; and this influence we ought
never to extend beyond experience.
Thus it will be impossible to fulfil the
first condition required to the system of
eternal measures of right and wrong; because
it is impossible to shew those relations,
upon which such a distinction may be founded:
And it is as impossible to fulfil the second
condition; because we cannot prove A PRIORI,
that these relations, if they really existed
and were perceived, would be universally
forcible and obligatory.
But to make these general reflections more
dear and convincing, we may illustrate them
by some particular instances, wherein this
character of moral good or evil is the most
universally acknowledged. Of all crimes that
human creatures are capable of committing,
the most horrid and unnatural is ingratitude,
especially when it is committed against parents,
and appears in the more flagrant instances
of wounds and death. This is acknowledged
by all mankind, philosophers as well as the
people; the question only arises among philosophers,
whether the guilt or moral deformity of this
action be discovered by demonstrative reasoning,
or be felt by an internal sense, and by means
of some sentiment, which the reflecting on
such an action naturally occasions. This
question will soon be decided against the
former opinion, if we can shew the same relations
in other objects, without the notion of any
guilt or iniquity attending them. Reason
or science is nothing but the comparing of
ideas, and the discovery of their relations;
and if the same relations have different
characters, it must evidently follow, that
those characters are not discovered merely
by reason. To put the affair, therefore,
to this trial, let us chuse any inanimate
object, such as an oak or elm; and let us
suppose, that by the dropping of its seed,
it produces a sapling below it, which springing
up by degrees, at last overtops and destroys
the parent tree: I ask, if in this instance
there be wanting any relation, which is discoverable
in parricide or ingratitude? Is not the one
tree the cause of the other's existence;
and the latter the cause of the destruction
of the former, in the same manner as when
a child murders his parent? It is not sufficient
to reply, that a choice or will is wanting.
For in the case of parricide, a will does
not give rise to any DIFFERENT relations,
but is only the cause from which the action
is derived; and consequently produces the
same relations, that in the oak or elm arise
from some other principles. It is a will
or choice, that determines a man to kill
his parent; and they are the laws of matter
and motion, that determine a sapling to destroy
the oak, from which it sprung. Here then
the same relations have different causes;
but still the relations are the same: And
as their discovery is not in both cases attended
with a notion of immorality, it follows,
that that notion does not arise from such
a discovery.
But to chuse an instance, still more resembling;
I would fain ask any one, why incest in the
human species is criminal, and why the very
same action, and the same relations in animals
have not the smallest moral turpitude and
deformity? If it be answered, that this action
is innocent in animals, because they have
not reason sufficient to discover its turpitude;
but that man, being endowed with that faculty
which ought to restrain him to his duty,
the same action instantly becomes criminal
to him; should this be said, I would reply,
that this is evidently arguing in a circle.
For before reason can perceive this turpitude,
the turpitude must exist; and consequently
is independent of the decisions of our reason,
and is their object more properly than their
effect. According to this system, then, every
animal, that has sense, and appetite, and
will; that is, every animal must be susceptible
of all the same virtues and vices, for which
we ascribe praise and blame to human creatures.
All the difference is, that our superior
reason may serve to discover the vice or
virtue, and by that means may augment the
blame or praise: But still this discovery
supposes a separate being in these moral
distinctions, and a being, which depends
only on the will and appetite, and which,
both in thought and reality, may be distinguished
from the reason. Animals are susceptible
of the same relations, with respect to each
other, as the human species, and therefore
would also be susceptible of the same morality,
if the essence of morality consisted in these
relations. Their want of a sufficient degree
of reason may hinder them from perceiving
the duties and obligations of morality, but
can never hinder these duties from existing;
since they must antecedently exist, in order
to their being perceived. Reason must find
them, and can never produce them. This argument
deserves to be weighed, as being, in my opinion,
entirely decisive.
Nor does this reasoning only prove, that
morality consists not in any relations, that
are the objects of science; but if examined,
will prove with equal certainty, that it
consists not in any matter of fact, which
can be discovered by the understanding. This
is the second part of our argument; and if
it can be made evident, we may conclude,
that morality is not an object of reason.
But can there be any difficulty in proving,
that vice and virtue are not matters of fact,
whose existence we can infer by reason? Take
any action allowed to be vicious: Wilful
murder, for instance. Examine it in all lights,
and see if you can find that matter of fact,
or real existence, which you call vice. In
which-ever way you take it, you find only
certain passions, motives, volitions and
thoughts. There is no other matter of fact
in the case. The vice entirely escapes you,
as long as you consider the object. You never
can find it, till you turn your reflection
into your own breast, and find a sentiment
of disapprobation, which arises in you, towards
this action. Here is a matter of fact; but
it is the object of feeling, not of reason.
It lies in yourself, not in the object. So
that when you pronounce any action or character
to be vicious, you mean nothing, but that
from the constitution of your nature you
have a feeling or sentiment of blame from
the contemplation of it. Vice and virtue,
therefore, may be compared to sounds, colours,
heat and cold, which, according to modern
philosophy, are not qualities in objects,
but perceptions in the mind: And this discovery
in morals, like that other in physics, is
to be regarded as a considerable advancement
of the speculative sciences; though, like
that too, it has little or no influence on
practice. Nothing can be more real, or concern
us more, than our own sentiments of pleasure
and uneasiness; and if these be favourable
to virtue, and unfavourable to vice, no more
can be requisite to the regulation of our
conduct and behaviour.
I cannot forbear adding to these reasonings
an observation, which may, perhaps, be found
of some importance. In every system of morality,
which I have hitherto met with, I have always
remarked, that the author proceeds for some
time in the ordinary way of reasoning, and
establishes the being of a God, or makes
observations concerning human affairs; when
of a sudden I am surprized to find, that
instead of the usual copulations of propositions,
is, and is not, I meet with no proposition
that is not connected with an ought, or an
ought not. This change is imperceptible;
but is, however, of the last consequence.
For as this ought, or ought not, expresses
some new relation or affirmation, it is necessary
that it should be observed and explained;
and at the same time that a reason should
be given, for what seems altogether inconceivable,
how this new relation can be a deduction
from others, which are entirely different
from it. But as authors do not commonly use
this precaution, I shall presume to recommend
it to the readers; and am persuaded, that
this small attention would subvert all the
vulgar systems of morality, and let us see,
that the distinction of vice and virtue is
not founded merely on the relations of objects,
nor is perceived by reason.
SECT. II MORAL DISTINCTIONS DERIVed FROM
A MORAL SENSE
Thus the course of the argument leads us
to conclude, that since vice and virtue are
not discoverable merely by reason, or the
comparison of ideas, it must be by means
of some impression or sentiment they occasion,
that we are able to mark the difference betwixt
them. Our decisions concerning moral rectitude
and depravity are evidently perceptions;
and as all perceptions are either impressions
or ideas, the exclusion of the one is a convincing
argument for the other. Morality, therefore,
is more properly felt than judged of; though
this feeling or sentiment is commonly so
soft and gentle, that we are apt to confound
it with an idea, according to our common
custom of taking all things for the same,
which have any near resemblance to each other.
The next question is, Of what nature are
these impressions, and after what manner
do they operate upon us? Here we cannot remain
long in suspense, but must pronounce the
impression arising from virtue, to be agreeable,
and that proceding from vice to be uneasy.
Every moments experience must convince us
of this. There is no spectacle so fair and
beautiful as a noble and generous action;
nor any which gives us more abhorrence than
one that is cruel and treacherous. No enjoyment
equals the satisfaction we receive from the
company of those we love and esteem; as the
greatest of all punishments is to be obliged
to pass our lives with those we hate or contemn.
A very play or romance may afford us instances
of this pleasure, which virtue conveys to
us; and pain, which arises from vice.
Now since the distinguishing impressions,
by which moral good or evil is known, are
nothing but particular pains or pleasures;
it follows, that in all enquiries concerning
these moral distinctions, it will be sufficient
to shew the principles, which make us feel
a satisfaction or uneasiness from the survey
of any character, in order to satisfy us
why the character is laudable or blameable.
An action, or sentiment, or character is
virtuous or vicious; why? because its view
causes a pleasure or uneasiness of a particular
kind. In giving a reason, therefore, for
the pleasure or uneasiness, we sufficiently
explain the vice or virtue. To have the sense
of virtue, is nothing but to feel a satisfaction
of a particular kind from the contemplation
of a character. The very feeling constitutes
our praise or admiration. We go no farther;
nor do we enquire into the cause of the satisfaction.
We do not infer a character to be virtuous,
because it pleases: But in feeling that it
pleases after such a particular manner, we
in effect feel that it is virtuous. The case
is the same as in our judgments concerning
all kinds of beauty, and tastes, and sensations.
Our approbation is implyed in the immediate
pleasure they convey to us.
I have objected to the system, which establishes
eternal rational measures of right and wrong,
that it is impossible to shew, in the actions
of reasonable creatures, any relations, which
are not found in external objects; and therefore,
if morality always attended these relations,
it were possible for inanimate matter to
become virtuous or vicious. Now it may, in
like manner, be objected to the present system,
that if virtue and vice be determined by
pleasure and pain, these qualities must,
in every case, arise from the sensations;
and consequently any object, whether animate
or inanimate, rational or irrational, might
become morally good or evil, provided it
can excite a satisfaction or uneasiness.
But though this objection seems to be the
very same, it has by no means the same force,
in the one case as in the other. For, first,
tis evident, that under the term pleasure,
we comprehend sensations, which are very
different from each other, and which have
only such a distant resemblance, as is requisite
to make them be expressed by the same abstract
term. A good composition of music and a bottle
of good wine equally produce pleasure; and
what is more, their goodness is determined
merely by the pleasure. But shall we say
upon that account, that the wine is harmonious,
or the music of a good flavour? In like manner
an inanimate object, and the character or
sentiments of any person may, both of them,
give satisfaction; but as the satisfaction
is different, this keeps our sentiments concerning
them from being confounded, and makes us
ascribe virtue to the one, and not to the
other. Nor is every sentiment of pleasure
or pain, which arises from characters and
actions, of that peculiar kind, which makes
us praise or condemn. The good qualities
of an enemy are hurtful to us; but may still
command our esteem and respect. It is only
when a character is considered in general,
without reference to our particular interest,
that it causes such a feeling or sentiment,
as denominates it morally good or evil. It
is true, those sentiments, from interest
and morals, are apt to be confounded, and
naturally run into one another. It seldom
happens, that we do not think an enemy vicious,
and can distinguish betwixt his opposition
to our interest and real villainy or baseness.
But this hinders not, but that the sentiments
are, in themselves, distinct; and a man of
temper and judgment may preserve himself
from these illusions. In like manner, though
it is certain a musical voice is nothing
but one that naturally gives a particular
kind of pleasure; yet it is difficult for
a man to be sensible, that the voice of an
enemy is agreeable, or to allow it to be
musical. But a person of a fine ear, who
has the command of himself, can separate
these feelings, and give praise to what deserves
it.
SECONDLY, We may call to remembrance the
preceding system of the passions, in order
to remark a still more considerable difference
among our pains and pleasures. Pride and
humility, love and hatred are excited, when
there is any thing presented to us, that
both bears a relation to the object of the
passion, and produces a separate sensation
related to the sensation of the passion.
Now virtue and vice are attended with these
circumstances. They must necessarily be placed
either in ourselves or others, and excite
either pleasure or uneasiness; and therefore
must give rise to one of these four passions;
which clearly distinguishes them from the
pleasure and pain arising from inanimate
objects, that often bear no relation to us:
And this is, perhaps, the most considerable
effect that virtue and vice have upon the
human mind.
It may now be asked in general, concerning
this pain or pleasure, that distinguishes
moral good and evil, FROM WHAT PRINCIPLES
IS IT DERIVED, AND WHENCE DOES IT ARISE IN
THE HUMAN MIND? To this I reply, first, that
it is absurd to imagine, that in every particular
instance, these sentiments are produced by
an original quality and primary constitution.
For as the number of our duties is, in a
manner, infinite, it is impossible that our
original instincts should extend to each
of them, and from our very first infancy
impress on the human mind all that multitude
of precepts, which are contained in the compleatest
system of ethics. Such a method of proceeding
is not conformable to the usual maxims, by
which nature is conducted, where a few principles
produce all that variety we observe in the
universe, and every thing is carryed on in
the easiest and most simple manner. It is
necessary, therefore, to abridge these primary
impulses, and find some more general principles,
upon which all our notions of morals are
founded.
But in the second place, should it be asked,
Whether we ought to search for these principles
in nature, or whether we must look for them
in some other origin? I would reply, that
our answer to this question depends upon
the definition of the word, Nature, than
which there is none more ambiguous and equivocal.
If nature be opposed to miracles, not only
the distinction betwixt vice and virtue is
natural, but also every event, which has
ever happened in the world, EXCEPTING THOSE
MIRACLES, ON WHICH OUR RELIGION IS FOUNDED.
In saying, then, that the sentiments of vice
and virtue are natural in this sense, we
make no very extraordinary discovery.
But nature may also be opposed to rare and
unusual; and in this sense of the word, which
is the common one, there may often arise
disputes concerning what is natural or unnatural;
and one may in general affirm, that we are
not possessed of any very precise standard,
by which these disputes can be decided. Frequent
and rare depend upon the number of examples
we have observed; and as this number may
gradually encrease or diminish, it will be
impossible to fix any exact boundaries betwixt
them. We may only affirm on this head, that
if ever there was any thing, which coued
be called natural in this sense, the sentiments
of morality certainly may; since there never
was any nation of the world, nor any single
person in any nation, who was utterly deprived
of them, and who never, in any instance,
shewed the least approbation or dislike of
manners. These sentiments are so rooted in
our constitution and temper, that without
entirely confounding the human mind by disease
or madness, it is impossible to extirpate
and destroy them.
But nature may also be opposed to artifice,
as well as to what is rare and unusual; and
in this sense it may be disputed, whether
the notions of virtue be natural or not.
We readily forget, that the designs, and
projects, and views of men are principles
as necessary in their operation as heat and
cold, moist and dry: But taking them to be
free and entirely our own, it is usual for
us to set them in opposition to the other
principles of nature should it, therefore,
be demanded, whether the sense of virtue
be natural or artificial, I am of opinion,
that it is impossible for me at present to
give any precise answer to this question.
Perhaps it will appear afterwards, that our
sense of some virtues is artificial, and
that of others natural. The discussion of
this question will be more proper, when we
enter upon an exact detail of each particular
vice and virtue.
[FN 14. In the following discourse natural
is also opposed sometimes to civil, sometimes
to moral. The opposition will always discover
the sense, in which it is taken.] Mean while
it may not be amiss to observe from these
definitions of natural and unnatural, that
nothing can be more unphilosophical than
those systems, which assert, that virtue
is the same with what is natural, and vice
with what is unnatural. For in the first
sense of the word, Nature, as opposed to
miracles, both vice and virtue are equally
natural; and in the second sense, as opposed
to what is unusual, perhaps virtue will be
found to be the most unnatural. At least
it must be owned, that heroic virtue, being
as unusual, is as little natural as the most
brutal barbarity. As to the third sense of
the word, it is certain, that both vice and
virtue are equally artificial, and out of
nature. For however it may be disputed, whether
the notion of a merit or demerit in certain
actions be natural or artificial, it is evident,
that the actions themselves are artificial,
and are performed with a certain design and
intention; otherwise they coued never be
ranked under any of these denominations.
It is impossible, therefore, that the character
of natural and unnatural can ever, in any
sense, mark the boundaries of vice and virtue.
Thus we are still brought back to our first
position, that virtue is distinguished by
the pleasure, and vice by the pain, that
any action, sentiment or character gives
us by the mere view and contemplation. This
decision is very commodious; because it reduces
us to this simple question, Why any action
or sentiment upon the general view or survey,
gives a certain satisfaction or uneasiness,
in order to shew the origin of its moral
rectitude or depravity, without looking for
any incomprehensible relations and qualities,
which never did exist in nature, nor even
in our imagination, by any clear and distinct
conception. I flatter myself I have executed
a great part of my present design by a state
of the question, which appears to me so free
from ambiguity and obscurity.
PART II OF JUSTICE AND INJUSTICE
SECT. I JUSTICE, WHETHER A NATURAL OR ARTIFICIAL
VIRTUE?
I have already hinted, that our sense of
every kind of virtue is not natural; but
that there are some virtues, that produce
pleasure and approbation by means of an artifice
or contrivance, which arises from the circumstances
and necessity of mankind. Of this kind I
assert justice to be; and shall endeavour
to defend this opinion by a short, and, I
hope, convincing argument, before I examine
the nature of the artifice, from which the
sense of that virtue is derived.
It is evident, that when we praise any actions,
we regard only the motives that produced
them, and consider the actions as signs or
indications of certain principles in the
mind and temper. The external performance
has no merit. We must look within to find
the moral quality. This we cannot do directly;
and therefore fix our attention on actions,
as on external signs. But these actions are
still considered as signs; and the ultimate
object of our praise and approbation is the
motive, that produced them.
After the same manner, when we require any
action, or blame a person for not performing
it, we always suppose, that one in that situation
should be influenced by the proper motive
of that action, and we esteem it vicious
in him to be regardless of it. If we find,
upon enquiry, that the virtuous motive was
still powerful over his breast, though checked
in its operation by some circumstances unknown
to us, we retract our blame, and have the
same esteem for him, as if he had actually
performed the action, which we require of
him.
It appears, therefore, that all virtuous
actions derive their merit only from virtuous
motives, and are considered merely as signs
of those motives. From this principle I conclude,
that the first virtuous motive, which bestows
a merit on any action, can never be a regard
to the virtue of that action, but must be
some other natural motive or principle. To
suppose, that the mere regard to the virtue
of the action may be the first motive, which
produced the action, and rendered it virtuous,
is to reason in a circle. Before we can have
such a regard, the action must be really
virtuous; and this virtue must be derived
from some virtuous motive: And consequently
the virtuous motive must be different from
the regard to the virtue of the action. A
virtuous motive is requisite to render an
action virtuous. An action must be virtuous,
before we can have a regard to its virtue.
Some virtuous motive, therefore, must be
antecedent to that regard.
Nor is this merely a metaphysical subtilty;
but enters into all our reasonings in common
life, though perhaps we may not be able to
place it in such distinct philosophical terms.
We blame a father for neglecting his child.
Why? because it shews a want of natural affection,
which is the duty of every parent. Were not
natural affection a duty, the care of children
coued not be a duty; and it were impossible
we coued have the duty in our eye in the
attention we give to our offspring. In this
case, therefore, all men suppose a motive
to the action distinct from a sense of duty.
Here is a man, that does many benevolent
actions; relieves the distressed, comforts
the afflicted, and extends his bounty even
to the greatest strangers. No character can
be more amiable and virtuous. We regard these
actions as proofs of the greatest humanity.
This humanity bestows a merit on the actions.
A regard to this merit is, therefore, a secondary
consideration, and derived from the antecedent
principle of humanity, which is meritorious
and laudable.
In short, it may be established as an undoubted
maxim, THAT NO ACTION CAN BE VIRTUOUS, OR
MORALLY GOOD, UNLESS THERE BE IN HUMAN NATURE
SOME MOTIVE TO PRODUCE IT, DISTINCT FROM
THE SENSE OF ITS MORALITY.
But may not the sense of morality or duty
produce an action, without any other motive?
I answer, It may: But this is no objection
to the present doctrine. When any virtuous
motive or principle is common in human nature,
a person, who feels his heart devoid of that
motive, may hate himself upon that account,
and may perform the action without the motive,
from a certain sense of duty, in order to
acquire by practice, that virtuous principle,
or at least, to disguise to himself, as much
as possible, his want of it. A man that really
feels no gratitude in his temper, is still
pleased to perform grateful actions, and
thinks he has, by that means, fulfilled his
duty. Actions are at first only considered
as signs of motives: But it is usual, in
this case, as in all others, to fix our attention
on the signs, and neglect, in some measure,
the thing signifyed. But though, on some
occasions, a person may perform an action
merely out of regard to its moral obligation,
yet still this supposes in human nature some
distinct principles, which are capable of
producing the action, and whose moral beauty
renders the action meritorious.
Now to apply all this to the present case;
I suppose a person to have lent me a sum
of money, on condition that it be restored
in a few days; and also suppose, that after
the expiration of the term agreed on, he
demands the sum: I ask, What reason or motive
have I to restore the money? It will, perhaps,
be said, that my regard to justice, and abhorrence
of villainy and knavery, are sufficient reasons
for me, if I have the least grain of honesty,
or sense of duty and obligation. And this
answer, no doubt, is just and satisfactory
to man in his civilized state, and when trained
up according to a certain discipline and
education. But in his rude and more natural
condition, if you are pleased to call such
a condition natural, this answer would be
rejected as perfectly unintelligible and
sophistical. For one in that situation would
immediately ask you, WHEREIN CONSISTS THIS
HONESTY AND JUSTICE, WHICH YOU FIND IN RESTORING
A LOAN, AND ABSTAINING FROM THE PROPERTY
OF OTHERS? It does not surely lie in the
external action. It must, therefore be placed
in the motive, from which the external action
is derived. This motive can never be a regard
to the honesty of the action. For it is a
plain fallacy to say, that a virtuous motive
is requisite to render an action honest,
and at the same time that a regard to the
honesty is the motive of the action. We can
never have a regard to the virtue of an action,
unless the action be antecedently virtuous.
No action can be virtuous, but so far as
it proceeds from a virtuous motive. A virtuous
motive, therefore, must precede the regard
to the virtue, and it is impossible, that
the virtuous motive and the regard to the
virtue can be the same.
It is requisite, then, to find some motive
to acts of justice and honesty, distinct
from our regard to the honesty; and in this
lies the great difficulty. For should we
say, that a concern for our private interest
or reputation is the legitimate motive to
all honest actions; it would follow, that
wherever that concern ceases, honesty can
no longer have place. But it is certain,
that self-love, when it acts at its liberty,
instead of engaging us to honest actions,
is the source of all injustice and violence;
nor can a man ever correct those vices, without
correcting and restraining the natural movements
of that appetite.
But should it be affirmed, that the reason
or motive of such actions is the regard to
publick interest, to which nothing is more
contrary than examples of injustice and dishonesty;
should this be said, I would propose the
three following considerations, as worthy
of our attention. First, public interest
is not naturally attached to the observation
of the rules of justice; but is only connected
with it, after an artificial convention for
the establishment of these rules, as shall
be shewn more at large hereafter. Secondly,
if we suppose, that the loan was secret,
and that it is necessary for the interest
of the person, that the money be restored
in the same manner (as when the lender would
conceal his riches) in that case the example
ceases, and the public is no longer interested
in the actions of the borrower; though I
suppose there is no moralist, who will affirm,
that the duty and obligation ceases. Thirdly,
experience sufficiently proves, that men,
in the ordinary conduct of life, look not
so far as the public interest, when they
pay their creditors, perform their promises,
and abstain from theft, and robbery, and
injustice of every kind. That is a motive
too remote and too sublime to affect the
generality of mankind, and operate with any
force in actions so contrary to private interest
as are frequently those of justice and common
honesty.
In general, it may be affirmed, that there
is no such passion in human minds, as the
love of mankind, merely as such, independent
of personal qualities, of services, or of
relation to ourseit It is true, there is
no human, and indeed no sensible, creature,
whose happiness or misery does not, in some
measure, affect us when brought near to us,
and represented in lively colours: But this
proceeds merely from sympathy, and is no
proof of such an universal affection to mankind,
since this concern extends itself beyond
our own species. An affection betwixt the
sexes is a passion evidently implanted in
human nature; and this passion not only appears
in its peculiar symptoms, but also in inflaming
every other principle of affection, and raising
a stronger love from beauty, wit, kindness,
than what would otherwise flow from them.
Were there an universal love among all human
creatures, it would appear after the same
manner. Any degree of a good quality would
cause a stronger affection than the same
degree of a bad quality would cause hatred;
contrary to what we find by experience. Men's
tempers are different, and some have a propensity
to the tender, and others to the rougher,
affections: But in the main, we may affirm,
that man in general, or human nature, is
nothing but the object both of love and hatred,
and requires some other cause, which by a
double relation of impressions and ideas,
may excite these passions. In vain would
we endeavour to elude this hypothesis. There
are no phaenomena that point out any such
kind affection to men, independent of their
merit, and every other circumstance. We love
company in general; but it is as we love
any other amusement. An Englishman in Italy
is a friend: A Euro paean in China; and perhaps
a man would be beloved as such, were we to
meet him in the moon. But this proceeds only
from the relation to ourselves; which in
these cases gathers force by being confined
to a few persons.
If public benevolence, therefore, or a regard
to the interests of mankind, cannot be the
original motive to justice, much less can
private benevolence, or a regard to the interests
of the party concerned, be this motive. For
what if he be my enemy, and has given me
just cause to hate him? What if he be a vicious
man, and deserves the hatred of all mankind?
What if he be a miser, and can make no use
of what I would deprive him of? What if he
be a profligate debauchee, and would rather
receive harm than benefit from large possessions?
What if I be in necessity, and have urgent
motives to acquire something to my family?
In all these cases, the original motive to
justice would fail; and consequently the
justice itself, and along with it all property,
tight, and obligation.
A rich man lies under a moral obligation
to communicate to those in necessity a share
of his superfluities. Were private benevolence
the original motive to justice, a man would
not be obliged to leave others in the possession
of more than he is obliged to give them.
At least the difference would be very inconsiderable.
Men generally fix their affections more on
what they are possessed of, than on what
they never enjoyed: For this reason, it would
be greater cruelty to dispossess a man of
any thing, than not to give it him. But who
will assert, that this is the only foundation
of justice?
Besides, we must consider, that the chief
reason, why men attach themselves so much
to their possessions is, that they consider
them as their property, and as secured to
them inviolably by the laws of society. But
this is a secondary consideration, and dependent
on the preceding notions of justice and property.
A man's property is supposed to be fenced
against every mortal, in every possible case.
But private benevolence is, and ought to
be, weaker in some persons, than in others:
And in many, or indeed in most persons, must
absolutely fail. Private benevolence, therefore,
is not the original motive of justice.
From all this it follows, that we have no
real or universal motive for observing the
laws of equity, but the very equity and merit
of that observance; and as no action can
be equitable or meritorious, where it cannot
arise from some separate motive, there is
here an evident sophistry and reasoning in
a circle. Unless, therefore, we will allow,
that nature has established a sophistry,
and rendered it necessary and unavoidable,
we must allow, that the sense of justice
and injustice is not derived from nature,
but arises artificially, though necessarily
from education, and human conventions.
I shall add, as a corollary to this reasoning,
that since no action can be laudable or blameable,
without some motives or impelling passions,
distinct from the sense of morals, these
distinct passions must have a great influence
on that sense. It is according to their general
force in human nature, that we blame or praise.
In judging of the beauty of animal bodies,
we always carry in our eye the oeconomy of
a certain species; and where the limbs and
features observe that proportion, which is
common to the species, we pronounce them
handsome and beautiful. In like manner we
always consider the natural and usual force
of the passions, when we determine concerning
vice and virtue; and if the passions depart
very much from the common measures on either
side, they are always disapproved as vicious.
A man naturally loves his children better
than his nephews, his nephews better than
his cousins, his cousins better than strangers,
where every thing else is equal. Hence arise
our common measures of duty, in preferring
the one to the other. Our sense of duty always
follows the common and natural course of
our passions.
To avoid giving offence, I must here observe,
that when I deny justice to be a natural
virtue, I make use of the word, natural,
only as opposed to artificial. In another
sense of the word; as no principle of the
human mind is more natural than a sense of
virtue; so no virtue is more natural than
justice. Mankind is an inventive species;
and where an invention is obvious and absolutely
necessary, it may as properly be said to
be natural as any thing that proceeds immediately
from original principles, without the intervention
of thought or reflection. Though the rules
of justice be artificial, they are not arbitrary.
Nor is the expression improper to call them
Laws of Nature; if by natural we understand
what is common to any species, or even if
we confine it to mean what is inseparable
from the species.
SECT. II OF THE ORIGIN OF JUSTICE AND PROPERTY
We now proceed to examine two questions,
viz, CONCERNING THE MANNER, IN WHICH THE
RULES OF JUSTICE ARE ESTABLISHed BY THE ARTIFICE
OF MEN; and CONCERNING THE REASONS, WHICH
DETERMINE US TO ATTRIBUTE TO THE OBSERVANCE
OR NEGLECT OF THESE RULES A MORAL BEAUTY
AND DEFORMITY. These questions will appear
afterwards to be distinct. We shall begin
with the former.
Of all the animals, with which this globe
is peopled, there is none towards whom nature
seems, at first sight, to have exercised
more cruelty than towards man, in the numberless
wants and necessities, with which she has
loaded him, and in the slender means, which
she affords to the relieving these necessities.
In other creatures these two particulars
generally compensate each other. If we consider
the lion as a voracious and carnivorous animal,
we shall easily discover him to be very necessitous;
but if we turn our eye to his make and temper,
his agility, his courage, his arms, and his
force, we shall find, that his advantages
hold proportion with his wants. The sheep
and ox are deprived of all these advantages;
but their appetites are moderate, and their
food is of easy purchase. In man alone, this
unnatural conjunction of infirmity, and of
necessity, may be observed in its greatest
perfection. Not only the food, which is required
for his sustenance, flies his search and
approach, or at least requires his labour
to be produced, but he must be possessed
of cloaths and lodging, to defend him against
the injuries of the weather; though to consider
him only in himself, he is provided neither
with arms, nor force, nor other natural abilities,
which are in any degree answerable to so
many necessities.
It is by society alone he is able to supply
his defects, and raise himself up to an equality
with his fellow-creatures, and even acquire
a superiority above them. By society all
his infirmities are compensated; and though
in that situation his wants multiply every
moment upon him, yet his abilities are still
more augmented, and leave him in every respect
more satisfied and happy, than it is possible
for him, in his savage and solitary condition,
ever to become. When every individual person
labours a-part, and only for himself, his
force is too small to execute any considerable
work; his labour being employed in supplying
all his different necessities, he never attains
a perfection in any particular art; and as
his force and success are not at all times
equal, the least failure in either of these
particulars must be attended with inevitable
ruin and misery. Society provides a remedy
for these three inconveniences. By the conjunction
of forces, our power is augmented: By the
partition of employments, our ability encreases:
And by mutual succour we are less exposed
to fortune and accidents. It is by this additional
force, ability, and security, that society
becomes advantageous.
But in order to form society, it is requisite
not only that it be advantageous, but also
that men be sensible of these advantages;
and it is impossible, in their wild uncultivated
state, that by study and reflection alone,
they should ever be able to attain this knowledge.
Most fortunately, therefore, there is conjoined
to those necessities, whose remedies are
remote and obscure, another necessity, which
having a present and more obvious remedy,
may justly be regarded as the first and original
principle of human society. This necessity
is no other than that natural appetite betwixt
the sexes, which unites them together, and
preserves their union, till a new tye takes
place in their concern for their common offspring.
This new concern becomes also a principle
of union betwixt the parents and offspring,
and forms a more numerous society; where
the parents govern by the advantage of their
superior strength and wisdom, and at the
same time are restrained in the exercise
of their authority by that natural affection,
which they bear their children. In a little
time, custom and habit operating on the tender
minds of the children, makes them sensible
of the advantages, which they may reap from
society, as well as fashions them by degrees
for it, by rubbing off those rough corners
and untoward affections, which prevent their
coalition.
For it must be confest, that however the
circumstances of human nature may render
an union necessary, and however those passions
of lust and natural affection may seem to
render it unavoidable; yet there are other
particulars in our natural temper, and in
our outward circumstances, which are very
incommodious, and are even contrary to the
requisite conjunction. Among the former,
we may justly esteem our selfishness to be
the most considerable. I am sensible, that
generally speaking, the representations of
this quality have been carried much too far;
and that the descriptions, which certain
philosophers delight so much to form of mankind
in this particular, are as wide of nature
as any accounts of monsters, which we meet
with in fables and romances. So far from
thinking, that men have no affection for
any thing beyond themselves, I am of opinion,
that though it be rare to meet with one,
who loves any single person better than himself;
yet it is as rare to meet with one, in whom
all the kind affections, taken together,
do not overbalance all the selfish. Consult
common experience: Do you not see, that though
the whole expence of the family be generally
under the direction of the master of it,
yet there are few that do not bestow the
largest part of their fortunes on the pleasures
of their wives, and the education of their
children, reserving the smallest portion
for their own proper use and entertainment.
This is what we may observe concerning such
as have those endearing ties; and may presume,
that the case would be the same with others,
were they placed in a like situation.
But though this generosity must be acknowledged
to the honour of human nature, we may at
the same time remark, that so noble an affection,
instead of fitting men for large societies,
is almost as contrary to them, as the most
narrow selfishness. For while each person
loves himself better than any other single
person, and in his love to others bears the
greatest affection to his relations and acquaintance,
this must necessarily produce an oppositon
of passions, and a consequent opposition
of actions; which cannot but be dangerous
to the new-established union.
It is however worth while to remark, that
this contrariety of passions would be attended
with but small danger, did it not concur
with a peculiarity in our outward circumstances,
which affords it an opportunity of exerting
itself. There are different species of goods,
which we are possessed of; the internal satisfaction
of our minds, the external advantages of
our body, and the enjoyment of such possessions
as we have acquired by our industry and good
fortune. We are perfectly secure in the enjoyment
of the first. The second may be ravished
from us, but can be of no advantage to him
who deprives us of them. The last only are
both exposed to the violence of others, and
may be transferred without suffering any
loss or alteration; while at the same time,
there is not a sufficient quantity of them
to supply every one's desires and necessities.
As the improvement, therefore, of these goods
is the chief advantage of society, so the
instability of their possession, along with
their scarcity, is the chief impediment.
In vain should we expect to find, in uncultivated
nature, a remedy to this inconvenience; or
hope for any inartificial principle of the
human mind, which might controul those are
remote and obscure, another necessity, which
having a present and more obvious remedy,
may justly be regarded as the first and original
principle of human society. This necessity
is no other than that natural appetite betwixt
the sexes, which unites them together, and
preserves their union, till a new tye takes
place in their concern for their common offspring.
This new concern becomes also a principle
of union betwixt the parents and offspring,
and forms a more numerous society; where
the parents govern by the advantage of their
superior strength and wisdom, and at the
same time are restrained in the exercise
of their authority by that natural affection,
which they bear their children. In a little
time, custom and habit operating on the tender
minds of the children, makes them sensible
of the advantages, which they may reap from
society, as well as fashions them by degrees
for it, by rubbing off those rough corners
and untoward affections, which prevent their
coalition.
For it must be confest, that however the
circumstances of human nature may render
an union necessary, and however those passions
of lust and natural affection may seem to
render it unavoidable; yet there are other
particulars in our natural temper, and in
our outward circumstances, which are very
incommodious, and are even contrary to the
requisite conjunction. Among the former,
we may justly esteem our selfishness to be
the most considerable. I am sensible, that
generally speaking, the representations of
this quality have been carried much too far;
and that the descriptions, which certain
philosophers delight so much to form of mankind
in this particular, are as wide of nature
as any accounts of monsters, which we meet
with in fables and romances. So far from
thinking, that men have no affection for
any thing beyond themselves, I am of opinion,
that though it be rare to meet with one,
who loves any single person better than himself;
yet it is as rare to meet with one, in whom
all the kind affections, taken together,
do not overbalance all the selfish. Consult
common experience: Do you not see, that though
the whole expence of the family be generally
under the direction of the master of it,
yet there are few that do not bestow the
largest part of their fortunes on the pleasures
of their wives, and the education of their
children, reserving the smallest portion
for their own proper use and entertainment
This is what we may observe concerning such
as have those endearing ties; and may presume,
that the case would be the same with others,
were they placed in a like situation.
But though this generosity must be acknowledged
to the honour of human nature, we may at
the same time remark, that so noble an affection,
instead of fitting men for large societies,
is almost as contrary to them, as the most
narrow selfishness. For while each person
loves himself better than any other single
person, and in his love to others bears the
greatest affection to his relations and acquaintance,
this must necessarily produce an oppositon
of passions, and a consequent opposition
of actions; which cannot but be dangerous
to the new-established union.
It is however worth while to remark, that
this contrariety of passions would be attended
with but small danger, did it not concur
with a peculiarity in our outward circumstances,
which affords it an opportunity of exerting
itself. There are different species of goods,
which we are possessed of; the internal satisfaction
of our minds, the external advantages of
our body, and the enjoyment of such possessions
as we have acquired by our industry and good
fortune. We are perfectly secure in the enjoyment
of the first. The second may be ravished
from us, but can be of no advantage to him
who deprives us of them. The last only are
both exposed to the violence of others, and
may be transferred without suffering any
loss or alteration; while at the same time,
there is not a sufficient quantity of them
to supply every one's desires and necessities.
As the improvement, therefore, of these goods
is the chief advantage of society, so the
instability of their possession, along with
their scarcity, is the chief impediment.
In vain should we expect to find, in uncultivated
nature, a remedy to this inconvenience; or
hope for any inartificial principle of the
human mind, which might controul those partial
affections, and make us overcome the temptations
arising from our circumstances. The idea
of justice can never serve to this purpose,
or be taken for a natural principle, capable
of inspiring men with an equitable conduct
towards each other. That virtue, as it is
now understood, would never have been dreamed
of among rude and savage men. For the notion
of injury or injustice implies an immorality
or vice committed against some other person:
And as every immorality is derived from some
defect or unsoundness of the passions, and
as this defect must be judged of, in a great
measure, from the ordinary course of nature
in the constitution of the mind; it will
be easy to know, whether we be guilty of
any immorality, with regard to others, by
considering the natural, and usual force
of those several affections, which are directed
towards them. Now it appears, that in the
original frame of our mind, our strongest
attention is confined to ourselves; our next
is extended to our relations and acquaintance;
and it is only the weakest which reaches
to strangers and indifferent persons. This
partiality, then, and unequal affection,
must not only have an influence on our behaviour
and conduct in society, but even on our ideas
of vice and virtue; so as to make us regard
any remarkable transgression of such a degree
of partiality, either by too great an enlargement,
or contraction of the affections, as vicious
and immoral. This we may observe in our common
judgments concerning actions, where we blame
a person, who either centers all his affections
in his family, or is so regardless of them,
as, in any opposition of interest, to give
the preference to a stranger, or mere chance
acquaintance. From all which it follows,
that our natural uncultivated ideas of morality,
instead of providing a remedy for the partiality
of our affections, do rather conform themselves
to that partiality, and give it an additional
force and influence.
The remedy, then, is not derived from nature,
but from artifice; or more e properly speaking,
nature provides a remedy in the judgment
and understanding, for what is irregular
and incommodious in the affections. For when
men, from their early education in society,
have become sensible of the infinite advantages
that result from it, and have besides acquired
a new affection to company and conversation;
and when they have observed, that the principal
disturbance in society arises from those
goods, which we call external, and from their
looseness and easy transition from one person
to another; they must seek for a remedy by
putting these goods, as far as possible,
on the same footing with the fixed and constant
advantages of the mind and body. This can
be done after no other manner, than by a
convention entered into by all the members
of the society to bestow stability on the
possession of those external goods, and leave
every one in the peaceable enjoyment of what
he may acquire by his fortune and industry.
By this means, every one knows what he may
safely possess; and the passions ale restrained
in their partial and contradictory motions.
Nor is such a restraint contrary to these
passions; for if so, it coued never be entered
into, nor maintained; but it is only contrary
to their heedless and impetuous movement.
Instead of departing from our own interest,
or from that of our nearest friends, by abstaining
from the possessions of others, we cannot
better consult both these interests, than
by such a convention; because it is by that
means we maintain society, which is so necessary
to their well-being and subsistence, as well
as to our own.
This convention is not of the nature of a
promise: For even promises themselves, as
we shall see afterwards, arise from human
conventions. It is only a general sense of
common interest; which sense all the members
of the society express to one another, and
which induces them to regulate their conduct
by certain rules. I observe, that it will
be for my interest to leave another in the
possession of his goods, provided he will
act in the same manner with regard to me.
He is sensible of a like interest in the
regulation of his conduct. When this common
sense of interest is mutually expressed,
and is known to both, it produces a suitable
resolution and behaviour. And this may properly
enough be called a convention or agreement
betwixt us, though without the interposition
of a promise; since the actions of each of
us have a reference to those of the other,
and are performed upon the supposition, that
something is to be performed on the other
part. Two men, who pull the oars of a boat,
do it by an agreement or convention, though
they have never given promises to each other.
Nor is the rule concerning the stability
of possession the less derived from human
conventions, that it arises gradually, and
acquires force by a slow progression, and
by our repeated experience of the inconveniences
of transgressing it. On the contrary, this
experience assures us still more, that the
sense of interest has become common to all
our fellows, and gives us a confidence of
the future regularity of their conduct: And
it is only on the expectation of this, that
our moderation and abstinence are founded.
In like manner are languages gradually established
by human conventions without any promise.
In like manner do gold and silver become
the common measures of exchange, and are
esteemed sufficient payment for what is of
a hundred times their value.
After this convention, concerning abstinence
from the possessions of others, is entered
into, and every one has acquired a stability
in his possessions, there immediately arise
the ideas of justice and injustice; as also
those of property, right, and obligation.
The latter are altogether unintelligible
without first understanding the former. Our
property is nothing but those goods, whose
constant possession is established by the
laws of society; that is, by the laws of
justice. Those, therefore, who make use of
the words property, or right, or obligation,
before they have explained the origin of
justice, or even make use of them in that
explication, are guilty of a very gross fallacy,
and can never reason upon any solid foundation.
A man's property is some object related to
him. This relation is not natural, but moral,
and founded on justice. It is very preposterous,
therefore, to imagine, that we can have any
idea of property, without fully comprehending
the nature of justice, and shewing its origin
in the artifice and contrivance of man. The
origin of justice explains that of property.
The same artifice gives rise to both. As
our first and most natural sentiment of morals
is founded on the nature of our passions,
and gives the preference to ourselves and
friends, above strangers; it is impossible
there can be naturally any such thing as
a fixed right or property, while the opposite
passions of men impel them in contrary directions,
and are not restrained by any convention
or agreement.
No one can doubt, that the convention for
the distinction of property, and for the
stability of possession, is of all circumstances
the most necessary to the establishment of
human society, and that after the agreement
for the fixing and observing of this rule,
there remains little or nothing to be done
towards settling a perfect harmony and concord.
All the other passions, besides this of interest,
are either easily restrained, or are not
of such pernicious consequence, when indulged.
Vanity is rather to be esteemed a social
passion, and a bond of union among men. Pity
and love are to be considered in the same
light. And as to envy and revenge, though
pernicious, they operate only by intervals,
and are directed against particular persons,
whom we consider as our superiors or enemies.
This avidity alone, of acquiring goods and
possessions for ourselves and our nearest
friends, is insatiable, perpetual, universal,
and directly destructive of society. There
scarce is any one, who is not actuated by
it; and there is no one, who has not reason
to fear from it, when it acts without any
restraint, and gives way to its first and
most natural movements. So that upon the
whole, we are to esteem the difficulties
in the establishment of society, to be greater
or less, according to those we encounter
in regulating and restraining this passion.
It is certain, that no affection of the human
mind has both a sufficient force, and a proper
direction to counterbalance the love of gain,
and render men fit members of society, by
making them abstain from the possessions
of others. Benevolence to strangers is too
weak for this purpose; and as to the other
passions, they rather inflame this avidity,
when we observe, that the larger our possessions
are, the more ability we have of gratifying
all our appetites. There is no passion, therefore,
capable of controlling the interested affection,
but the very affection itself, by an alteration
of its direction. Now this alteration must
necessarily take place upon the least reflection;
since it is evident, that the passion is
much better satisfyed by its restraint, than
by its liberty, and that in preserving society,
we make much greater advances in the acquiring
possessions, than in the solitary and forlorn
condition, which must follow upon violence
and an universal licence. The question, therefore,
concerning the wickedness or goodness of
human nature, enters not in the least into
that other question concerning the origin
of society; nor is there any thing to be
considered but the degrees of men's sagacity
or folly. For whether the passion of self-interest
be esteemed vicious or virtuous, it is all
a case; since itself alone restrains it:
So that if it be virtuous, men become social
by their virtue; if vicious, their vice has
the same effect.
Now as it is by establishing the rule for
the stability of possession, that this passion
restrains itself; if that rule be very abstruse,
and of difficult invention; society must
be esteemed, in a manner, accidental, and
the effect of many ages. But if it be found,
that nothing can be more simple and obvious
than that rule; that every parent, in order
to preserve peace among his children, must
establish it; and that these first rudiments
of justice must every day be improved, as
the society enlarges: If all this appear
evident, as it certainly must, we may conclude,
that it is utterly impossible for men to
remain any considerable time in that savage
condition, which precedes society; but that
his very first state and situation may justly
be esteemed social. This, however, hinders
not, but that philosophers may, if they please,
extend their reasoning to the supposed state
of nature; provided they allow it to be a
mere philosophical fiction, which never had,
and never coued have any reality. Human nature
being composed of two principal parts, which
are requisite in all its actions, the affections
and understanding; it is certain, that the
blind motions of the former, without the
direction of the latter, incapacitate men
for society: And it may be allowed us to
consider separately the effects, that result
from the separate operations of these two
component parts of the mind. The same liberty
may be permitted to moral, which is allowed
to natural philosophers; and it is very usual
with the latter to consider any motion as
compounded and consisting of two parts separate
from each other, though at the same time
they acknowledge it to be in itself uncompounded
and inseparable.
This state of nature, therefore, is to be
regarded as a mere fiction, not unlike that
of the golden age, which poets have invented;
only with this difference, that the former
is described as full of war, violence and
injustice; whereas the latter is pointed
out to us, as the most charming and most
peaceable condition, that can possibly be
imagined. The seasons, in that first age
of nature, were so temperate, if we may believe
the poets, that there was no necessity for
men to provide themselves with cloaths and
houses as a security against the violence
of heat and cold. The rivers flowed with
wine and milk: The oaks yielded honey; and
nature spontaneously produced her greatest
delicacies. Nor were these the chief advantages
of that happy age. The storms and tempests
were not alone removed from nature; but those
more furious tempests were unknown to human
breasts, which now cause such uproar, and
engender such confusion. Avarice, ambition,
cruelty, selfishness, were never heard of:
Cordial affection, compassion, sympathy,
were the only movements, with which the human
mind was yet acquainted. Even the distinction
of mine and thine was banished from that
happy race of mortals, and carryed with them
the very notions of property and obligation,
justice and injustice.
This, no doubt, is to be regarded as an idle
fiction; but yet deserves our attention,
because nothing can more evidently shew the
origin of those virtues, which are the subjects
of our present enquiry. I have already observed,
that justice takes its rise from human conventions;
and that these are intended as a remedy to
some inconveniences, which proceed from the
concurrence of certain qualities of the human
mind with the situation of external objects.
The qualities of the mind are selfishness
and limited generosity: And the situation
of external objects is their easy change,
joined to their scarcity in comparison of
the wants and desires of men. But however
philosophers may have been bewildered in
those speculations, poets have been guided
more infallibly, by a certain taste or common
instinct, which in most kinds of reasoning
goes farther than any of that art and philosophy,
with which we have been yet acquainted. They
easily perceived, if every man had a tender
regard for another, or if nature supplied
abundantly all our wants and desires, that
the jealousy of interest, which justice supposes,
could no longer have place; nor would there
be any occasion for those distinctions and
limits of property and possession, which
at present are in use among mankind. Encrease
to a sufficient degree the benevolence of
men, or the bounty of nature, and you render
justice useless, by supplying its place with
much nobler virtues, and more valuable blessings.
The selfishness of men is animated by the
few possessions we have, in proportion to
our wants; and it is to restrain this selfishness,
that men have been obliged to separate themselves
from the community, and to distinguish betwixt
their own goods and those of others.
Nor need we have recourse to the fictions
of poets to learn this; but beside the reason
of the thing, may discover the same truth
by common experience and observation. It
is easy to remark, that a cordial affection
renders all things common among friends;
and that married people in particular mutually
lose their property, and are unacquainted
with the mine and thine, which are so necessary,
and yet cause such disturbance in human society.
The same effect arises from any alteration
in the circumstances of mankind; as when
there is such a plenty of any thing as satisfies
all the desires of men: In which case the
distinction of property is entirely lost,
and every thing remains in common. This we
may observe with regard to air and water,
though the most valuable of all external
objects; and may easily conclude, that if
men were supplied with every thing in the
same abundance, or if every one had the same
affection and tender regard for every one
as for himself; justice and injustice would
be equally unknown among mankind.
Here then is a proposition, which, I think,
may be regarded as certain, that it is only
from the selfishness and confined generosity
of men, along with the scanty provision nature
has made for his wants, that justice derives
its origin. If we look backward we shall
find, that this proposition bestows an additional
force on some of those observations, which
we have already made on this subject.
First, we may conclude from it, that a regard
to public interest, or a strong extensive
benevolence, is not our first and original
motive for the observation of the rules of
justice; since it is allowed, that if men
were endowed with such a benevolence, these
rules would never have been dreamt of.
Secondly, we may conclude from the same principle,
that the sense of justice is not founded
on reason, or on the discovery of certain
connexions and relations of ideas, which
are eternal, immutable, and universally obligatory.
For since it is confest, that such an alteration
as that above-mentioned, in the temper and
circumstances of mankind, would entirely
alter our duties and obligations, it is necessary
upon the common system, that the sense of
virtue is derived from reason, to shew the
change which this must produce in the relations
and ideas. But it is evident, that the only
cause, why the extensive generosity of man,
and the perfect abundance of every thing,
would destroy the very idea of justice, is
because they render it useless; and that,
on the other hand, his confined benevolence,
and his necessitous condition, give rise
to that virtue, only by making it requisite
to the publick interest, and to that of every
individual. Twas therefore a concern for
our own, and the publick interest, which
made us establish the laws of justice; and
nothing can be more certain, than that it
is not any relation of ideas, which gives
us this concern, but our impressions and
sentiments, without which every thing in
nature is perfectly indifferent to us, and
can never in the least affect us. The sense
of justice, therefore, is not founded on
our ideas, but on our impressions.
Thirdly, we may farther confirm the foregoing
proposition, THAT THOSE IMPRESSIONS, WHICH
GIVE RISE TO THIS SENSE OF JUSTICE, ARE NOT
NATURAL TO THE MIND OF MAN, BUT ARISE FROM
ARTIFICE AND HUMAN CONVENTIONS. For since
any considerable alteration of temper and
circumstances destroys equally justice and
injustice; and since such an alteration has
an effect only by changing our own and the
publick interest; it follows, that the first
establishment of the rules of justice depends
on these different interests. But if men
pursued the publick interest naturally, and
with a hearty affection, they would never
have dreamed of restraining each other by
these rules; and if they pursued their own
interest, without any precaution, they would
run head-long into every kind of injustice
and violence. These rules, therefore, are
artificial, and seek their end in an oblique
and indirect manner; nor is the interest,
which gives rise to them, of a kind that
coued be pursued by the natural and inartificial
passions of men.
To make this more evident, consider, that
though the rules of justice are established
merely by interest, their connexion with
interest is somewhat singular, and is different
from what may be observed on other occasions.
A single act of justice is frequently contrary
to public interest; and were it to stand
alone, without being followed by other acts,
may, in itself, be very prejudicial to society.
When a man of merit, of a beneficent disposition,
restores a great fortune to a miser, or a
seditious bigot, he has acted justly and
laudably, but the public is a real sufferer.
Nor is every single act of justice, considered
apart, more conducive to private interest,
than to public; and it is easily conceived
how a man may impoverish himself by a signal
instance of integrity, and have reason to
wish, that with regard to that single act,
the laws of justice were for a moment suspended
in the universe. But however single acts
of justice may be contrary, either to public
or private interest, it is certain, that
the whole plan or scheme is highly conducive,
or indeed absolutely requisite, both to the
support of society, and the well-being of
every individual. It is impossible to separate
the good from the ill. Property must be stable,
and must be fixed by general rules. Though
in one instance the public be a sufferer,
this momentary ill is amply compensated by
the steady prosecution of the rule, and by
the peace and order, which it establishes
in society. And even every individual person
must find himself a gainer, on ballancing
the account; since, without justice society
must immediately dissolve, and every one
must fall into that savage and solitary condition,
which is infinitely worse than the worst
situation that can possibly be supposed in
society. When therefore men have had experience
enough to observe, that whatever may be the
consequence of any single act of justice,
performed by a single person, yet the whole
system of actions, concurred in by the whole
society, is infinitely advantageous to the
whole, and to every part; it is not long
before justice and property take place. Every
member of society is sen sible of this interest:
Every one expresses this sense to his fellows,
along with the resolution he has taken of
squaring his actions by it, on condition
that others will do the same. No more is
requisite to induce any one of them to perform
an act of justice, who has the first opportunity.
This becomes an example to others. And thus
justice establishes itself by a kind of convention
or agreement; that is, by a sense of interest,
supposed to be common to all, and where every
single act is performed in expectation that
others are to perform the like. Without such
a convention, no one would ever have dreamed,
that there was such a virtue as justice,
or have been induced to conform his actions
to it. Taking any single act, my justice
may be pernicious in every respect; and it
is only upon the supposition that others
are to imitate my example, that I can be
induced to embrace that virtue; since nothing
but this combination can render justice advantageous,
or afford me any motives to conform my self
to its rules.
We come now to the second question we proposed,
viz. Why we annex the idea of virtue to justice,
and of vice to injustice. This question will
not detain us long after the principles,
which we have already established, All we
can say of it at present will be dispatched
in a few words: And for farther satisfaction,
the reader must wait till we come to the
third part of this book. The natural obligation
to justice, viz, interest, has been fully
explained; but as to the moral obligation,
or the sentiment of right and wrong, it will
first be requisite to examine the natural
virtues, before we can give a full and satisfactory
account of it. After men have found by experience,
that their selfishness and confined generosity,
acting at their liberty, totally incapacitate
them for society; and at the same time have
observed, that society is necessary to the
satisfaction of those very passions, they
are naturally induced to lay themselves under
the restraint of such rules, as may render
their commerce more safe and commodious.
To the imposition then, and observance of
these rules, both in general, and in every
particular instance, they are at first induced
only by a regard to interest; and this motive,
on the first formation of society, is sufficiently
strong and forcible. But when society has
become numerous, and has encreased to a tribe
or nation, this interest is more remote;
nor do men so readily perceive, that disorder
and confusion follow upon every breach of
these rules, as in a more narrow and contracted
society. But though in our own actions we
may frequently lose sight of that interest,
which we have in maintaining order, and may
follow a lesser and more present interest,
we never fail to observe the prejudice we
receive, either mediately or immediately,
from the injustice of others; as not being
in that case either blinded by passion, or
byassed by any contrary temptation. Nay when
the injustice is so distant from us, as no
way to affect our interest, it still displeases
us; because we consider it as prejudicial
to human society, and pernicious to every
one that approaches the person guilty of
it. We partake of their uneasiness by sympathy;
and as every thing, which gives uneasiness
in human actions, upon the general survey,
is called Vice, and whatever produces satisfaction,
in the same manner, is denominated Virtue;
this is the reason why the sense of moral
good and evil follows upon justice and injustice.
And though this sense, in the present case,
be derived only from contemplating the actions
of others, yet we fail not to extend it even
to our own actions. The general rule reaches
beyond those instances, from which it arose;
while at the same time we naturally sympathize
with others in the sentiments they entertain
of us. Thus self-interest is the original
motive to the establishment of justice: but
a sympathy with public interest is the source
of the moral approbation, which attends that
virtue.
Though this progress of the sentiments be
natural, and even necessary, it is certain,
that it is here forwarded by the artifice
of politicians, who, in order to govern men
more easily, and preserve peace in human
society, have endeavoured to produce an esteem
for justice, and an abhorrence of injustice.
This, no doubt, must have its effect; but
nothing can be more evident, than that the
matter has been carryed too far by certain
writers on morals, who seem to have employed
their utmost efforts to extirpate all sense
of virtue from among mankind. Any artifice
of politicians may assist nature in the producing
of those sentiments, which she suggests to
us, and may even on some occasions, produce
alone an approbation or esteem for any particular
action; but it is impossible it should be
the sole cause of the distinction we make
betwixt vice and virtue. For if nature did
not aid us in this particular, it would be
in vain for politicians to talk of honourable
or dishonourable, praiseworthy or blameable.
These words would be perfectly unintelligible,
and would no more have any idea annexed to
them, than if they were of a tongue perfectly
unknown to us. The utmost politicians can
perform, is, to extend the natural sentiments
beyond their original bounds; but still nature
must furnish the materials, and give us some
notion of moral distinctions.
As publick praise and blame encrease our
esteem for justice; so private education
and instruction contribute to the same effect.
For as parents easily observe, that a man
is the more useful, both to himself and others,
the greater degree of probity and honour
he is endowed with; and that those principles
have greater force, when custom and education
assist interest and reflection: For these
reasons they are induced to inculcate on
their children, from their earliest infancy,
the principles of probity, and teach them
to regard the observance of those rules,
by which society is maintained, as worthy
and honourable, and their violation as base
and infamous. By this means the sentiments
of honour may take root in their tender minds,
and acquire such firmness and solidity, that
they may fall little short of those principles,
which are the most essential to our natures,
and the most deeply radicated in our internal
constitution.
What farther contributes to encrease their
solidity, is the interest of our reputation,
after the opinion, that a merit or demerit
attends justice or injustice, is once firmly
established among mankind. There is nothing,
which touches us more nearly than our reputation,
and nothing on which our reputation more
depends than our conduct, with relation to
the property of others. For this reason,
every one, who has any regard to his character,
or who intends to live on good terms with
mankind, must fix an inviolable law to himself,
never, by any temptation, to be induced to
violate those principles, which are essential
to a man of probity and honour.
I shall make only one observation before
I leave this subject, viz, that though I
assert, that in the state of nature, or that
imaginary state, which preceded society,
there be neither justice nor injustice, yet
I assert not, that it was allowable, in such
a state, to violate the property of others.
I only maintain, that there was no such thing
as property; and consequently coued be no
such thing as justice or injustice. I shall
have occasion to make a similar reflection
with regard to promises, when I come to treat
of them; and I hope this reflection, when
duly weighed, will suffice to remove all
odium from the foregoing opinions, with regard
to justice and injustice.
SECT. III OF THE RULES WHICH DETERMINE PROPERTY
Though the establishment of the rule, concerning
the stability of possession, be not only
useful, but even absolutely necessary to
human society, it can never serve to any
purpose, while it remains in such general
terms. Some method must be shewn, by which
we may distinguish what particular goods
are to be assigned to each particular person,
while the rest of mankind are excluded from
their possession and enjoyment. Our next
business, then, must be to discover the reasons
which modify this general rule, and fit it
to the common use and practice of the world.
It is obvious, that those reasons are not
derived from any utility or advantage, which
either the particular person or the public
may reap from his enjoyment of any particular
goods, beyond what would result from the
possession of them by any other person. Twere
better, no doubt, that every one were possessed
of what is most suitable to him, and proper
for his use: But besides, that this relation
of fitness may be common to several at once,
it is liable to so many controversies, and
men are so partial and passionate in judging
of these controversies, that such a loose
and uncertain rule would be absolutely incompatible
with the peace of human society. The convention
concerning the stability of possession is
entered into, in order to cut off all occasions
of discord and contention; and this end would
never be attained, were we allowed to apply
this rule differently in every particular
case, according to every particular utility,
which might be discovered in such an application.
Justice, in her decisions, never regards
the fitness or unfitness of objects to particular
persons, but conducts herself by more extensive
views. Whether a man be generous, or a miser,
he is equally well received by her, and obtains
with the same facility a decision in his
favours, even for what is entirely useless
to him.
It follows therefore, that the general rule,
that possession must be stable, is not applied
by particular judgments, but by other general
rules, which must extend to the whole society,
and be inflexible either by spite or favour.
To illustrate this, I propose the following
instance. I first consider men in their savage
and solitary condition; and suppose, that
being sensible of the misery of that state,
and foreseeing the advantages that would
result from society, they seek each other's
company, and make an offer of mutual protection
and assistance. I also suppose, that they
are endowed with such sagacity as immediately
to perceive, that the chief impediment to
this project of society and partnership lies
in the avidity and selfishness of their natural
temper; to remedy which, they enter into
a convention for the stability of possession,
and for mutual restraint and forbearance.
I am sensible, that this method of proceeding
is not altogether natural; but besides that
I here only suppose those reflections to
be formed at once, which in fact arise insensibly
and by degrees; besides this, I say, it is
very possible, that several persons, being
by different accidents separated from the
societies, to which they formerly belonged,
may be obliged to form a new society among
themselves; in which case they are entirely
in the situation above-mentioned.
It is evident, then, that their first difficulty,
in this situation, after the general convention
for the establishment of society, and for
the constancy of possession, is, how to separate
their possessions, and assign to each his
particular portion, which he must for the
future inalterably enjoy. This difficulty
will not detain them long; but it must immediately
occur to them, as the most natural expedient,
that every one continue to enjoy what he
is at present master of, and that property
or constant possession be conjoined to the
immediate possession. Such is the effect
of custom, that it not only reconciles us
to any thing we have long enjoyed, but even
gives us an affection for it, and makes us
prefer it to other objects, which may be
more valuable, but are less known to us.
What has long lain under our eye, and has
often been employed to our advantage, that
we are always the most unwilling to part
with; but can easily live without possessions,
which we never have enjoyed, and are not
accustomed to. It is evident, therefore,
that men would easily acquiesce in this expedient,
that every one continue to enjoy what he
is at present possessed of; and this is the
reason, why they would so naturally agree
in preferring it.
[FN 15. No questions in philosophy are more
difficult, than when a number of causes present
themselves for the same phaenomenon, to determine
which is the principal and predominant. There
seldom is any very precise argument to fix
our choice, and men must be contented to
be guided by a kind of taste or fancy, arising
from analogy, and a comparison of familiar
instances. Thus, in the present case, there
are, no doubt, motives of public interest
for most of the rules, which determine property;
but still I suspect, that these rules are
principally fixed by the imagination, or
the more frivolous properties of our thought
and conception. I shall continue to explain
these causes, leaving it to the reader's
choice, whether he will prefer those derived
from publick utility, or those derived from
the imagination. We shall begin with the
right of the present possessor.
It is a quality, which I have already observed
in human nature, that when two objects appear
in a close relation to each other, the mind
is apt to ascribe to them any additional
relation, in order to compleat the union;
and this inclination is so strong, as often
to make us run into errors (such as that
of the conjunction of thought and matter)
if we find that they can serve to that purpose.
Many of our impressions are incapable of
place or local position; and yet those very
impressions we suppose to have a local conjunction
with the impressions of sight and touch,
merely because they are conjoined by causation,
and are already united in the imagination.
Since, therefore, we can feign a new relation,
and even an absurd one, in order to compleat
any union, it will easily be imagined, that
if there be any relations, which depend on
the mind, it will readily conjoin them to
any preceding relation, and unite, by a new
bond, such objects as have already an union
in the fancy. Thus for instance, we never
fail, in our arrangement of bodies, to place
those which are resembling in contiguity
to each other, or at least in correspondent
points of view; because we feel a satisfaction
in joining the relation of contiguity to
that of resemblance, or the resemblance of
situation to that of qualities. And this
is easily accounted for from the known properties
of human nature. When the mind is determined
to join certain objects, but undetermined
in its choice of the particular objects,
It naturally turns its eye to such as are
related together. They are already united
in the mind: They present themselves at the
same time to the conception; and instead
of requiring any new reason for their conjunction,
it would require a very powerful reason to
make us over-look this natural affinity.
This we shall have occasion to explain more
fully afterwards, when we come to treat of
beauty. In the mean time, we may content
ourselves with observing, that the same love
of order and uniformity, which arranges the
books in a library, and the chairs in a parlour,
contribute to the formation of society, and
to the well-being of mankind, by modifying
the general rule concerning the stability
of possession. And as property forms a relation
betwixt a person and an object, it is natural
to found it on some preceding relation; and
as property Is nothing but a constant possession,
secured by the laws of society, it is natural
to add it to the present possession, which
is a relation that resembles it. For this
also has its influence. If it be natural
to conjoin all sorts of relations, it is
more so, to conjoin such relations as are
resembling, and are related together.] But
we may observe, that though the rule of the
assignment of property to the present possessor
be natural, and by that means useful, yet
its utility extends not beyond the first
formation of society; nor would any thing
be more pernicious, than the constant observance
of it; by which restitution would be excluded,
and every injustice would be authorized and
rewarded. We must, therefore, seek for some
other circumstance, that may give rise to
property after society is once established;
and of this kind, I find four most considerable,
viz. Occupation, Prescription, Accession,
and Succession. We shall briefly examine
each of these, beginning with Occupation.
The possession of all external goods is changeable
and uncertain; which is one of the most considerable
impediments to the establishment of society,
and is the reason why, by universal agreement,
express or tacite, men restrain themselves
by what we now call the rules of justice
and equity. The misery of the condition,
which precedes this restraint, is the cause
why we submit to that remedy as quickly as
possible; and this affords us an easy reason,
why we annex the idea of property to the
first possession, or to occupation. Men are
unwilling to leave property in suspense,
even for the shortest time, or open the least
door to violence and disorder. To which we
may add, that the first possession always
engages the attention most; and did we neglect
it, there would be no colour of reason for
assigning property to any succeeding possession.
[FN 16. Some philosophers account for the
right of occupation, by saying, that every
one has a property in his own labour; and
when he joins that labour to any thing, it
gives him the property of the whole: But,
1. There are several kinds of occupation,
where we cannot be said to join our labour
to the object we acquire: As when we possess
a meadow by grazing our cattle upon it. 2.
This accounts for the matter by means of
accession; which is taking a needless circuit.
3. We cannot be said to join our labour to
any thing but in a figurative sense. Properly
speaking, we only make an alteration on it
by our labour. This forms a relation betwixt
us and the object; and thence arises the
property, according to the preceding principles.]
There remains nothing, but to determine exactly,
what is meant by possession; and this is
not so easy as may at first sight be imagined.
We are said to be in possession of any thing,
not only when we immediately touch it, but
also when we are so situated with respect
to it, as to have it in our power to use
it; and may move, alter, or destroy it, according
to our present pleasure or advantage. This
relation, then, is a species of cause and
effect; and as property is nothing but a
stable possession, derived from the rules
of justice, or the conventions of men, it
is to be considered as the same species of
relation. But here we may observe, that as
the power of using any object becomes more
or less certain, according as the interruptions
we may meet with are more or less probable;
and as this probability may increase by insensible
degrees; it is in many cases impossible to
determine when possession begins or ends;
nor is there any certain standard, by which
we can decide such controversies. A wild
boar, that falls into our snares, is deemed
to be in our possession, if it be impossible
for him to escape. But what do we mean by
impossible? How do we separate this impossibility
from an improbability? And how distinguish
that exactly from a probability? Mark the
precise limits of the one and the other,
and shew the standard, by which we may decide
all disputes that may arise, and, as we find
by experience, frequently do arise upon this
subject.
[FN 17. If we seek a solution of these difficulties
in reason and public interest, we never shall
find satisfaction; and If we look for it
in the imagination, it is evident, that the
qualities, which operate upon that faculty,
run so insensibly and gradually into each
other, that it is impossible to give them
any precise bounds or termination. The difficulties
on this head must encrease, when we consider,
that our judgment alters very sensibly, according
to the subject, and that the same power and
proximity will be deemed possession in one
case, which is not esteemed such in another.
A person, who has hunted a hare to the last
degree of weariness, would look upon it as
an injustice for another to rush in before
him, and seize his prey. But the same person
advancing to pluck an apple, that hangs within
his reach, has no reason to complain, if
another, more alert, passes him, and takes
possession. What is the reason of this difference,
but that immobility, not being natural to
the hare, but the effect of industry, forms
in that case a strong relation with the hunter,
which is wanting in the other?
Here then it appears, that a certain and
infallible power of enjoyment, without touch
or some other sensible relation, often produces
not property: And I farther observe, that
a sensible relation, without any present
power, is sometimes sufficient to give a
title to any object. The sight of a thing
is seldom a considerable relation, and is
only regarded as such, when the object is
hidden, or very obscure; in which case we
find, that the view alone conveys a property;
according to that maxim, THAT EVEN A WHOLE
CONTINENT BELONGS TO THE NATION, WHICH FIRST
DISCOVERED IT. It is however remarkable that
both in the case of discovery and that of
possession, the first discoverer and possessor
must join to the relation an intention of
rendering himself proprietor, otherwise the
relation will not have Its effect; and that
because the connexion in our fancy betwixt
the property and the relation is not so great,
but that it requires to be helped by such
an intention.
From all these circumstances, it is easy
to see how perplexed many questions may become
concerning the acquisition of property by
occupation; and the least effort of thought
may present us with instances, which are
not susceptible of any reasonable decision.
If we prefer examples, which are real, to
such as are feigned, we may consider the
following one, which is to be met with In
almost every writer, that has treated of
the laws of nature. Two Grecian colonies,
leaving their native country, in search of
new feats, were informed that a city near
them was deserted by its inhabitants. To
know the truth of this report, they dispatched
at once two messengers, one from each colony;
who finding on their approach, that their
information was true, begun a race together
with an intention to take possession of the
city, each of them for his countrymen. One
of these messengers, finding that he was
not an equal match for the other, launched
his spear at the gates of the city, and was
so fortunate as to fix it there before the
arrival of his companion. This produced a
dispute betwixt the two colonies, which of
them was the proprietor of the empty city
and this dispute still subsists among philosophers.
For my part I find the dispute impossible
to be decided, and that because the whole
question hangs upon the fancy, which in this
case is not possessed of any precise or determinate
standard, upon which it can give sentence.
To make this evident, let us consider, that
if these two persons had been simply members
of the colonies, and not messengers or deputies,
their actions would not have been of any
consequence; since in that case their relation
to the colonies would have been but feeble
and imperfect. Add to this, that nothing
determined them to run to the gates rather
than the walls, or any other part of the
city, but that the gates, being the most
obvious and remarkable part, satisfy the
fancy best in taking them for the whole;
as we find by the poets, who frequently draw
their images and metaphors from them. Besides
we may consider, that the touch or contact
of the one messenger is not properly possession,
no more than the piercing the gates with
a spear; but only forms a relation; and there
is a relation, in the other case, equally
obvious, tho' not, perhaps, of equal force.
Which of these relations, then, conveys a
right and property, or whether any of them
be sufficient for that effect, I leave to
the decision of such as are wiser than myself.]
But such disputes may not only arise concerning
the real existence of property and possession,
but also concerning their extent; and these
disputes are often susceptible of no decision,
or can be decided by no other faculty than
the imagination. A person who lands on the
shore of a small island, that is desart and
uncultivated, is deemed its possessor from
the very first moment, and acquires the property
of the whole; because the object is there
bounded and circumscribed in the fancy, and
at the same time is proportioned to the new
possessor. The same person landing on a desart
island, as large as Great Britain, extends
his property no farther than his immediate
possession; though a numerous colony are
esteemed the proprietors of the whole from
the instant of their debarkment.
But it often happens, that the title of first
possession becomes obscure through time;
and that it is impossible to determine many
controversies, which may arise concerning
it. In that case long possession or prescription
naturally takes place, and gives a person
a sufficient property in any thing he enjoys.
The nature of human society admits not of
any great accuracy; nor can we always remount
to the first origin of things, in order to
determine their present condition. Any considerable
space of time sets objects at such a distance,
that they seem, in a manner, to lose their
reality, and have as little influence on
the mind, as if they never had been in being.
A man's title, that is clear and certain
at present, will seem obscure and doubtful
fifty years hence, even though the facts,
on which it is founded, should be proved
with the greatest evidence and certainty.
The same facts have not the same influence
after so long an interval of time. And this
may be received as a convincing argument
for our preceding doctrine with regard to
property and justice. Possession during a
long tract of time conveys a title to any
object. But as it is certain, that, however
every thing be produced in time, there is
nothing real that is produced by time; it
follows, that property being produced by
time, is not any thing real in the objects,
but is the off-spring of the sentiments,
on which alone time is found to have any
influence.
[FN 18. Present possession is plainly a relation
betwixt a person and an object; but is not
sufficient to counter-ballance the relation
of first possession, unless the former be
long and uninterrupted: In which case the
relation is encreased on the side of the
present possession, by the extent of time,
and dlminished on that of first possession,
by the distance, This change in the relation
produces a consequent change in the property.]
We acquire the property of objects by accession,
when they are connected in an intimate manner
with objects that are already our property,
and at the same time are inferior to them.
Thus the fruits of our garden, the offspring
of our cattle, and the work of our slaves,
are all of them esteemed our property, even
before possession. Where objects are connected
together in the imagination, they are apt
to be put on the same footing, and are commonly
supposed to be endowed with the same qualities.
We readily pass from one to the other, and
make no difference in our judgments concerning
them; especially if the latter be inferior
to the former. [FN 19. This source of property
can never be explained but from the imaginations;
and one may affirm, that the causes are here
unmixed. We shall proceed to explain them
more particularly, and illustrate them by
examples from common life and experience.
It has been observed above, that the mind
has a natural propensity to join relations,
especially resembling ones, and finds a hind
of fitness and uniformity in such an union.
From this propensity are derived these laws
of nature, that upon the first formation
of society, property always follows the present
possession; and afterwards, that it arises
from first or from long possession. Now we
may easily observe, that relation is not
confined merely to one degree; but that from
an object, that is related to us, we acquire
a relation to every other object, which is
related to it, and so on, till the thought
loses the chain by too long a progress, However
the relation may weaken by each remove, it
is not immediately destroyed; but frequently
connects two objects by means of an intermediate
one, which is related to both. And this principle
is of such force as to give rise to the right
of accession, and causes us to acquire the
property not only of such objects as we are
immediately possessed of; but also of such
as are closely connected with them.
Suppose a German, a Frenchman, and a Spaniard
to come into a room, where there are placed
upon the table three bottles of wine, Rhenish,
Burgundy and Port; and suppose they shoued
fall a quarrelling about the division of
them; a person, who was chosen for umpire
would naturally, to shew his impartiality,
give every one the product of his own country:
And this from a principle, which, in some
measure, is the source of those laws of nature,
that ascribe property to occupation, prescription
and accession.
In all these Cases, and particularly that
of accession, there is first a natural union
betwixt the Idea of the person and that of
the object, and afterwards a new and moral
union produced by that right or property,
which we ascribe to the person. But here
there occurs a difficulty, which merits our
attention, and may afford us an opportunity
of putting to tryal that singular method
of reasoning, which has been employed on
the present subject. I have already observed
that the imagination passes with greater
facility from little to great, than from
great to littie, and that the transition
of ideas is always easier and smoother in
the former case than in the latter. Now as
the right of accession arises from the easy
transition of ideas, by which related objects
are connected together, it shoued naturally
be imagined, that the right of accession
must encrease in strength, in proportion
as the transition of ideas is performed with
greater facility. It may, therefore, be thought,
that when we have acquired the property of
any small object, we shall readily consider
any great object related to it as an accession,
and as belonging to the proprietor of the
small one; since the transition is in that
case very easy from the small object to the
great one, and shoued connect them together
in the closest manner. But In fact the case
is always found to be otherwise, The empire
of Great Britain seems to draw along with
it the dominion of the Orkneys, the Hebrides,
the isle of Man, and the Isle of Wight; but
the authority over those lesser islands does
not naturally imply any title to Great Britain.
In short, a small object naturally follows
a great one as its accession; but a great
one Is never supposed to belong to the proprietor
of a small one related to it, merely on account
of that property and relation. Yet in this
latter case the transition of ideas is smoother
from the proprietor to the small object,
which is his property, and from the small
object to the great one, than in the former
case from the proprietor to the great object,
and from the great one to the small. It may
therefore be thought, that these phaenomena
are objections to the foregoing hypothesis,
THAT THE ASCRIBING OF PROPERTY TO ACCESSION
IS NOTHING BUT AN AFFECT OF THE RELATIONS
OF IDEAS, AND OF THE SMOOTH TRANSITION OF
THE IMAGINATION.
It will be easy to solve this objection,
if we consider the agility and unsteadiness
of the imagination, with the different views,
in which it is continually placing its objects.
When we attribute to a person a property
in two objects, we do not always pass from
the person to one object, and from that to
the other related to it. The objects being
here to be considered as the property of
the person, we are apt to join them together,
and place them in the same light. Suppose,
therefore, a great and a small object to
be related together; if a person be strongly
related to the great object, he will likewise
be strongly related to both the objects,
considered together, because he Is related
to the most considerable part. On the contrary,
if he be only related to the small object,
he will not be strongly related to both,
considered together, since his relation lies
only with the most trivial part, which is
not apt to strike us in any great degree,
when we consider the whole. And this Is the
reason, why small objects become accessions
to great ones, and not great to small.
It is the general opinion of philosophers
and civilians, that the sea is incapable
of becoming the property of any nation; and
that because it is impossible to take possession
of it, or form any such distinct relation
with it, as may be the foundation of property.
Where this reason ceases, property immediately
takes place. Thus the most strenuous advocates
for the liberty of the seas universally allow,
that friths and hays naturally belong as
an accession to the proprietors of the surrounding
continent. These have properly no more bond
or union with the land, than the pacific
ocean would have; but having an union in
the fancy, and being at the same time inferior,
they are of course regarded as an accession.
The property of rivers, by the laws of most
nations, and by the natural turn of our thought,
Is attributed to the proprietors of their
banks, excepting such vast rivers as the
Rhine or the Danube, which seem too large
to the imagination to follow as an accession
the property of the neighbouring fields.
Yet even these rivers are considered as the
property of that nation, thro' whose dominions
they run; the idea of a nation being of a
suitable bulk to correspond with them, and
bear them such a relation in the fancy.
The accessions, which are made to lands bordering
upon rivers, follow the land, say the civilians,
provided it be made by what they call alluvion,
that is, Insensibly and Imperceptibly; which
are circumstances that mightily assist the
imagination in the conjunction. Where there
Is any considerable portion torn at once
from one bank, and joined to another, it
becomes not his property, whose land it falls
on, till it unite with the land, and till
the trees or plants have spread their roots
into both. Before that, the imagination does
not sufficiently join them.
There are other cases, which somewhat resemble
this of accession, but which, at the bottom,
are considerably different, and merit our
attention. Of this kind Is the conjunction
of the properties of different persons, after
such a manner as not to admit of separation.
The question is, to whom the united mass
must belong.
Where this conjunction is of such a nature
as to admit of division, but not of separation,
the decision is natural and easy. The whole
mass must be supposed to be common betwixt
the proprietors of the several parts, and
afterwards must be divided according to the
proportions of these parts. But here I cannot
forbear taking notice of a remarkable subtilty
of the Roman law, in distinguishing betwixt
confusion and commixtion. Confusion is an
union of two bodies, such as different liquors,
where the parts become entirely undistinguishable.
Commixtion is the blending of two bodies,
such as two bushels of corn, where the parts
remain separate in an obvious and visible
manner. As in the latter case the imagination
discovers not so entire an union as in the
former, but is able to trace and preserve
a distinct idea of the property of each;
this is the reason, why the civil law, tho'
it established an entire community in the
case of confusion, and after that a proportional
division, yet in the case of commixtion,
supposes each of the proprietors to maintain
a distinct right; however necessity may at
last force them to submit to the same division.
QUOD SI FRUMENTUM TITII FRUMENTO TUO MISTUM
FUERIT: SIQUIDEM EX VOLUNTATE VESTRA, COMMUNE
EST: QUIA SINGULA CORPORA, ID EST, SINGULA
GRANA, QUAE CUJUSQUE PRO PRIA FUERUNT, EX
CONSENSU VESTRO COMMUNICATA SUNT. QUOD SI
CASU ID MISTUM FUERIT, VEL TITIUS ID MISCUERIT
SINE TUA VOLUNT ATE, NON VIDETUR ID COMMUNE
ESSE; QUIA SINGULA CORPORA IN SUA SUBSTANTIA
DURANT. SED NEC MAGIS ISTIS CASIBUS COMMUNE
SIT FRUMENTUM QUAM GREX INTELLIGITUR ESSE
CORN MUNIS, SI PECORA TITII TUIS PECORIBUS
MISTA FUERINT. SED SI AB ALTERUTRO VESTRUM
TOTUM ID FRUMENTUM RETINEATUR, IN REM QUIDEM
ACTIO PRO MODO FRUMENTI CUJUSQUE CORN PETIT.
ARBITRIO AUTEM JUDICIS, UT IPSE AESTIMET
QUALE CUJUSQUE FRUMENTUM FUERIT. Inst. Lib.
IL Tit. i. Sect 28.
(In the case that your grain was mixed with
that of Titius, if it was done voluntarily
on the part of both of you, it is common
property, inasmuch as the individual items,
i. e., the single grains, which were the
peculiar property of either of you, were
combined with your joint consent. If, however,
the mixture was accidental, or if Titius
mixed it without your consent, it does not
appear that it is common property, Inasmuch
as the several components retain their original
identity. Rather, in circumstances of this
sort the grain does not become common property,
any more than a herd of cattle is regarded
as common property, If Titius beasts should
have become mixed up with yours.
However, if all of the aforesaid corn is
kept by either of you, this gives rise to
a suit to determine the ownership of property,
in respect of the amount of corn belonging
to each. It is in the discretion of the judge
to determine which is the corn belonging
to either party.] Where the properties of
two persons are united after such a manner
as neither to admit of division nor separation,
as when one builds a house on another's ground,
in that case, the whole must belong to one
of the proprietors: And here I assert, that
it naturally is conceived to belong to the
proprietor of the most considerable part.
For however the compound object may have
a relation to two different persons, and
carry our view at once to both of them, yet
as the most considerable part principally
engages our attention, and by the strict
union draws the inferior along it; for this
reason, the whole bears a relation to the
proprietor of that part, and is regarded
as his property. The only difficulty is,
what we shall be pleased to call the most
considerable part, and most attractive to
the imagination.
This quality depends on several different
circumstances, which have little connexion
with each other. One part of a compound object
may become more considerable than another,
either because it is more constant and durable;
because it is of greater value; because it
is more obvious and remarkable; because it
is of greater extent; or because its existence
is more separate and independent. It will
be easy to conceive, that, as these circumstances
may be conjoined and opposed in all the different
ways, and according to all the different
degrees, which can be imagined, there will
result many cases, where the reasons on both
sides are so equally balanced, that it is
impossible for us to give any satisfactory
decision. Here then is the proper business
of municipal laws, to fix what the principles
of human nature have left undetermined.
The superficies yields to the soil, says
the civil law: The writing to the paper:
The canvas to the picture. These decisions
do not well agree together, and are a proof
of the contrariety of those principles, from
which they are derived.
But of all the questions of this kind the
most curious is that, which for so many ages
divided the disciples of Proculus and Sabinus.
Suppose a person shoued make a cup from the
metal of another, or a ship from his wood,
and suppose the proprietor of the metal or
wood shoued demand his goods, the question
is, whether he acquires a title to the cup
or ship. Sabinus maintained the affirmative,
and asserted that the substance or matter
is the foundation of all the qualities; that
it is incorruptible and immortal, and therefore
superior to the form, which is casual and
dependent. On the other hand, Proculus observed,
that the form is the most obvious and remarkable
part, and that from it bodies are denominated
of this or that particular species. To which
he might have added, that the matter or substance
is in most bodies so fluctuating and uncertain,
that it is utterly impossible to trace it
in all its changes. For my part, I know not
from what principles such a controversy can
be certainly determined. I shall therefore
content my self with observing, that the
decision of Trebonian seems to me pretty
ingenious; that the cup belongs to the proprietor
of the metal, because it can be brought back
to its first form: But that the ship belongs
to the author of its form for a contrary
reason. But however ingenious this reason
may seem, it plainly depends upon the fancy,
which by the possibility of such a reduction,
finds a closer connexion and relation betwixt
a cup and the proprietor of its metal, than
betwixt a ship and the proprietor of its
wood, where the substance is more fixed and
unalterable.] The right of succession is
a very natural one, from the presumed consent
of the parent or near relation, and from
the general interest of mankind, which requires,
that men's possessions should pass to those,
who are dearest to them, in order to render
them more industrious and frugal. Perhaps
these causes are seconded by the influence
of relation, or the association of ideas,
by which we are naturally directed to consider
the son after the parent's decease, and ascribe
to him a title to his father's possessions.
Those goods must become the property of some
body: But of whom is the question. Here it
is evident the persons children naturally
present themselves to the mind; and being
already. connected to those possessions by
means of their deceased parent, we are apt
to connect them still farther by the relation
of property. Of this there are many parallel
instances.
[FN 20 In examining the different titles
to authority in government, we shall meet
with many reasons to convince us, that the
right of succession depends, in a great measure
on the imagination. Mean while I shall rest
contented with observing one example, which
belongs to the present subject. Suppose that
a person die without children, and that a
dispute arises among his relations concerning
his inheritance; it is evident, that if his
riches be deriv'd partly from his father,
partly from his mother, the most natural
way of determining such a dispute, is, to
divide his possessions, and assign each part
to the family, from whence it is deriv'd.
Now as the person is suppos'd to have been
once the full and entire proprietor of those
goods; I ask, what is it makes us find a
certain equity and natural reason in this
partition, except it be the imagination?
His affection to these families does not
depend upon his possessions; for which reason
his consent can never be presum'd precisely
for such a partition. And as to the public
interest, it seems not to be in the least
concern'd on the one side or the other.]
SECT. IV OF THE TRANSFERENCE OF PROPERTY
BY CONSENT
However useful, or even necessary, the stability
of possession may be to human society, it
is attended with very considerable inconveniences.
The relation of fitness or suitableness ought
never to enter into consideration, in distributing
the properties of mankind; but we must govern
ourselves by rules, which are more general
in their application, and more free from
doubt and uncertainty. Of this kind is present
possession upon the first establishment of
society; and afterwards occupation, prescription,
accession, and succession. As these depend
very much on chance, they must frequently
prove contradictory both to men's wants and
desires; and persons and possessions must
often be very ill adjusted. This is a grand
inconvenience, which calls for a remedy.
To apply one directly, and allow every man
to seize by violence what he judges to be
fit for him, would destroy society; and therefore
the rules of justice seek some medium betwixt
a rigid stability, and this changeable and
uncertain adjustment. But there is no medium
better than that obvious one, that possession
and property should always be stable, except
when the proprietor consents to bestow them
on some other person. This rule can have
no ill consequence, in occasioning wars and
dissentions; since the proprietor's consent,
who alone is concerned, is taken along in
the alienation: And it may serve to many
good purposes in adjusting property to persons.
Different parts of the earth produce different
commodities; and not only so, but different
men both are by nature fitted for different
employments, and attain to greater perfection
in any one, when they confine themselves
to it alone. All this requires a mutual exchange
and commerce; for which reason the translation
of property by consent is founded on a law
of nature, as well as its stability without
such a consent.
So far is determined by a plain utility and
interest. But perhaps it is from more trivial
reasons, that delivery, or a sensible transference
of the object is commonly required by civil
laws, and also by the laws of nature, according
to most authors, as a requisite circumstance
in the translation of property. The property
of an object, when taken for something real,
without any reference to morality, or the
sentiments of the mind, is a quality perfectly
insensible, and even inconceivable; nor can
we form any distinct notion, either of its
stability or translation. This imperfection
of our ideas is less sensibly felt with regard
to its stability, as it engages less our
attention, and is easily past over by the
mind, without any scrupulous examination.
But as the translation of property from one
person to another is a more remarkable event,
the defect of our ideas becomes more sensible
on that occasion, and obliges us to turn
ourselves on every side in search of some
remedy. Now as nothing more enlivens any
idea than a present impression, and a relation
betwixt that impression and the idea; it
is natural for us to seek some false light
from this quarter. In order to aid the imagination
in conceiving the transference of property,
we take the sensible object, and actually
transfer its possession to the person, on
whom we would bestow the property. The supposed
resemblance of the actions, and the presence
of this sensible delivery, deceive the mind,
and make it fancy, that it conceives the
mysterious transition of the property. And
that this explication of the matter is just,
appears hence, that men have invented a symbolical
delivery, to satisfy the fancy, where the
real one is impracticable. Thus the giving
the keys of a granary is understood to be
the delivery of the corn contained in it:
The giving of stone and earth represents
the delivery of a mannor. This is a kind
of superstitious practice in civil laws,
and in the laws of nature, resembling the
Roman catholic superstitions in religion.
As the Roman catholics represent the inconceivable
mysteries of the Christian religion, and
render them more present to the mind, by
a taper, or habit, or grimace, which is supposed
to resemble them; so lawyers and moralists
have run into like inventions for the same
reason, and have endeavoured by those means
to satisfy themselves concerning the transference
of property by consent.
SECT. V OF THE OBLIGATION OF PROMISES
That the rule of morality, which enjoins
the performance of promises, is not natural,
will sufficiently appear from these two propositions,
which I proceed to prove, viz, that a promise
would not be intelligible, before human conventions
had established it; and that even if it were
intelligible, it would not be attended with
any moral obligation.
I say, first, that a promise is not intelligible
naturally, nor antecedent to human conventions;
and that a man, unacquainted with society,
could never enter into any engagements with
another, even though they could perceive
each other's thoughts by intuition. If promises
be natural and intelligible, there must be
some act of the mind attending these words,
I promise; and on this act of the mind must
the obligation depend. Let us, therefore,
run over all the faculties of the soul, and
see which of them is exerted in our promises.
The act of the mind, exprest by a promise,
is not a resolution to perform any thing:
For that alone never imposes any obligation.
Nor is it a desire of such a performance:
For we may bind ourselves without such a
desire, or even with an aversion, declared
and avowed. Neither is it the willing of
that action, which we promise to perform:
For a promise always regards some future
time, and the will has an influence only
on present actions. It follows, therefore,
that since the act of the mind, which enters
into a promise, and produces its obligation,
is neither the resolving, desiring, nor willing
any particular performance, it must necessarily
be the willing of that obligation, which
arises from the promise. Nor is this only
a conclusion of philosophy; but is entirely
conformable to our common ways of thinking
and of expressing ourselves, when we say
that we are bound by our own consent, and
that the obligation arises from our mere
will and pleasure. The only question then
is, whether there be not a manifest absurdity
in supposing this act of the mind, and such
an absurdity as no man coued fall into, whose
ideas are not confounded with prejudice and
the fallacious use of language.
All morality depends upon our sentiments;
and when any action, or quality of the mind,
pleases us after a certain manner, we say
it is virtuous; and when the neglect, or
nonperformance of it, displeases us after
a like manner, we say that we lie under an
obligation to perform it. A change of the
obligation supposes a change of the sentiment;
and a creation of a new obligation supposes
some new sentiment to arise. But it is certain
we can naturally no more change our own sentiments,
than the motions of the heavens; nor by a
single act of our will, that is, by a promise,
render any action agreeable or disagreeable,
moral or immoral; which, without that act,
would have produced contrary impressions,
or have been endowed with different qualities.
It would be absurd, therefore, to will any
new obligation, that is, any new sentiment
of pain or pleasure; nor is it possible,
that men coued naturally fall into so gross
an absurdity. A promise, therefore, is naturally
something altogether unintelligible, nor
is there any act of the mind belonging to
it.
[FN 21 Were morality discoverable by reason,
and not by sentiment, it would be still more
evident, that promises cou'd make no alteration
upon it. Morality is suppos'd to consist
in relation. Every new imposition of morality,
therefore, must arise from some new relation
of objects; and consequently the will coud
not produce immediately any change in morals,
but cou'd have that effect only by producing
a change upon the objects. But as the moral
obligation of a promise is the pure effect
of the will, without the least change in
any part of the universe; it follows, that
promises have no natural obligation.
Shou'd it be said, that this act of the will
being in effect a new object, produces new
relations and new duties; I wou'd answer,
that this is a pure sophism, which may be
detected by a very moderate share of accuracy
and exactness. To will a new obligation,
is to will a new relation of objects; and
therefore, if this new relation of objects
were form'd by the volition itself, we should
in effect will the volition; which is plainly
absurd and impossible. The will has here
no object to which it cou'd tend; but must
return upon itself in infinitum. The new
obligation depends upon new relations. The
new relations depend upon a new volition.
The new volition has for object a new obligation,
and consequently new relations, and consequently
a new volition; which volition again has
in view a new obligation, relation and volition,
without any termination. It is impossible,
therefore, we cou'd ever will a new obligation;
and consequently it is impossible the will
cou'd ever accompany a promise, or produce
a new obligation of morality.] But, secondly,
if there was any act of the mind belonging
to it, it could not naturally produce any
obligation. This appears evidently from the
foregoing reasoning. A promise creates a
new obligation. A new obligation supposes
new sentiments to arise. The will never creates
new sentiments. There could not naturally,
therefore, arise any obligation from a promise,
even supposing the mind could fall into the
absurdity of willing that obligation.
The same truth may be proved still more evidently
by that reasoning, which proved justice in
general to be an artificial virtue. No action
can be required of us as our duty, unless
there be implanted in human nature some actuating
passion or motive, capable of producing the
action. This motive cannot be the sense of
duty. A sense of duty supposes an antecedent
obligation: And where an action is not required
by any natural passion, it cannot be required
by any natural obligation; since it may be
omitted without proving any defect or imperfection
in the mind and temper, and consequently
without any vice. Now it is evident we have
no motive leading us to the performance of
promises, distinct from a sense of duty.
If we thought, that promises had no moral
obligation, we never should feel any inclination
to observe them. This is not the case with
the natural virtues. Though there was no
obligation to relieve the miserable, our
humanity would lead us to it; and when we
omit that duty, the immorality of the omission
arises from its being a proof, that we want
the natural sentiments of humanity. A father
knows it to be his duty to take care of his
children: But he has also a natural inclination
to it. And if no human creature had that
indination, no one coued lie under any such
obligation. But as there is naturally no
inclination to observe promises, distinct
from a sense of their obligation; it follows,
that fidelity is no natural virtue, and that
promises have no force, antecedent to human
conventions.
If any one dissent from this, he must give
a regular proof of these two propositions,
viz. THAT THERE IS A PECULIAR ACT OF THE
MIND, ANNEXT TO PROMISES; AND THAT CONSEQUENT
TO THIS ACT OF THE MIND, THERE ARISES AN
INCLINATION TO PERFORM, DISTINCT FROM A SENSE
OF DUTY. I presume, that it is impossible
to prove either of these two points; and
therefore I venture to conclude that promises
are human inventions, founded on the necessities
and interests of society.
In order to discover these necessities and
interests, we must consider the same qualities
of human nature, which we have already found
to give rise to the preceding laws of society.
Men being naturally selfish, or endowed only
with a confined generosity, they are not
easily induced to perform any action for
the interest of strangers, except with a
view to some reciprocal advantage, which
they had no hope of obtaining but by such
a performance. Now as it frequently happens,
that these mutual performances cannot be
finished at the same instant, it is necessary,
that one party be contented to remain in
uncertainty, and depend upon the gratitude
of the other for a return of kindness. But
so much corruption is there among men, that,
generally speaking, this becomes but a slender
security; and as the benefactor is here supposed
to bestow his favours with a view to self-interest,
this both takes off from the obligation,
and sets an example to selfishness, which
is the true mother of ingratitude. Were we,
therefore, to follow the natural course of
our passions and inclinations, we should
perform but few actions for the advantage
of others, from distinterested views; because
we are naturally very limited in our kindness
and affection: And we should perform as few
of that kind, out of a regard to interest;
because we cannot depend upon their gratitude.
Here then is the mutual commerce of good
offices in a manner lost among mankind, and
every one reduced to his own skill and industry
for his well-being and subsistence. The invention
of the law of nature, concerning the stability
of possession, has already rendered men tolerable
to each other; that of the transference of
property and possession by consent has begun
to render them mutually advantageous: But
still these laws of nature, however strictly
observed, are not sufficient to render them
so serviceable to each other, as by nature
they are fitted to become. Though possession
be stable, men may often reap but small advantage
from it, while they are possessed of a greater
quantity of any species of goods than they
have occasion for, and at the same time suffer
by the want of others. The transference of
property, which is the proper remedy for
this inconvenience, cannot remedy it entirely;
because it can only take place with regard
to such objects as are present and individual,
but not to such as are absent or general.
One cannot transfer the property of a particular
house, twenty leagues distant; because the
consent cannot be attended with delivery,
which is a requisite circumstance. Neither
can one transfer the property of ten bushels
of corn, or five hogsheads of wine, by the
mere expression and consent; because these
are only general terms, and have no direct
relation to any particular heap of corn,
or barrels of wine. Besides, the commerce
of mankind is not confined to the barter
of commodities, but may extend to services
and actions, which we may exchange to our
mutual interest and advantage. Your corn
is ripe to-day; mine will be so tomorrow.
It is profitable for us both, that I should
labour with you to-day, and that you should
aid me to-morrow. I have no kindness for
you, and know you have as little for me.
I will not, therefore, take any pains upon
your account; and should I labour with you
upon my own account, in expectation of a
return, I know I should be disappointed,
and that I should in vain depend upon your
gratitude. Here then I leave you to labour
alone: You treat me in the same manner. The
seasons change; and both of us lose our harvests
for want of mutual confidence and security.
All this is the effect of the natural and
inherent principles and passions of human
nature; and as these passions and principles
are inalterable, it may be thought, that
our conduct, which depends on them, must
be so too, and that it would be in vain,
either for moralists or politicians, to tamper
with us, or attempt to change the usual course
of our actions, with a view to public interest.
And indeed, did the success of their designs
depend upon their success in correcting the
selfishness and ingratitude of men, they
would never make any progress, unless aided
by omnipotence, which is alone able to new-mould
the human mind, and change its character
in such fundamental articles. All they can
pretend to, is, to give a new direction to
those natural passions, and teach us that
we can better satisfy our appetites in an
oblique and artificial manner, than by their
headlong and impetuous motion. Hence I learn
to do a service to another, without bearing
him any real kindness; because I forsee,
that he will return my service, in expectation
of another of the same kind, and in order
to maintain the same correspondence of good
offices with me or with others. And accordingly,
after I have served him, and he is in possession
of the advantage arising from my action,
he is induced to perform his part, as foreseeing
the consequences of his refusal.
But though this self-interested commerce
of man begins to take place, and to predominate
in society, it does not entirely abolish
the more generous and noble intercourse of
friendship and good offices. I may still
do services to such persons as I love, and
am more particularly acquainted with, without
any prospect of advantage; and they may make
me a return in the same manner, without any
view but that of recompensing my past services.
In order, therefore, to distinguish those
two different sorts of commerce, the interested
and the disinterested, there is a certain
form of words invented for the former, by
which we bind ourselves to the performance
of any action. This form of words constitutes
what we call a promise, which is the sanction
of the interested commerce of mankind. When
a man says he promises any thing, he in effect
expresses a resolution of performing it;
and along with that, by making use of this
form of words, subjects himself to the penalty
of never being trusted again in case of failure.
A resolution is the natural act of the mind,
which promises express: But were there no
more than a resolution in the case, promises
would only declare our former motives, and
would not create any new motive or obligation.
They are the conventions of men, which create
a new motive, when experience has taught
us, that human affairs would be conducted
much more for mutual advantage, were there
certain symbols or signs instituted, by which
we might give each, other security of our
conduct in any particular incident, After
these signs are instituted, whoever uses
them is immediately bound by his interest
to execute his engagements, and must never
expect to be trusted any more, if he refuse
to perform what he promised.
Nor is that knowledge, which is requisite
to make mankind sensible of this interest
in the institution and observance of promises,
to be esteemed superior to the capacity of
human nature, however savage and uncultivated.
There needs but a very little practice of
the world, to make us perceive all these
consequences and advantages. The shortest
experience of society discovers them to every
mortal; and when each individual perceives
the same sense of interest in all his fellows,
he immediately performs his part of any contract,
as being assured, that they will not be wanting
in theirs. All of them, by concert, enter
into a scheme of actions, calculated for
common benefit, and agree to be true to their
word; nor is there any thing requisite to
form this concert or convention, but that
every one have a sense of interest in the
faithful fulfilling of engagements, and express
that sense to other members of the society.
This immediately causes that interest to
operate upon them; and interest is the first
obligation to the performance of promises.
Afterwards a sentiment of morals concurs
with interest, and becomes a new obligation
upon mankind. This sentiment of morality,
in the performance of promises, arises from
the same principles as that in the abstinence
from the property of others. Public interest,
education, and the artifices of politicians,
have the same effect in both cases. The difficulties,
that occur to us, in supposing a moral obligation
to attend promises, we either surmount or
elude. For instance; the expression of a
resolution is not commonly supposed to be
obligatory; and we cannot readily conceive
how the making use of a certain form of words
should be able to cause any material difference.
Here, therefore, we feign a new act of the
mind, which we call the willing an obligation;
and on this we suppose the morality to depend.
But we have proved already, that there is
no such act of the mind, and consequently
that promises impose no natural obligation.
To confirm this, we may subjoin some other
reflections concerning that will, which is
supposed to enter into a promise, and to
cause its obligation. It is evident, that
the will alone is never supposed to cause
the obligation, but must be expressed by
words or signs, in order to impose a tye
upon any man. The expression being once brought
in as subservient to the will, soon becomes
the principal part of the promise; nor will
a man be less bound by his word, though he
secretly give a different direction to his
intention, and with-hold himself both from
a resolution, and from willing an obligation.
But though the expression makes on most occasions
the whole of the promise, yet it does not
always so; and one, who should make use of
any expression, of which he knows not the
meaning, and which he uses without any intention
of binding himself, would not certainly be
bound by it. Nay, though he knows its meaning,
yet if he uses it in jest only, and with
such signs as shew evidently he has no serious
intention of binding himself, he would not
lie under any obligation of performance;
but it is necessary, that the words be a
perfect expression of the will, without any
contrary signs. Nay, even this we must not
carry so far as to imagine, that one, whom,
by our quickness of understanding, we conjecture,
from certain signs, to have an intention
of deceiving us, is not bound by his expression
or verbal promise, if we accept of it; but
must limit this conclusion to those cases,
where the signs are of a different kind from
those of deceit. All these contradictions
are easily accounted for, if the obligation
of promises be merely a human invention for
the convenience of society; but will never
be explained, if it be something real and
natural, arising from any action of the mind
or body.
I shall farther observe, that since every
new promise imposes a new obligation of morality
on the person who promises, and since this
new obligation arises from his will; it is
one of the most mysterious and incomprehensible
operations that can possibly be imagined,
and may even be compared to TRANSUBSTANTIATION,
or HOLY ORDERS [I mean so far, as holy orders
are suppos'd to produce the indelible character.
In other respects they are only a legal qualification.],
where a certain form of words, along with
a certain intention, changes entirely the
nature of an external object, and even of
a human nature. But though these mysteries
be so far alike, it is very remarkable, that
they differ widely in other particulars,
and that this difference may be regarded
as a strong proof of the difference of their
origins. As the obligation of promises is
an invention for the interest of society,
it is warped into as many different forms
as that interest requires, and even runs
into direct contradictions, rather than lose
sight of its object. But as those other monstrous
doctines are mere priestly inventions, and
have no public interest in view, they are
less disturbed in their progress by new obstacles;
and it must be owned, that, after the first
absurdity, they follow more directly the
current of reason and good sense. Theologians
clearly perceived, that the external form
of words, being mere sound, require an intention
to make them have any efficacy; and that
this intention being once considered as a
requisite circumstance, its absence must
equally prevent the effect, whether avowed
or concealed, whether sincere or deceitful.
Accordingly they have commonly determined,
that the intention of the priest makes the
sacrament, and that when he secretly withdraws
his intention, he is highly criminal in himself;
but still destroys the baptism, or communion,
or holy orders. The terrible consequences
of this doctrine were not able to hinder
its taking place; as the inconvenience of
a similar doctrine, with regard to promises,
have prevented that doctrine from establishing
itself. Men are always more concerned about
the present life than the future; and are
apt to think the smallest evil, which regards
the former, more important than the greatest,
which regards the latter.
We may draw the same conclusion, concerning
the origin of promises, from the force, which
is supposed to invalidate all contracts,
and to free us from their obligation. Such
a principle is a proof, that promises have
no natural obligation, and are mere artificial
contrivances for the convenience and advantage
of society. If we consider aright of the
matter, force is not essentially different
from any other motive of hope or fear, which
may induce us to engage our word, and lay
ourselves under any obligation. A man, dangerously
wounded, who promises a competent sum to
a surgeon to cure him, would certainly be
bound to performance; though the case be
not so much different from that of one, who
promises a sum to a robber, as to produce
so great a difference in our sentiments of
morality, if these sentiments were not built
entirely on public interest and convenience.
SECT. VI SOME FARTHER REFLECTIONS CONCERNING
JUSTICE AND INJUSTICE
We have now run over the three fundamental
laws of nature, that of the stability of
possession, of its transference by consent,
and of the performance of promises. It is
on the strict t observance of those three
laws, that the peace and security of human
society entirely depend; nor is there any
possibility of establishing a good correspondence
among men, where these are neglected. Society
is absolutely necessary for the well-being
of men; and these are as necessary to the
support of society. Whatever restraint they
may impose on the passions of men, they are
the real offspring of those passions, and
are only a more artful and more refined way
of satisfying them. Nothing is more vigilant
and inventive than our passions; and nothing
is more obvious, than the convention for
the observance of these rules. Nature has,
therefore, trusted this affair entirely to
the conduct of men, and has not placed in
the mind any peculiar original principles,
to determine us to a set of actions, into
which the other principles of our frame and
constitution were sufficient to lead us.
And to convince us the more fully of this
truth, we may here stop a moment, and from
a review of the preceding reasonings may
draw some new arguments, to prove that those
laws, however necessary, are entirely artificial,
and of human invention; and consequently
that justice is an artificial, and not a
natural virtue.
(1) The first argument I shall make use of
is derived from the vulgar definition of
justice. Justice is commonly defined to be
a constant and perpetual will of giving every
one his due. In this definition it is supposed,
that there are such things as right and property,
independent of justice, and antecedent to
it; and that they would have subsisted, though
men had never dreamt of practising such a
virtue. I have already observed, in a cursory
manner, the fallacy of this opinion, and
shall here continue to open up a little more
distinctly my sentiments on that subject.
I shall begin with observing, that this quality,
which we shall call property, is like many
of the imaginary qualities of the peripatetic
philosophy, and vanishes upon a more accurate
inspection into the subject, when considered
a-part from our moral sentiments. It is evident
property does not consist in any of the sensible
qualities of the object. For these may continue
invariably the same, while the property changes.
Property, therefore, must consist in some
relation of the object. But it is not in
its relation with regard to other external
and inanimate objects. For these may also
continue invariably the same, while the property
changes. This quality, therefore, consists
in the relations of objects to intelligent
and rational beings. But it is not the external
and corporeal relation, which forms the essence
of property. For that relation may be the
same betwixt inanimate objects, or with regard
to brute creatures; though in those cases
it forms no property. It is, therefore, in
some internal relation, that the property
consists; that is, in some influence, which
the external relations of the object have
on the mind and actions. Thus the external
relation, which we call occupation or first
possession, is not of itself imagined to
be the property of the object, but only to
cause its property. Now it is evident, this
external relation causes nothing in external
objects, and has only an influence on the
mind, by giving us a sense of duty in abstaining
from that object, and in restoring it to
the first possessor. These actions are properly
what we call justice; and consequently it
is on that virtue that the nature of property
depends, and not the virtue on the property.
If any one, therefore, would assert, that
justice is a natural virtue, and injustice
a natural vice, he must assert, that abstracting
from the nations of property, and right and
obligation, a certain conduct and train of
actions, in certain external relations of
objects, has naturally a moral beauty or
deformity, and causes an original pleasure
or uneasiness. Thus the restoring a man's
goods to him is considered as virtuous, not
because nature has annexed a certain sentiment
of pleasure to such a conduct, with regard
to the property of others, but because she
has annexed that sentiment to such a conduct,
with regard to those external objects, of
which others have had the first or long possession,
or which they have received by the consent
of those, who have had first or long possession.
If nature has given us no such sentiment,
there is not, naturally, nor antecedent to
human conventions, any such thing as property.
Now, though it seems sufficiently evident,
in this dry and accurate consideration of
the present subject, that nature has annexed
no pleasure or sentiment of approbation to
such a conduct; yet that I may leave as little
room for doubt as possible, I shall subjoin
a few more arguments to confirm my opinion.
First, If nature had given us a pleasure
of this kind, it would have been as evident
and discernible as on every other occasion;
nor should we have found any difficulty to
perceive, that the consideration of such
actions, in such a situation, gives a certain
pleasure and sentiment of approbation. We
should not have been obliged to have recourse
to notions of property in the definition
of justice, and at the same time make use
of the notions of justice in the definition
of property. This deceitful method of reasoning
is a plain proof, that there are contained
in the subject some obscurities and difficulties,
which we are not able to surmount, and which
we desire to evade by this artifice.
Secondly, Those rules, by which properties,
rights, and obligations are determined, have
in them no marks of a natural origin but
many of artifice and contrivance. They are
too numerous to have proceeded from nature:
They are changeable by human laws: And have
all of them a direct and evident tendency
to public good, and the support, of civil
society. This last circumstance is remarkable
upon two accounts. First, because, though
the cause of the establishment of these laws
had been a regard for the public good, as
much as the public good is their natural
tendency, they would still have been artificial,
as being purposely contrived and directed
to a certain end. Secondly, because, if men
had been endowed with such a strong regard
for public good, they would never have restrained
themselves by these rules; so that the laws
of justice arise from natural principles
in a manner still more oblique and artificial.
It is self-love which is their real origin;
and as the self-love of one person is naturally
contrary to that of another, these several
interested passions are obliged to adjust
themselves after such a manner as to concur
in some system of conduct and behaviour.
This system, therefore, comprehending the
interest of each individual, is of course
advantageous to the public; though it be
not intended for that purpose by die inventors.
(2) In the second place we may observe, that
all kinds of vice and virtue run insensibly
into each other, and may approach by such
imperceptible degrees as will make it very
difficult, if not absolutely impossible,
to determine when the one ends, and the other
begins; and from this observation we may
derive a new argument for the foregoing principle.
For whatever may be the case, with regard
to all kinds of vice and virtue, it is certain,
that rights, and obligations, and property,
admit of no such insensible gradation, but
that a man either has a full and perfect
property, or none at all; and is either entirely
obliged to perform any action, or lies under
no manner of obligation. However civil laws
may talk of a perfect dominion, and of an
imperfect, it is easy to observe, that this
arises from a fiction, which has no foundation
in reason, and can never enter into our notions
of natural justice and equity. A man that
hires a horse, though but for a day, has
as full a right to make use of it for that
time, as he whom we call its proprietor has
to make use of it any other day; and it was
evident, that however the use may be bounded
in time or degree, the right itself is not
susceptible of any such gradation, but is
absolute and entire, so far as it extends.
Accordingly we may observe, that this right
both arises and perishes in an instant; and
that a man entirely acquires the property
of any object by occupation, or the consent
of the proprietor; and loses it by his own
consent; without any of that insensible gradation,
which is remarkable in other qualities and
relations, Since, therefore, this is die
case with regard to property, and rights,
and obligations, I ask, how it stands with
regard to justice and injustice? After whatever
manner you answer this question, you run
into inextricable difficulties. If you reply,
that justice and injustice admit of degree,
and run insensibly into each other, you expressly
contradict the foregoing position, that obligation
and property are not susceptible of such
a gradation. These depend entirely upon justice
and injustice, and follow them in all their
variations. Where the justice is entire,
the property is also entire: Where the justice
is imperfect, the property must also be imperfect
And vice versa, if the property admit of
no such variations, they must also be incompatible
with justice. If you assent, therefore, to
this last proposition, and assert, that justice
and injustice are not susceptible of degrees,
you in effect assert, that they are not naturally
either vicious or virtuous; since vice and
virtue, moral good and evil, and indeed all
natural qualities, run insensibly into each
other, and are, on many occasions, undistinguishable.
And here it may be worth while to observe,
that though abstract reasoning, and the general
maxims of philosophy and law establish this
position, that property, and right, and obligation
admit not of degrees, yet in our common and
negligent way of thinking, we find great
difficulty to entertain that opinion, and
do even secretly embrace the contrary principle.
An object must either be in the possession
of one person or another. An action must
either be performed or not The necessity
there is of choosing one side in these dilemmas,
and the impossibility there often is of finding
any just medium, oblige us, when we reflect
on the matter, to acknowledge, that all property
and obligations are entire. But on the other
hand, when we consider the origin of property
and obligation, and find that they depend
on public utility, and sometimes on the propensities
of the imagination, which are seldom entire
on any side; we are naturally inclined to
imagine, that these moral relations admit
of an insensible gradation. Hence it is,
that in references, where the consent of
the parties leave the referees entire masters
of the subject, they commonly discover so
much equity and justice on both sides, as
induces them to strike a medium, and divide
the difference betwixt the parties. Civil
judges, who have not this liberty, but are
obliged to give a decisive sentence on some
one side, are often at a loss how to determine,
and are necessitated to proceed on the most
frivolous reasons in the world. Half rights
and obligations, which seem so natural in
common life, are perfect absurdities in their
tribunal; for which reason they are often
obliged to take half arguments for whole
ones, in order to terminate the affair one
way or other.
(3) The third argument of this kind I shall
make use of may be explained thus. If we
consider the ordinary course of human actions,
we shall find, that the mind restrains not
itself by any general and universal rules;
but acts on most occasions as it is determined
by its present motives and inclination. As
each action is a particular individual event,
it must proceed from particular principles,
and from our immediate situation within ourselves,
and with respect to the rest of the universe.
If on some occasions we extend our motives
beyond those very circumstances, which gave
rise to them, and form something like general
rules for our conduct, it is easy to observe,
that these rules are not perfectly inflexible,
but allow of many exceptions. Since, therefore,
this is the ordinary course of human actions,
we may conclude, that the laws of justice,
being universal and perfectly inflexible,
can never be derived from nature, nor be
the immediate offspring of any natural motive
or inclination. No action can be either morally
good or evil, unless there be some natural
passion or motive to impel us to it, or deter
us from it; and it is evident, that die morality
must be susceptible of all the same variations,
which are natural to the passion. Here are
two persons, who dispute for an estate; of
whom one is rich, a fool, and a batchelor;
the other poor, a man of sense, and has a
numerous family: The first is my enemy; the
second my friend. Whether I be actuated in
this affair by a view to public or private
interest, by friendship or enmity, I must
be induced to do my utmost to procure the
estate to the latter. Nor would any consideration
of the right and property of the persons
be able to restrain me, were I actuated only
by natural motives, without any combination
or convention with others. For as all property
depends on morality; and as all morality
depends on the ordinary course of our passions
and actions; and as these again are only
directed by particular motives; it is evident,
such a partial conduct must be suitable to
the strictest morality, and coued never be
a violation of property. Were men, therefore,
to take the liberty of acting with regard
to the laws of society, as they do in every
other affair, they would conduct themselves,
on most occasions, by particular judgments,
and would take into consideration the characters
and circumstances of the persons, as well
as the general nature of the question. But
it is easy to observe, that this would produce
an infinite confusion in human society, and
that the avidity and partiality of men would
quickly bring disorder into the world, if
not restrained by some general and inflexible
principles. Twas, therefore, with a view
to this inconvenience, that men have established
those principles, and have agreed to restrain
themselves by general rules, which are unchangeable
by spite and favour, and by particular views
of private or public interest. These rules,
then, are artificially invented for a certain
purpose, and are contrary to the common principles
of human nature, which accommodate themselves
to circumstances, and have no stated invariable
method of operation.
Nor do I perceive how I can easily be mistaken
in this matter. I see evidently, that when
any man imposes on himself general inflexible
rules in his conduct with others, he considers
certain objects as their property, which
he supposes to be sacred and inviolable.
But no proposition can be more evident, than
that property is perfectly unintelligible
without first supposing justice and injustice;
and that these virtues and vices are as unintelligible,
unless we have motives, independent of the
morality, to impel us to just actions, and
deter us from unjust ones. Let those motives,
therefore, be what they will, they must accommodate
themselves to circumstances, and must admit
of all the variations, which human affairs,
in their incessant revolutions, are susceptible
of. They are consequently a very improper
foundation for such rigid inflexible rules
as the laws of nature; and it is evident
these laws can only be derived from human
conventions, when men have perceived the
disorders that result from following their
natural and variable principles.
Upon the whole, then, we are to consider
this distinction betwixt justice and injustice,
as having two different foundations, viz,
that of interest, when men observe, that
it is impossible to live in society without
restraining themselves by certain rules;
and that of morality, when this interest
is once observed and men receive a pleasure
from the view of such actions as tend to
the peace of society, and an uneasiness from
such as are contrary to it. It is the voluntary
convention and artifice of men, which makes
the first interest take place; and therefore
those laws of justice are so far to be considered
as artifrial. After that interest is once
established and acknowledged, the sense of
morality in the observance of these rules
follows naturally, and of itself; though
it is certain, that it is also augmented
by a new artifice, and that the public instructions
of politicians, and the private education
of parents, contribute to the giving us a
sense of honour and duty in the strict regulation
of our actions with regard to the properties
of others.
SECT. VII OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT
Nothing is more certain, than that men are,
in a great measure, governed by interest,
and that even when they extend their concern
beyond themselves, it is not to any great
distance; nor is it usual for them, in common
life, to look farther than their nearest
friends and acquaintance. It is no less certain,
that it is impossible for men to consult,
their interest in so effectual a manner,
as by an universal and inflexible observance
of the rules of justice, by which alone they
can preserve society, and keep themselves
from falling into that wretched and savage
condition, which is commonly represented
as the state of nature. And as this interest,
which all men have in the upholding of society,
and the observation of the rules of justice,
is great, so is it palpable and evident,
even to the most rude and uncultivated of
human race; and it is almost impossible for
any one, who has had experience of society,
to be mistaken in this particular. Since,
therefore, men are so sincerely attached
to their interest, and their interest is
so much concerned in the observance of justice,
and this interest is so certain and avowed;
it may be asked, how any disorder can ever
arise in society, and what principle there
is in human nature so powerful as to overcome
so strong a passion, or so violent as to
obscure so clear a knowledge?
It has been observed, in treating of the
passions, that men are mightily governed
by the imagination, and proportion their
affections more to the light, under which
any object appears to them, than to its real
and intrinsic value. What strikes upon them
with a strong and lively idea commonly prevails
above what lies in a more obscure light;
and it must be a great superiority of value,
that is able to compensate this advantage.
Now as every thing, that is contiguous to
us, either in space or time, strikes upon
us with such an idea, it has a proportional
effect on the will and passions, and commonly
operates with more force than any object,
that lies in a more distant and obscure light.
Though we may be fully convinced, that the
latter object excels the former, we are not
able to regulate our actions by this judgment;
but yield to the sollicitations of our passions,
which always plead in favour of whatever
is near and contiguous.
This is the reason why men so often act in
contradiction to their known interest; and
in particular why they prefer any trivial
advantage, that is present, to the maintenance
of order in society, which so much depends
on the observance of justice. The consequences
of every breach of equity seem to lie very
remote, and are not able to counter-ballance
any immediate advantage, that may be reaped
from it. They are, however, never the less
real for being remote; and as all men are,
in some degree, subject to the same weakness,
it necessarily happens, that the violations
of equity must become very frequent in society,
and the commerce of men, by that means, be
rendered very dangerous and uncertain. You
have the same propension, that I have, in
favour of what is contiguous above what is
remote. You are, therefore, naturally carried
to commit acts of injustice as well as me.
Your example both pushes me forward in this
way by imitation, and also affords me a new
reason for any breach of equity, by shewing
me, that I should be the cully of my integrity,
if I alone should impose on myself a severe
restraint amidst the licentiousness of others.
This quality, therefore, of human nature,
not only is very dangerous to society, but
also seems, on a cursory view, to be incapable
of any remedy. The remedy can only come from
the consent of men; and if men be incapable
of themselves to prefer remote to contiguous,
they will never consent to any thing, which
would oblige them to such a choice, and contradict,
in so sensible a manner, their natural principles
and propensities. Whoever chuses the means,
chuses also the end; and if it be impossible
for us to prefer what is remote, it is equally
impossible for us to submit to any necessity,
which would oblige us to such a method of
acting.
But here it is observable, that this infirmity
of human nature becomes a remedy to itself,
and that we provide against our negligence
about remote objects, merely because we are
naturally inclined to that negligence. When
we consider any objects at a distance, all
their minute distinctions vanish, and we
always give the preference to whatever is
in itself preferable, without considering
its situation and circumstances. This gives
rise to what in an improper sense we call
reason, which is a principle, that is often
contradictory to those propensities that
display themselves upon the approach of the
object. In reflecting on any action, which
I am to perform a twelve-month hence, I always
resolve to prefer the greater good, whether
at that time it will be more contiguous or
remote; nor does any difference in that particular
make a difference in my present intentions
and resolutions. My distance from the final
determination makes all those minute differences
vanish, nor am I affected by any thing, but
the general and more discernible qualities
of good and evil. But on my nearer approach,
those circumstances, which I at first over-looked,
begin to appear, and have an influence on
my conduct and affections. A new inclination
to the present good springs up, and makes
it difficult for me to adhere inflexibly
to my first purpose and resolution. This
natural infirmity I may very much regret,
and I may endeavour, by all possible means,
to free my self from it. I may have recourse
to study and reflection within myself; to
the advice of friends; to frequent meditation,
and repeated resolution: And having experienced
how ineffectual all these are, I may embrace
with pleasure any other expedient, by which
I may impose a restraint upon myself, and
guard against this weakness.
The only difficulty, therefore, is to find
out this expedient, by which men cure their
natural weakness, and lay themselves under
the necessity of observing the laws of justice
and equity, notwithstanding their violent
propension to prefer contiguous to remote.
It is evident such a remedy can never be
effectual without correcting this propensity;
and as it is impossible to change or correct
any thing material in our nature, the utmost
we can do is to change our circumstances
and situation, and render the observance
of the laws of justice our nearest interest,
and their violation our most remote. But
this being impracticable with respect to
all mankind, it can only take place with
respect to a few, whom we thus immediately
interest in the execution of justice. There
are the persons, whom we call civil magistrates,
kings and their ministers, our governors
and rulers, who being indifferent persons
to the greatest part of the state, have no
interest, or but a remote one, in any act
of injustice; and being satisfied with their
present condition, and with their part in
society, have an immediate interest in every
execution of justice, which is so necessary
to the upholding of society. Here then is
the origin of civil government and society.
Men are not able radically to cure, either
in themselves or others, that narrowness
of soul, which makes them prefer the present
to the remote. They cannot change their natures.
All they can do is to change their situation,
and render the observance of justice the
immediate interest of some particular persons,
and its violation their more remote. These
persons, then, are not only induced to observe
those rules in their own conduct, but also
to constrain others to a like regularity,
and inforce the dictates of equity through
the whole society. And if it be necessary,
they may also interest others more immediately
in the execution of justice, and create a
number of officers, civil and military, to
assist them in their government.
But this execution of justice, though the
principal, is not the only advantage of government.
As violent passion hinder men from seeing
distinctly the interest they have in an equitable
behaviour towards others; so it hinders them
from seeing that equity itself, and gives
them a remarkable partiality in their own
favours. This inconvenience is corrected
in the same manner as that above-mentioned.
The same persons, who execute the laws of
justice, will also decide all controversies
concerning them; and being indifferent to
the greatest part of the society, will decide
them more equitably than every one would
in his own case.
By means of these two advantages, in the
execution and decision of justice, men acquire
a security against each others weakness and
passion, as well as against their own, and
under the shelter of their governors, begin
to taste at ease the sweets of society and
mutual assistance. But government extends
farther its beneficial influence; and not
contented to protect men in those conventions
they make for their mutual interest, it often
obliges them to make such conventions, and
forces them to seek their own advantage,
by a concurrence in some common end or purpose.
There is no quality in human nature, which
causes more fatal errors in our conduct,
than that which leads us to prefer whatever
is present to the distant and remote, and
makes us desire objects more according to
their situation than their intrinsic value.
Two neighbours may agree to drain a meadow,
which they possess in common; because it
is easy for them to know each others mind;
and each must perceive, that the immediate
consequence of his failing in his part, is,
the abandoning the whole project. But it
is very difficult, and indeed impossible,
that a thousand persons should agree in any
such action; it being difficult for them
to concert so complicated a design, and still
more difficult for them to execute it; while
each seeks a pretext to free himself of the
trouble and expence, and would lay the whole
burden on others. Political society easily
remedies both these inconveniences. Magistrates
find an immediate interest in the interest
of any considerable part of their subjects.
They need consult no body but themselves
to form any scheme for the promoting of that
interest. And as the failure of any one piece
in the execution is connected, though not
immediately, with the failure of the whole,
they prevent that failure, because they find
no interest in it, either immediate or remote.
Thus bridges are built; harbours opened;
ramparts raised; canals formed; fleets equiped;
and armies disciplined every where, by the
care of government, which, though composed
of men subject to all human infirmities,
becomes, by one of the finest and most subtle
inventions imaginable, a composition, which
is, in some measure, exempted from all these
infirmities.
SECT. VIII OF THE SOURCE OF ALLEGIANCE
Though government be an invention very advantageous,
and even in some circumstances absolutely
necessary to mankind; it is not necessary
in all circumstances, nor is it impossible
for men to preserve society for some time,
without having recourse to such an invention.
Men, it is true, are always much inclined
to prefer present interest to distant and
remote; nor is it easy for them to resist
the temptation of any advantage, that they
may immediately enjoy, in apprehension of
an evil that lies at a distance from them:
But still this weakness is less conspicuous
where the possessions, and the pleasures
of life are few, and of little value, as
they always are in the infancy of society.
An Indian is but little tempted to dispossess
another of his hut, or to steal his bow,
as being already provided of the same advantages;
and as to any superior fortune, which may
attend one above another in hunting and fishing,
it is only casual and temporary, and will
have but small tendency to disturb society.
And so far am I from thinking with some philosophers,
that men are utterly incapable of society
without government, that I assert the first
rudiments of government to arise from quarrels,
not among men of the same society, but among
those of different societies. A less degree
of riches will suffice to this latter effect,
than is requisite for the former. Men fear
nothing from public war and violence but
the resistance they meet with, which, because
they share it in common, seems less terrible;
and because it comes from strangers, seems
less pernicious in its consequences, than
when they are exposed singly against one
whose commerce is advantageous to them, and
without whose society it is impossible they
can subsist. Now foreign war to a society
without government necessarily produces civil
war. Throw any considerable goods among men,
they instantly fall a quarrelling, while
each strives to get possession of what pleases
him, without regard to the consequences.
In a foreign war the most considerable of
all goods, life and limbs, are at stake;
and as every one shuns dangerous ports, seizes
the best arms, seeks excuse for the slightest
wounds, the laws, which may be well enough
observed while men were calm, can now no
longer take place, when they are in such
commotion.
This we find verified in the American tribes,
where men live in concord and amity among
themselves without any established government
and never pay submission to any of their
fellows, except in time of war, when their
captain enjoys a shadow of authority, which
he loses after their return from the field,
and the establishment of peace with the neighbouring
tribes. This authority, however, instructs
them in the advantages of government, and
teaches them to have recourse to it, when
either by the pillage of war, by commerce,
or by any fortuitous inventions, their riches
and possessions have become so considerable
as to make them forget, on every emergence,
the interest they have in the preservation
of peace and justice. Hence we may give a
plausible reason, among others, why all governments
are at first monarchical, without any mixture
and variety; and why republics arise only
from the abuses of monarchy and despotic
power. Camps are the true mothers of cities;
and as war cannot be administered, by reason
of the suddenness of every exigency, without
some authority in a single person, the same
kind of authority naturally takes place in
that civil government, which succeeds the
military. And this reason I take to be more
natural, than the common one derived from
patriarchal government, or the authority
of a father, which is said first to take
place in one family, and to accustom the
members of it to the government of a single
person. The state of society without government
is one of the most natural states of men,
and must submit with the conjunction of many
families, and long after the first generation.
Nothing but an encrease of riches and possessions
coued oblige men to quit it; and so barbarous
and uninstructed are all societies on their
first formation, that many years must elapse
before these can encrease to such a degree,
as to disturb men in the enjoyment of peace
and concord. But though it be possible for
men to maintain a small uncultivated society
without government, it is impossible they
should maintain a society of any kind without
justice, and the observance of those three
fundamental laws concerning the stability
of possession, its translation by consent,
and the performance of promises. These are,
therefore, antecedent to government, and
are supposed to impose an obligation before
the duty of allegiance to civil magistrates
has once been thought of. Nay, I shall go
farther, and assert, that government, upon
its first establishment, would naturally
be supposed. to derive its obligation from
those laws of nature, and, in particular,
from that concerning the performance of promises.
When men have once perceived the necessity
of government to maintain peace, and execute
justice, they would naturally assemble together,
would chuse magistrates, determine power,
and promise them obedience. As a promise
is supposed to be a bond or security already
in use, and attended with a moral obligation,
it is to be considered as the original sanction
of government, and as the source of the first
obligation to obedience. This reasoning appears
so natural, that it has become the foundation
of our fashionable system of politics, and
is in a manner the creed of a party amongst
us, who pride themselves, with reason, on
the soundness of their philosophy, and their
liberty of thought. All men, say they, are
born free and equal: Government and superiority
can only be established by consent: The consent
of men, in establishing government, imposes
on them a new obligation, unknown to the
laws of nature. Men, therefore, are bound
to obey their magistrates, only because they
promise it; and if they had not given their
word, either expressly or tacitly, to preserve
allegiance, it would never have become a
part of their moral duty. This conclusion,
however, when carried so far as to comprehend
government in all its ages and situations,
is entirely erroneous; and I maintain, that
though the duty of allegiance be at first
grafted on the obligation of promises, and
be for some time supported by that obligation,
yet it quickly takes root of itself, and
has an original obligation and authority,
independent of all contracts. This is a principle
of moment, which we must examine with care
and attention, before we proceed any farther.
It is reasonable for those philosophers,
who assert justice to be a natural virtue,
and antecedent to human conventions, to resolve
all civil allegiance into the obligation
of a promise, and assert that it is our own
consent alone, which binds us to any submission
to magistracy. For as all government is plainly
an invention of men, and the origin of most
governments is known in history, it is necessary
to mount higher, in order to find the source
of our political duties, if we would assert
them to have any natural obligation of morality.
These philosophers, therefore, quickly observe,
that society is as antient as the human species,
and those three fundamental laws of nature
as antient as society: So that taking advantage
of the antiquity, and obscure origin of these
laws, they first deny them to be artificial
and voluntary inventions of men, and then
seek to ingraft on them those other duties,
which are more plainly artificial. But being
once undeceived in this particular, and having
found that natural, as well as civil justice,
derives its origin from human conventions,
we shall quickly perceive, how fruitless
it is to resolve the one into the other,
and seek, in the laws of nature, a stronger
foundation for our political duties than
interest, and human conventions; while these
laws themselves are built on the very same
foundation. On which ever side we turn this
subject, we shall find, that these two kinds
of duty are exactly on the same footing,
and have the same source both of their first
invention and moral obligation. They are
contrived to remedy like inconveniences,
and acquire their moral sanction in the same
manner, from their remedying those inconveniences.
These are two points, which we shall endeavour
to prove as distinctly as possible.
We have already shewn, that men invented
the three fundamental laws of nature, when
they observed the necessity of society to
their mutual subsistance, and found, that
it was impossible to maintain any correspondence
together, without some restraint on their
natural appetites. The same self-love, therefore,
which renders men so incommodious to each
other, taking a new and more convenient direction,
produces the rules of justice, and is the
first motive of their observance. But when
men have observed, that though the rules
of justice be sufficient to maintain any
society, yet it is impossible for them, of
themselves, to observe those rules, in large
and polished societies; they establish government,
as a new invention to attain their ends,
and preserve the old, or procure new advantages,
by a more strict execution of justice. So
far, therefore, our civil duties are connected
with our natural, that the former are invented
chiefly for the sake of the latter; and that
the principal object of government is to
constrain men to observe the laws of nature.
In this respect, however, that law of nature,
concerning the performance of promises, is
only comprized along with the rest; and its
exact observance is to be considered as an
effect of the institution of government,
and not the obedience to government as an
effect of the obligation of a promise. Though
the object of our civil duties be the enforcing
of our natural, yet the first [First in time,
not in dignity or force.] motive of the invention,
as well as performance of both, is nothing
but self-interest: and since there is a separate
interest in the obedience to government,
from that in the performance of promises,
we must also allow of a separate obligation.
To obey the civil magistrate is requisite
to preserve order and concord in society.
To perform promises is requisite to beget
mutual trust and confidence in the common
offices of life. The ends, as well as the
means, are perfectly distinct; nor is the
one subordinate to the other.
To make this more evident, let us consider,
that men will often bind themselves by promises
to the performance of what it would have
been their interest to perform, independent
of these promises; as when they would give
others a fuller security, by super-adding
a new obligation of interest to that which
they formerly lay under. The interest in
the performance of promises, besides its
moral obligation, is general, avowed, and
of the last consequence in life. Other interests
may be more particular and doubtful; and
we are apt to entertain a greater suspicion,
that men may indulge their humour, or passion,
in acting contrary to them. Here, therefore,
promises come naturally in play, and are
often required for fuller satisfaction and
security. But supposing those other interests
to be as general and avowed as the interest
in the performance of a promise, they will
be regarded as on the same footing, and men
will begin to repose the same confidence
in them. Now this is exactly the case with
regard to our civil duties, or obedience
to the magistrate; without which no government
coued subsist, nor any peace or order be
maintained in large societies, where there
are so many possessions on the one hand,
and so many wants, real or imaginary, on
the other. Our civil duties, therefore, must
soon detach themselves from our promises,
and acquire a separate force and influence.
The interest in both is of the very same
kind: It is general, avowed, and prevails
in all times and places. There is, then,
no pretext of reason for founding the one
upon the other; while each of them has a
foundation peculiar to itself. We might as
well resolve the obligation to abstain from
the possessions of others, into the obligation
of a promise, as that of allegiance. The
interests are not more distinct in the one
case than the other. A regard to property
is not more necessary to natural society,
than obedience is to civil society or government;
nor is the former society more necessary
to the being of mankind, than the latter
to their well-being and happiness. In short,
if the performance of promises be advantageous,
so is obedience to government: If the former
interest be general, so is the latter: If
the one interest be obvious and avowed, so
is the other. And as these two rules are
founded on like obligations of interest,
each of them must have a peculiar authority,
independent of the other.
But it is not only the natural obligations
of interest, which are distinct in promises
and allegiance; but also the moral obligations
of honour and conscience: Nor does the merit
or demerit of the one depend in the least
upon that of the other. And indeed, if we
consider the close connexion there is betwixt
the natural and moral obligations, we shall
find this conclusion to be entirely unavoidable.
Our interest is always engaged on the side
of obedience to magistracy; and there is
nothing but a great present advantage, that
can lead us to rebellion, by making us over-look
the remote interest, which we have in the
preserving of peace and order in society.
But though a present interest may thus blind
us with regard to our own actions, it takes
not place with regard to those of others;
nor hinders them from appearing in their
true colours, as highly prejudicial to public
interest, and to our own in particular. This
naturally gives us an uneasiness, in considering
such seditious and disloyal actions, and
makes us attach to them the idea of vice
and moral deformity. It is the same principle,
which causes us to disapprove of all kinds
of private injustice, and in particular of
the breach of promises. We blame all treachery
and breach of faith; because we consider,
that the freedom and extent of human commerce
depend entirely on a fidelity with regard
to promises. We blame all disloyalty to magistrates;
because we perceive, that the execution of
justice, in the stability of possession,
its translation by consent, and the performance
of promises, is impossible, without submission
to government. As there are here two interests
entirely distinct from each other, they must
give rise to two moral obligations, equally
separate and independent. Though there was
no such thing as a promise in the world,
government would still be necessary in all
large and civilized societies; and if promises
had only their own proper obligation, without
the separate sanction of government, they
would have but little efficacy in such societies.
This separates the boundaries of our public
and private duties, and shews that the latter
are more dependant on the former, than the
former on the latter. Education, and the
artifice of politicians, concur to bestow
a farther morality on loyalty, and to brand
all rebellion with a greater degree of guilt
and infamy. Nor is it a wonder, that politicians
should be very industrious in inculcating
such notions, where their interest is so
particularly concerned.
Lest those arguments should not appear entirely
conclusive (as I think they are) I shall
have recourse to authority, and shall prove,
from the universal consent of mankind, that
the obligation of submission to government
is not derived from any promise of the subjects.
Nor need any one wonder, that though I have
all along endeavoured to establish my system
on pure reason, and have scarce ever cited
the judgment even of philosophers or historians
on any article, I should now appeal to popular
authority, and oppose the sentiments of the
rabble to any philosophical reasoning. For
it must be observed, that the opinions of
men, in this case, carry with them a peculiar
authority, and are, in a great measure, infallible.
The distinction of moral good and evil is
founded on the pleasure or pain, which results
from the view of any sentiment, or character;
and as that pleasure or pain cannot be unknown
to the person who feels it, it follows [FN
22], that there is just so much vice or virtue
in any character, as every one places in
it, and that it is impossible in this particular
we can ever be mistaken. And though our judgments
concerning the origin of any vice or virtue,
be not so certain as those concerning their
degrees; yet, since the question in this
case regards not any philosophical origin
of an obligation, but a plain matter of fact,
it is not easily conceived how we can fall
into an error. A man, who acknowledges himself
to be bound to another, for a certain sum,
must certainly know whether it be by his
own bond, or that of his father; whether
it be of his mere good-will, or for money
lent him; and under what conditions, and
for what purposes he has bound himself. In
like manner, it being certain, that there
is a moral obligation to submit to government,
because every one thinks so; it must be as
certain, that this obligation arises not
from a promise; since no one, whose judgment
has not been led astray by too strict adherence
to a system of philosophy, has ever yet dreamt
of ascribing it to that origin. Neither magistrates
nor subjects have formed this idea of our
civil duties.
[FN 22 This proposition must hold strictly
true, with regard to every quality, that
is determin'd merely by sentiment. In what
sense we can talk either of a right or a
wrong taste in morals, eloquence, or beauty,
shall be considerd afterwards. In the mean
time, it may be observ'd, that there is such
an uniformity in the GENERAL sentiments of
mankind, as to render such questions of but
small importance.] We find, that magistrates
are so far from deriving their authority,
and the obligation to obedience in their
subjects, from the foundation of a promise
or original contract, that they conceal,
as far as possible, from their people, especially
from the vulgar, that they have their origin
from thence. Were this the sanction of government,
our rulers would never receive it tacitly,
which is the utmost that can be pretended;
since what is given tacitly and insensibly
can never have such influence on mankind,
as what is performed expressly and openly.
A tacit promise is, where the will is signified
by other more diffuse signs than those of
speech; but a will there must certainly be
in the case, and that can never escape the
person's notice, who exerted it, however
silent or tacit. But were you to ask the
far greatest part of the nation, whether
they had ever consented to the authority
of their rulers, or promised to obey them,
they would be inclined to think very strangely
of you; and would certainly reply, that the
affair depended not on their consent, but
that they were born to such an obedience.
In consequence of this opinion, we frequently
see them imagine such persons to be their
natural rulers, as are at that time deprived
of all power and authority, and whom no man,
however foolish, would voluntarily chuse;
and this merely because they are in that
line, which ruled before, and in that degree
of it, which used to succeed; though perhaps
in so distant a period, that scarce any man
alive coued ever have given any promise of
obedience. Has a government, then, no authority
over such as these, because they never consented
to it, and would esteem the very attempt
of such a free choice a piece of arrogance
and impiety? We find by experience, that
it punishes them very freely for what it
calls treason and rebellion, which, it seems,
according to this system, reduces itself
to common injustice. If you say, that by
dwelling in its dominions, they in effect
consented to the established government;
I answer, that this can only be, where they
think the affair depends on their choice,
which few or none, beside those philosophers,
have ever yet imagined. It never was pleaded
as an excuse for a rebel, that the first
act he perform d, after he came to years
of discretion, was to levy war against the
sovereign of the state; and that while he
was a child he coued not bind himself by
his own consent, and having become a man,
showed plainly, by the first act he performed,
that he had no design to impose on himself
any obligation to obedience. We find, on
the contrary, that civil laws punish this
crime at the same age as any other, which
is criminal, of itself, without our consent;
that is, when the person is come to the full
use of reason: Whereas to this crime they
ought in justice to allow some intermediate
time, in which a tacit consent at least might
be supposed. To which we may add, that a
man living under an absolute government,
would owe it no allegiance; since, by its
very nature, it depends not on consent. But
as that is as natural and common a government
as any, it must certainly occasion some obligation;
and it is plain from experience, that men,
who are subjected to it, do always think
so. This is a clear proof, that we do not
commonly esteem our allegiance to be derived
from our consent or promise; and a farther
proof is, that when our promise is upon any
account expressly engaged, we always distinguish
exactly betwixt the two obligations, and
believe the one to add more force to the
other, than in a repetition of the same promise.
Where no promise is given, a man looks not
on his faith as broken in private matters,
upon account of rebellion; but keeps those
two duties of honour and allegiance perfectly
distinct and separate. As the uniting of
them was thought by these philosophers a
very subtile invention, this is a convincing
proof, that it is not a true one; since no
man can either give a promise, or be restrained
by its sanction and obligation unknown to
himself.
SECT. IX OF THE MEASURES OF ALLEGIANCE
Those political writers, who have had recourse
to a promise, or original contract, as the
source of our allegiance to government, intended
to establish a principle, which is perfectly
just and reasonable; though the reasoning,
upon which they endeavoured to establish
it, was fallacious and sophistical. They
would prove, that our submission to government
admits of exceptions, and that an egregious
tyranny in the rulers is sufficient to free
the subjects from all ties of allegiance.
Since men enter into society, say they, and
submit themselves to government, by their
free and voluntary consent, they must have
in view certain advantages, which they propose
to reap from it, and for which they are contented
to resign their native liberty. There is,
therefore, something mutual engaged on the
part of the magistrate, viz, protection and
security; and it is only by the hopes he
affords of these advantages, that he can
ever persuade men to submit to him. But when
instead of protection and security, they
meet with tyranny and oppression, they are
freeed from their promises, (as happens in
all conditional contracts) and return to
that state of liberty, which preceded the
institution of government. Men would never
be so foolish as to enter into such engagements
as should turn entirely to the advantage
of others, without any view of bettering
their own condition. Whoever proposes to
draw any profit from our submission, must
engage himself, either expressly or tacitly,
to make us reap some advantage from his authority;
nor ought he to expect, that without the
performance of his part we will ever continue
in obedience.
I repeat it: This conclusion is just, though
the principles be erroneous; and I flatter
myself, that I can establish the same conclusion
on more reasonable principles. I shall not
take such a compass, in establishing our
political duties, as to assert, that men
perceive the advantages of government; that
they institute government with a view to
those advantages; that this institution requires
a promise of obedience; which imposes a moral
obligation to a certain degree, but being
conditional, ceases to be binding, whenever
the other contracting party performs not
his part of the engagement. I perceive, that
a promise itself arises entirely from human
conventions, and is invented with a view
to a certain interest. I seek, therefore,
some such interest more immediately connected
with government, and which may be at once
the original motive to its institution, and
the source of our obedience to it. This interest
I find to consist in the security and protection,
which we enjoy in political society, and
which we can never attain, when perfectly
free and independent. As interest, therefore,
is the immediate sanction of government,
the one can have no longer being than the
other; and whenever the civil magistrate
carries his oppression so far as to render
his authority perfectly intolerable, we are
no longer bound to submit to it. The cause
ceases; the effect must cease also.
So far the conclusion is immediate and direct,
concerning the natural obligation which we
have to allegiance. As to the moral obligation,
we may observe, that the maxim would here
be false, that when the cause ceases, the
effect must cease also. For there is a principle
of human nature, which we have frequently
taken notice of, that men are mightily addicted
to general rules, and that we often carry
our maxims beyond those reasons, which first
induced us to establish them. Where cases
are similar in many circumstances, we are
apt to put them on the same footing, without
considering, that they differ in the most
material circumstances, and that the resemblance
is more apparent than real. It may, therefore,
be thought, that in the case of allegiance
our moral obligation of duty will not cease,
even though the natural obligation of interest,
which is its cause, has ceased; and that
men may be bound by conscience to submit
to a tyrannical government against their
own and the public interest. And indeed,
to the force of this argument I so far submit,
as to acknowledge, that general rules commonly
extend beyond the principles, on which they
are founded; and that we seldom make any
exception to them, unless that exception
have the qualities of a general rule, and
be founded on very numerous and common instances.
Now this I assert to be entirely the present
case. When men submit to the authority of
others, it is to procure themselves some
security against the wickedness and injustice
of men, who are perpetually carried, by their
unruly passions, and by their present and
immediate interest, to the violation of all
the laws of society. But as this imperfection
is inherent in human nature, we know that
it must attend men in all their states and
conditions; and that these, whom we chuse
for rulers, do not immediately become of
a superior nature to the rest of mankind,
upon account of their superior power and
authority. What we expect from them depends
not on a change of their nature but of their
situation, when they acquire a more immediate
interest in the preservation of order and
the execution of justice. But besides that
this interest is only more immediate in the
execution of justice among their subjects;
besides this, I say, we may often expect,
from the irregularity of human nature, that
they will neglect even this immediate interest,
and be transported by their passions into
all the excesses of cruelty and ambition..
Our general knowledge of human nature, our
observation of the past history of mankind,
our experience of present times; all these
causes must induce us to open the door to
exceptions, and must make us conclude, that
we may resist the more violent effects of
supreme power, without any crime or injustice.
Accordingly we may observe, that this is
both the general practice and principle of
mankind, and that no nation, that coued find
any remedy, ever yet suffered the cruel ravages
of a tyrant, or were blamed for their resistance.
Those who took up arms against Dionysius
or Nero, or Philip the second, have the favour
of every reader in the perusal of their history:
and nothing but the most violent perversion
of common sense can ever lead us to condemn
them. It is certain, therefore, that in all
our notions of morals we never entertain
such an absurdity as that of passive obedience,
but make allowances for resistance in the
more flagrant instances of tyranny and oppression.
The general opinion of mankind has some authority
in all cases; but in this of morals it is
perfectly infallible. Nor is it less infallible,
because men cannot distinctly explain the
principles, on which it is founded. Few persons
can carry on this train of reasoning:
Government is a mere human invention for
the interest of society. Where the tyranny
of the governor removes this interest, it
also removes the natural obligation to obedience.
The moral obligation is founded on the natural,
and therefore must cease where that ceases;
especially where the subject is such as makes
us foresee very many occasions wherein the
natural obligation may cease, and causes
us to form a kind of general rule for the
regulation of our conduct in such occurrences.
But though this train of reasoning be too
subtile for the vulgar, it is certain, that
all men have an implicit notion of it, and
are sensible, that they owe obedience to
government merely on account of the public
interest; and at the same time, that human
nature is so subject to frailties and passions,
as may easily pervert this institution, and
change their governors into tyrants and public
enemies. If the sense of common interest
were not our original motive to obedience,
I would fain ask, what other principle is
there in human nature capable of subduing
the natural ambition of men, and forcing
them to such a submission? Imitation and
custom are not sufficient. For the question
still recurs, what motive first produces
those instances of submission, which we imitate,
and that train of actions, which produces
the custom? There evidently is no other principle
than public interest; and if interest first
produces obedience to government, the obligation
to obedience must cease, whenever the interest
ceases, in any great degree, and in a considerable
number of instances.
SECT. X OF THE OBJECTS OF ALLEGIANCE
But though, on some occasions, it may be
justifiable, both in sound politics and morality,
to resist supreme power, it is certain, that
in the ordinary course of human affairs nothing
can be more pernicious and criminal; and
that besides the convulsions, which always
attend revolutions, such a practice tends
directly to the subversion of all government,
and the causing an universal anarchy and
confusion among mankind. As numerous and
civilized societies cannot subsist without
government, so government is entirely useless
without an exact obedience. We ought always
to weigh the advantages, which we reap from
authority, against the disadvantages; and
by this means we shall become more scrupulous
of putting in practice the doctrine of resistance.
The common rule requires submission; and
it is only in cases of grievous tyranny and
oppression, that the exception can take place.
Since then such a blind submission is commonly
due to magistracy, the next question is,
to whom it is due, and whom we are to regard
as our lawful magistrates? In order to answer
this question, let us recollect what we have
already established concerning the origin
of government and political society. When
men have once experienced the impossibility
of preserving any steady order in society,
while every one is his own master, and violates
or observes the laws of society, according
to his present interest or pleasure, they
naturally run into the invention of government,
and put it out of their own power, as far
as possible, to transgress the laws of society.
Government, therefore, arises from the same
voluntary conversation of men; and it is
evident, that the same convention, which
establishes government, will also determine
the persons who are to govern, and will remove
all doubt and ambiguity in this particular.
And the voluntary consent of men must here
have the greater efficacy, that the authority
of the magistrate does at first stand upon
the foundation of a promise of the subjects,
by which they bind themselves to obedience;
as in every other contract or engagement.
The same promise, then, which binds them
to obedience, ties them down to a particular
person, and makes him the object of their
allegiance.
But when government has been established
on this footing for some considerable time,
and the separate interest, which we have
in submission, has produced a separate sentiment
of morality, the case is entirely altered,
and a promise is no longer able to determine
the particular magistrate since it is no
longer considered as the foundation of government.
We naturally suppose ourselves born to submission;
and imagine, that such particular persons
have a right to command, as we on our part
are bound to obey. These notions of right
and obligation are derived from nothing but
the advantage we reap from government, which
gives us a repugnance to practise resistance
ourselves, and makes us displeased with any
instance of it in others. But here it is
remarkable, that in this new state of affairs,
the original sanction of government, which
is interest, is not admitted to determine
the persons, whom we are to obey, as the
original sanction did at first, when affairs
were on the footing of a promise. A promise
fixes and determines the persons, without
any uncertainty: But it is evident, that
if men were to regulate their conduct in
this particular, by the view of a peculiar
interest, either public or private, they
would involve themselves in endless confusion,
and would render all government, in a great
measure, ineffectual. The private interest
of every one is different; and though the
public interest in itself be always one and
the same, yet it becomes the source of as
great dissentions, by reason of the different
opinions of particular persons concerning
it. The same interest, therefore, which causes
us to submit to magistracy, makes us renounce
itself in the choice of our magistrates,
and binds us down to a certain form of government,
and to particular persons, without allowing
us to aspire to the utmost perfection in
either. The case is here the same as in that
law of nature concerning the stability of
possession. It is highly advantageous, and
even absolutely necessary to society, that
possession should be stable; and this leads
us to the establishment of such a rule: But
we find, that were we to follow the same
advantage, in assigning particular possessions
to particular persons, we should disappoint
our end, and perpetuate the confusion, which
that rule is intended to prevent. We must,
therefore, proceed by general rules, and
regulate ourselves by general interests,
in modifying the law of nature concerning
the stability of possession. Nor need we
fear, that our attachment to this law will
diminish upon account of the seeming frivolousness
of those interests, by which it is determined.
The impulse of the mind is derived from a
very strong interest; and those other more
minute interests serve only to direct the
motion, without adding any thing to it, or
diminishing from it. It is the same case
with government. Nothing is more advantageous
to society than such an invention; and this
interest is sufficient to make us embrace
it with ardour and alacrity; though we are
obliged afterwards to regulate and direct
our devotion to government by several considerations,
which are not of the same importance, and
to chuse our magistrates without having in
view any particular advantage from the choice.
The first of those principles I shall take
notice of, as a foundation of the right of
magistracy, is that which gives authority
to all the most established governments of
the world without exception: I mean, long
possession in any one form of government,
or succession of princes. It is certain,
that if we remount to the first origin of
every nation, we shall find, that there scarce
is any race of kings, or form of a commonwealth,
that is not primarily founded on usurpation
and rebellion, and whose title is not at
first worse than doubtful and uncertain.
Time alone gives solidity to their right;
and operating gradually on the minds of men,
reconciles them to any authority, and makes
it seem just and reasonable. Nothing causes
any sentiment to have a greater influence
upon us than custom, or turns our imagination
more strongly to any object. When we have
been long accustomed to obey any set of men,
that general instinct or tendency, which
we have to suppose a moral obligation attending
loyalty, takes easily this direction, and
chuses that set of men for its objects. It
is interest which gives the general instinct;
but it is custom which gives the particular
direction.
And here it is observable, that the same
length of time has a different influence
on our sentiments of morality, according
to its different influence on the mind. We
naturally judge of every thing by comparison;
and since in considering the fate of kingdoms
and republics, we embrace a long extent of
time, a small duration has not in this case
a like influence on our sentiments, as when
we consider any other object. One thinks
he acquires a right to a horse, or a suit
of cloaths, in a very short time; but a century
is scarce sufficient to establish any new
government, or remove all scruples in the
minds of the subjects concerning it. Add
to this, that a shorter period of time will
suffice to give a prince a title to any additional
power he may usurp, than will serve to fix
his right, where the whole is an usurpation.
The kings of France have not been possessed
of absolute power for above two reigns; and
yet nothing will appear more extravagant
to Frenchmen than to talk of their liberties.
If we consider what has been said concerning
accession, we shall easily account for this
phaenomenon.
When there is no form of government established
by long possession, the present possession
is sufficient to supply its place, and may
be regarded as the second source of all public
authority. Right to authority is nothing
but the constant possession of authority,
maintained by the laws of society and the
interests of mankind; and nothing can be
more natural than to join this constant possession
to the present one, according to the principles
above-mentioned. If the same principles did
not take place with regard to the property
of private persons, it was because these
principles were counter-ballanced by very
strong considerations of interest; when we
observed, that all restitution would by that
means be prevented, and every violence be
authorized and protected. And though the
same motives may seem to have force, with
regard to public authority, yet they are
opposed by a contrary interest; which consists
in the preservation of peace, and the avoiding
of all changes, which, however they may be
easily produced in private affairs, are unavoidably
attended with bloodshed and confusion, where
the public is interested.
Any one, who finding the impossibility of
accounting for the right of the present possessor,
by any received system of ethics, should
resolve to deny absolutely that right, and
assert, that it is not authorized by morality,
would be justly thought to maintain a very
extravagant paradox, and to shock the common
sense and judgment of mankind. No maxim is
more conformable, both to prudence and morals,
than to submit quietly to the government,
which we find established in the country
where we happen to live, without enquiring
too curiously into its origin and first establishment.
Few governments will bear being examined
so rigorously. How many kingdoms are there
at present in the world, and how many more
do we find in history, whose governors have
no better foundation for their authority
than that of present possession? To confine
ourselves to the Roman and Grecian empire;
is it not evident, that the long succession
of emperors, from the dissolution of the
Roman liberty, to the final extinction of
that empire by the Turks, coued not so much
as pretend to any other title to the empire?
The election of the senate was a mere form,
which always followed the choice of the legions;
and these were almost always divided in the
different provinces, and nothing but the
sword was able to terminate the difference.
It was by the sword, therefore, that every
emperor acquired, as well as defended his
right; and we must either say, that all the
known world, for so many ages, had no government,
and owed no allegiance to any one, or must
allow, that the right of the stronger, in
public affairs, is to be received as legitimate,
and authorized by morality, when not opposed
by any other title.
The right of conquest may be considered as
a third source of the title of sovereigns.
This right resembles very much that of present
possession; but has rather a superior force,
being seconded by the notions of glory and
honour, which we ascribe to conquerors, instead
of the sentiments of hatred and detestation,
which attend usurpers. Men naturally favour
those they love; and therefore are more apt
to ascribe a right to successful violence,
betwixt one sovereign and another, than to
the successful rebellion of a subject against
his sovereign.
[FN 23 It is not here asserted, that present
possession or conquest are sufficient to
give a title against long possession and
positive laws but only that they have some
force, and will be able to call the ballance
where the titles are otherwise equal, and
will even be sufficient sometimes to sanctify
the weaker title. What degree of force they
have is difficult to determine. I believe
all moderate men will allow, that they have
great force in all disputes concerning the
rights of princes.] When neither long possession,
nor present possession, nor conquest take
place, as when the first sovereign, who founded
any monarchy, dies; in that case, the right
of succession naturally prevails in their
stead, and men are commonly induced to place
the son of their late monarch on the throne,
and suppose him to inherit his father's authority.
The presumed consent of the father, the imitation
of the succession to private families, the
interest, which the state has in chusing
the person, who is most powerful, and has
the most numerous followers; all these reasons
lead men to prefer the son of their late
monarch to any other person.
[FN 24 To prevent mistakes I must observe,
that this case of succession is not the same
with that of hereditary monarchies, where
custom has fix'd the right of succession.
These depend upon the principle of long possession
above explain'd.] These reasons have some
weight; but I am persuaded, that to one,
who considers impartially of the matter,
it will appear, that there concur some principles
of the imagination, along with those views
of interest. The royal authority seems to
be connected with the young prince even in
his father's life-time, by the natural transition
of the thought; and still more after his
death: So that nothing is more natural than
to compleat this union by a new relation,
and by putting him actually in possession
of what seems so naturally to belong to him.
To confirm this we may weigh the following
phaenomena, which are pretty curious in their
kind. In elective monarchies the right of
succession has no place by the laws and settled
custom; and yet its influence is so natural,
that it is impossible entirely to exclude
it from the imagination, and render the subjects
indifferent to the son of their deceased
monarch. Hence in some governments of this
kind, the choice commonly falls on one or
other of the royal family; and in some governments
they are all excluded. Those contrary phaenomena
proceed from the same principle. Where the
royal family is excluded, it is from a refinement
in politics, which makes people sensible
of their propensity to chuse a sovereign
in that family, and gives them a jealousy
of their liberty, lest their new monarch,
aided by this propensity, should establish
his family, and destroy the freedom of elections
for the future.
The history of Artaxerxes, and the younger
Cyrus, may furnish us with some reflections
to the same purpose. Cyrus pretended a right
to the throne above his elder brother, because
he was born after his father's accession.
I do not pretend, that this reason was valid.
I would only infer from it, that he would
never have made use of such a pretext, were
it not for the qualities of the imagination
above-mentioned, by which we are naturally
inclined to unite by a new relation whatever
objects we find already united. Artaxerxes
had an advantage above his brother, as being
the eldest son, and the first in succession:
But Cyrus was more closely related to the
royal authority, as being begot after his
father was invested with it.
Should it here be pretended, that the view
of convenience may be the source of all the
right of succession, and that men gladly
take advantage of any rule, by which they
can fix the successor of their late sovereign,
and prevent that anarchy and confusion, which
attends all new elections? To this I would
answer, that I readily allow, that this motive
may contribute something to the effect; but
at the same time I assert, that without another
principle, it is impossible such a motive
should take place. The interest of a nation
requires, that the succession to the crown
should be fixed one way or other; but it
is the same thing to its interest in what
way it be fixed: So that if the relation
of blood had not an effect independent of
public interest, it would never have been
regarded, without a positive law; and it
would have been impossible, that so many
positive laws of different nations coued
ever have concured precisely in the same
views and intentions.
This leads us to consider the fifth source
of authority, viz. positive laws; when the
legislature establishes a certain form of
government and succession of princes. At
first sight it may be thought, that this
must resolve into some of the preceding titles
of authority. The legislative power, whence
the positive law is derived, must either
be established by original contract, long
possession, present possession, conquest,
or succession; and consequently the positive
law must derive its force from some of those
principles. But here it is remarkable, that
though a positive law can only derive its
force from these principles, yet it acquires
not all the force of the principle from whence
it is derived, but loses considerably in
the transition; as it is natural to imagine.
For instance; a government is established
for many centuries on a certain system of
laws, forms, and methods of succession. The
legislative power, established by this long
succession, changes all on a sudden the whole
system of government, and introduces a new
constitution in its stead. I believe few
of the subjects will think themselves bound
to comply with this alteration, unless it
have an evident tendency to the public good:
But men think themselves still at liberty
to return to the antient government. Hence
the notion of fundamental laws; which are
supposed to be inalterable by the will of
the sovereign: And of this nature the Salic
law is understood to be in France. How far
these fundamental laws extend is not determined
in any government; nor is it possible it
ever should. There is such an indefensible
gradation from the most material laws to
the most trivial, and from the most antient
laws to the most modem, that it will be impossible
to set bounds to the legislative power, and
determine how far it may innovate in the
principles of government. That is the work
more of imagination and passion than of reason.
Whoever considers the history of the several
nations of the world; their revolutions,
conquests, increase, and diminution; the
manner in which their particular governments
are established, and the successive right
transmitted from one person to another, will
soon learn to treat very lightly all disputes
concerning the rights of princes, and will
be convinced, that a strict adherence to
any general rules, and the rigid loyalty
to particular persons and families, on which
some people set so high a value, are virtues
that hold less of reason, than of bigotry
and superstition. In this particular, the
study of history confirms the reasonings
of true philosophy; which, shewing us the
original qualities of human nature, teaches
us to regard the controversies in politics
as incapable of any decision in most cases,
and as entirely subordinate to the interests
of peace and liberty. Where the public good
does not evidently demand a change; it is
certain, that the concurrence of all those
titles, original contract, long possession,
present possession, succession, and positive
laws, forms the strongest title to sovereignty,
and is justly regarded as sacred and inviolable.
But when these titles are mingled and opposed
in different degrees, they often occasion
perplexity; and are less capable of solution
from the arguments of lawyers and philosophers,
than from the swords of the soldiery. Who
shall tell me, for instance, whether Germanicus,
or Drufus, ought to have succeeded Tiberius,
had he died while they were both alive, without
naming any of them for his successor? Ought
the right of adoption to be received as equivalent
to that of blood in a nation, where it had
the same effect in private families, and
had already, in two instances, taken place
in the public? Ought Germanicus to be esteemed
the eldest son, because he was born before
Drufus; or the younger, because he was adopted
after the birth of his brother? Ought the
right of the elder to be regarded in a nation,
where the eldest brother had no advantage
in the succession to private families? Ought
the Roman empire at that time to be esteemed
hereditary, because of two examples; or ought
it, even so early, to be regarded as belonging
to the stronger, or the present possessor,
as being founded on so recent an usurpation?
Upon whatever principles we may pretend to
answer these and such like questions, I am
afraid we shall never be able to satisfy
an impartial enquirer, who adopts no party
in political controversies, and will be satisfied
with nothing but sound reason and philosophy.
But here an English reader will be apt to
enquire concerning that famous revolution,
which has had such a happy influence on our
constitution, and has been attended with
such mighty consequences. We have already
remarked, that in the case of enormous tyranny
and oppression, it is lawful to take arms
even against supreme power; and that as government
is a mere human invention for mutual advantage
and security, it no longer imposes any obligation,
either natural or moral, when once it ceases
to have that tendency. But though this general
principle be authorized by common sense,
and the practice of all ages, it is certainly
impossible for the laws, or even for philosophy,
to establish any particular rules, by which
we may know when resistance is lawful; and
decide all controversies, which may arise
on that subject. This may not only happen
with regard to supreme power; but it is possible,
even in some constitutions, where the legislative
authority is not lodged in one person, that
there may be a magistrate so eminent and
powerful, as to oblige the laws to keep silence
in this particular. Nor would this silence
be an effect only of their respect, but also
of their prudence; since it is certain, that
in the vast variety of circumstances, which
occur in all governments, an exercise of
power, in so great a magistrate, may at one
time be beneficial to the public, which at
another time would be pernicious and tyrannical.
But notwithstanding this silence of the laws
in limited monarchies, it is certain, that
the people still retain the right of resistance;
since it is impossible, even in the most
despotic governments, to deprive them of
it. The same necessity of self-preservation,
and the same motive of public good, give
them the same liberty in the one case as
in the other. And we may farther observe,
that in such mixed governments, the cases,
wherein resistance is lawful, must occur
much oftener, and greater indulgence be given
to the subjects to defend themselves by force
of arms, than in arbitrary governments. Not
only where the chief magistrate enters into
measures, in themselves, extremely pernicious
to the public, but even when he would encroach
on the other parts of the constitution, and
extend his power beyond the legal bounds,
it is allowable to resist and dethrone him;
though such resistance and violence may,
in the general tenor of the laws, be deemed
unlawful and rebellious. For besides that
nothing is more essential to public interest,
than the preservation of public liberty;
it is evident, that if such a mixed government
be once supposed to be established, every
part or member of the constitution must have
a right of self-defence, and of maintaining
its antient bounds against the enaoachment
of every other authority. As matter would
have been created in vain, were it deprived
of a power of resistance, without which no
part of it coued preserve a distinct existence,
and the whole might be crowded up into a
single point: So it is a gross absurdity
to suppose, in any government, a right without
a remedy, or allow, that the supreme power
is shared with the people, without allowing,
that it is lawful for them to defend their
share against every invader. Those, therefore,
who would seem to respect our free government,
and yet deny the right of resistance, have
renounced all pretensions to common sense,
and do not merit a serious answer.
It does not belong to my present purpose
to shew, that these general principles are
applicable to the late revolution; and that
all the rights and privileges, which ought
to be sacred to a free nation, were at that
time threatened with the utmost danger. I
am better pleased to leave this controverted
subject, if it really admits of controversy;
and to indulge myself in some philosophical
reflections, which naturally arise from that
important event.
First, We may observe, that should the lords
and commons in our constitution, without
any reason from public interest, either depose
the king in being, or after his death exclude
the prince, who, by laws and settled custom,
ought to succeed, no one would esteem their
proceedings legal, or think themselves bound
to comply with them. But should the king,
by his unjust practices, or his attempts
for a tyrannical and despotic power, justly
forfeit his legal, it then not only becomes
morally lawful and suitable to the nature
of political society to dethrone him; but
what is more, we are apt likewise to think,
that the remaining members of the constitution
acquire a right of excluding his next heir,
and of chusing whom they please for his successor.
This is founded on a very singular quality
of our thought and imagination. When a king
forfeits his authority, his heir ought naturally
to remain in the same situation, as if the
king were removed by death; unless by mixing
himself in the tyranny, he forfeit it for
himself. But though this may seem reasonable,
we easily comply with the contrary opinion.
The deposition of a king, in such a government
as ours, is certainly an act beyond all common
authority, and an illegal assuming a power
for public good, which, in the ordinary course
of government, can belong to no member of
the constitution. When the public good is
so great and so evident as to justify the
action, the commendable use of this licence
causes us naturally to attribute to the parliament
a right of using farther licences; and the
antient bounds of the laws being once transgressed
with approbation, we are not apt to be so
strict in confining ourselves precisely within
their limits. The mind naturally runs on
with any train of action, which it has begun;
nor do we commonly make any scruple concerning
our duty, after the first action of any kind,
which we perform. Thus at the revolution,
no one who thought the deposition of the
father justifiable, esteemed themselves to
be confined to his infant son; though had
that unhappy monarch died innocent at that
time, and had his son, by any accident, been
conveyed beyond seas, there is no doubt but
a regency would have been appointed till
he should come to age, and coued be restored
to his dominions. As the slightest properties
of the imagination have an effect on the
judgments of the people, it shews the wisdom
of the laws and of the parliament to take
advantage of such properties, and to chuse
the magistrates either in or out of a line,
according as the vulgar will most naturally
attribute authority and right to them.
Secondly, Though the accession of the Prince
of Orange to the throne might at first give
occasion to many disputes, and his title
be contested, it ought not now to appear
doubtful, but must have acquired a sufficient
authority from those three princes, who have
succeeded him upon the same title. Nothing
is more usual, though nothing may, at first
sight, appear more unreasonable, than this
way of thinking. Princes often seem to acquire
a right from their successors, as well as
from their ancestors; and a king, who during
his life-time might justly be deemed an usurper,
will be regarded by posterity as a lawful
prince, because he has had the good fortune
to settle his family on the throne, and entirely
change the antient form of government. Julius
Caesar is regarded as the first Roman emperor;
while Sylla and Marius, whose titles were
really the same as his, are treated as tyrants
and usurpers. Time and custom give authority
to all forms of government, and all successions
of princes; and that power, which at first
was founded only on injustice and violence,
becomes in time legal and obligatory. Nor
does the mind rest there; but returning back
upon its footsteps, transfers to their predecessors
and ancestors that right, which it naturally
ascribes to the posterity, as being related
together, and united in the imagination.
The present king of France makes Hugh Capet
a more lawful prince than Cromwell; as the
established liberty of the Dutch is no inconsiderable
apology for their obstinate resistance to
Philip the second.
SECT. XI OF THE LAWS OF NATIONS
When civil government has been established
over the greatest part of mankind, and different
societies have been formed contiguous to
each other, there arises a new set of duties
among the neighbouring states, suitable to
the nature of that commerce, which they carry
on with each other. Political writers tell
us, that in every kind of intercourse, a
body politic is to be considered as one person;
and indeed this assertion is so far just,
that different nations, as well as private
persons, require mutual assistance; at the
same time that their selfishness and ambition
are perpetual sources of war and discord.
But though nations in this particular resemble
individuals, yet as they are very different
in other respects, no wonder they regulate
themselves by different maxims, and give
rise to a new set of rules, which we call
the laws of nations. Under this head we may
comprize the sacredness of the persons of
ambassadors, the declaration of war, the
abstaining from poisoned arms, with other
duties of that kind, which are evidently
calculated for the commerce, that is peculiar
to different societies.
But though these rules be super-added to
the laws of nature, the former do not entirely
abolish the latter; and one may safely affirm,
that the three fundamental rules of justice,
the stability of possession, its transference
by consent, and the performance of promises,
are duties of princes, as well as of subjects.
The same interest produces the same effect
in both cases. Where possession has no stability,
there must be perpetual war. Where property
is not transferred by consent, there can
be no commerce. Where promises are not observed,
there can be no leagues nor alliances. The
advantages, therefore, of peace, commerce,
and mutual succour, make us extend to different
kingdoms the same notions of justice, which
take place among individuals.
There is a maxim very current in the world,
which few politicians are willing to avow,
but which has been authorized by the practice
of all ages, that there is a system of morals
cakulated for princes, much more free than
that which ought to govern private parsons.
It is evident this is not to be understood
of the lesser extent of public duties and
obligations; nor will any one be so extravagant
as to assert, that the most solemn treaties
ought to have no force among princes. For
as princes do actually form treaties among
themselves, they must propose some advantage
from the execution of them; and the prospect
of such advantage for the future must engage
them to perform their part, and must establish
that law of nature. The meaning, therefore,
of this political maxim is, that though the
morality of princes has the same extent,
yet it has not the same force as that of
private persons, and may lawfully be trangressed
from a more trivial motive. However shocking
such a proposition may appear to certain
philosophers, it will be easy to defend it
upon those principles, by which we have accounted
for the origin of justice and equity.
When men have found by experience, that it
is impossible to subsist without society,
and that it is impossible to maintain society,
while they give free course to their appetites;
so urgent an interest quickly restrains their
actions, and imposes an obligation to observe
those rules, which we call the laws of justice.
This obligation of interest rests nor here;
but by the necessary course of the passions
and sentiments, gives rise to the moral obligation
of duty; while we approve of such actions
as tend to the peace of society, and disapprove
of such as tend to its disturbance. The same
natural obligation of interest takes place
among independent kingdoms, and gives rise
to the same morality; so that no one of ever
so corrupt morals will approve of a prince,
who voluntarily, and of his own accord, breaks
his word, or violates any treaty. But here
we may observe, that though the intercourse
of different states be advantageous, and
even sometimes necessary, yet it is nor so
necessary nor advantageous as that among
individuals, without which it is utterly
impossible for human nature ever to subsist.
Since, therefore, the natural obligation
to justice, among different states, is not
so strong as among individuals, the moral
obligation, which arises from it, must partake
of its weakness; and we must necessarily
give a greater indulgence to a prince or
minister, who deceives another; than to a
private gentleman, who breaks his word of
honour.
Should it be asked, what proportion these
two species of morality bear to each other?
I would answer, that this is a question,
to which we can never give any precise answer;
nor is it possible to reduce to numbers the
proportion, which we ought to fix betwixt
them. One may safely affirm, that this proportion
finds itself, without any art or study of
men; as we may observe on many other occasions.
The practice of the world goes farther in
teaching us the degrees of our duty, than
the most subtile philosophy, which was ever
yet invented. And this may serve as a convincing
proof, that all men have an implicit notion
of the foundation of those moral rules concerning
natural and civil justice, and are sensible,
that they arise merely from human conventions,
and from the interest, which we have in the
preservation of peace and order. For otherwise
the diminution of the interest would never
produce a relaxation of the morality, and
reconcile us more easily to any transgression
of justice among princes and republics, than
in the private commerce of one subject with
another.
SECT. XII OF CHASTITY AND MODESTY
If any difficulty attend this system concerning
the laws of nature and nations, it will be
with regard to the universal approbation
or blame, which follows their observance
or transgression, and which some may not
think sufficiently explained from the general
interests of society. To remove, as far as
possible, all scruples of this kind, I shall
here consider another set of duties, viz,
the modesty and chastity which belong to
the fair sex: And I doubt not but these virtues
will be found to be still more conspicuous
instances of the operation of those principles,
which I have insisted on.
There are some philosophers, who attack the
female virtues with great vehemence, and
fancy they have gone very far in detecting
popular errors, when they can show, that
there is no foundation in nature for all
that exterior modesty, which we require in
the expressions, and dress, and behaviour
of the fair sex. I believe I may spare myself
the trouble of insisting on so obvious a
subject, and may proceed, without farther
preparation, to examine after what manner
such notions arise from education, from the
voluntary conventions of men, and from the
interest of society.
Whoever considers the length and feebleness
of human infancy, with the concern which
both sexes naturally have for their offspring,
will easily perceive, that there must be
an union of male and female for the education
of the young, and that this union must be
of considerable duration. But in order to
induce the men to impose on themselves this
restraint, and undergo chearfully all the
fatigues and expences, to which it subjects
them, they must believe, that the children
are their own, and that their natural instinct
is not directed to a wrong object, when they
give a loose to love and tenderness. Now
if we examine the structure of the human
body, we shall find, that this security is
very difficult to be attained on our part;
and that since, in the copulation of the
sexes, the principle of generation goes from
the man to the woman, an error may easily
take place on the side of the former, though
it be utterly impossible with regard to the
latter. From this trivial and anatomical
observation is derived that vast difference
betwixt the education and duties of the two
sexes.
Were a philosopher to examine the matter
a priori, he would reason after the following
manner. Men are induced to labour for the
maintenance and education of their children,
by the persuasion that they are really their
own; and therefore it is reasonable, and
even necessary, to give them some security
in this particular. This security cannot
consist entirely in the imposing of severe
punishments on any transgressions of conjugal
fidelity on the part of the wife; since these
public punishments cannot be inflicted without
legal proof, which it is difficult to meet
with in this subject. What restraint, therefore,
shall we impose on women, in order to counter-balance
so strong a temptation as they have to infidelity?
There seems to be no restraint possible,
but in the punishment of bad fame or reputation;
a punishment, which has a mighty influence
on the human mind, and at the same time is
inflicted by the world upon surmizes, and
conjectures, and proofs, that would never
be received in any court of judicature. In
order, therefore, to impose a due restraint
on the female sex, we must attach a peculiar
degree of shame to their infidelity, above
what arises merely from its injustice, and
must bestow proportionable praises on their
chastity.
But though this be a very strong motive to
fidelity, our philosopher would quickly discover,
that it would not alone be sufficient to
that purpose. All human creatures, especially
of the female sex, are apt to over- look
remote motives in favour of any present temptation:
The temptation is here the strongest imaginable:
Its approaches are insensible and seducing:
And a woman easily finds, or flatters herself
she shall find, certain means of securing
her reputation, and preventing all the pernicious
consequences of her pleasures. It is necessary,
therefore, that, beside the infamy attending
such licences, there should be some preceding
backwardness or dread, which may prevent
their first approaches, and may give the
female sex a repugnance to all expressions,
and postures, and liberties, that have an
immediate relation to that enjoyment.
Such would be the reasonings of our speculative
philosopher: But I am persuaded, that if
he had not a perfect knowledge of human nature,
he would be apt to regard them as mere chimerical
speculations, and would consider the infamy
attending infidelity, and backwardness to
all its approaches, as principles that were
rather to be wished than hoped for in the
world. For what means, would he say, of persuading
mankind, that the transgressions of conjugal
duty are more infamous than any other kind
of injustice, when it is evident they are
more excusable, upon account of the greatness
of the temptation? And what possibility of
giving a backwardness to the approaches of
a pleasure, to which nature has inspired
so strong a propensity; and a propensity
that it is absolutely necessary in the end
to comply with, for the support of the species?
But speculative reasonings, which cost so
much pains to philosophers, are often formed
by the world naturally, and without reflection:
As difficulties, which seem unsurmountable
in theory, are easily got over in practice.
Those, who have an interest in the fidelity
of women, naturally disapprove of their infidelity,
and all the approaches to it. Those, who
have no interest, are carried along with
the stream. Education takes possession of
the ductile minds of the fair sex in their
infancy. And when a general rule of this
kind is once established, men are apt to
extend it beyond those principles, from which
it first arose. Thus batchelors, however
debauched, cannot chuse but be shocked with
any instance of lewdness or impudence in
women. And though all these maxims have a
plain reference to generation, yet women
past child-bearing have no more privilege
in this respect, than those who are in the
flower of their youth and beauty. Men have
undoubtedly an implicit notion, that all
those ideas of modesty and decency have a
regard to generation; since they impose not
the same laws, with the same force, on the
male sex, where that reason takes nor place.
The exception is there obvious and extensive,
and founded on a remarkable difference, which
produces a clear separation and disjunction
of ideas. But as the case is not the same
with regard to the different ages of women,
for this reason, though men know, that these
notions are founded on the public interest,
yet the general rule carries us beyond the
original principle, and makes us extend the
notions of modesty over the whole sex, from
their earliest infancy to their extremest
old-age and infirmity.
Courage, which is the point of honour among
men, derives its merit, in a great measure,
from artifice, as well as the chastity of
women; though it has also some foundation
in nature, as we shall see afterwards.
As to the obligations which the male sex
lie under, with regard to chastity, we may
observe, that according to the general notions
of the world, they bear nearly the same proportion
to the obligations of women, as the obligations
of the law of nations do to those of the
law of nature. It is contrary to the interest
of civil society, that men should have an
entire liberty of indulging their appetites
in venereal enjoyment: But as this interest
is weaker than in the case of the female
sex, the moral obligation, arising from it,
must be proportionably weaker. And to prove
this we need only appeal to the practice
and sentiments of all nations and ages.
PART III OF THE OTHER VIRTUES AND VICES
SECT. I OF THE ORIGIN OF THE NATURAL VIRTUES
AND VICES
We come now to the examination of such virtues
and vices as are entirely natural, and have
no dependance on the artifice and contrivance
of men. The examination of these will conclude
this system of morals.
The chief spring or actuating principle of
the human mind is pleasure or pain; and when
these sensations are removed, both from our
thought and feeling, we are, in a great measure,
incapable of passion or action, of desire
or volition. The most immediate effects of
pleasure and pain are the propense and averse
motions of the mind; which are diversified
into volition, into desire and aversion,
grief and joy, hope and fear, according as
the pleasure or pain changes its situation,
and becomes probable or improbable, certain
or uncertain, or is considered as out of
our power for the present moment. But when
along with this, the objects, that cause
pleasure or pain, acquire a relation to ourselves
or others; they still continue to excite
desire and aversion, grief and joy: But cause,
at the same time, the indirect passions of
pride or humility, love or hatred, which
in this case have a double relation of impressions
and ideas to the pain or pleasure.
We have already observed, that moral distinctions
depend entirely on certain peculiar sentiments
of pain and pleasure, and that whatever mental
quality in ourselves or others gives us a
satisfaction, by the survey or reflection,
is of course virtuous; as every thing of
this nature, that gives uneasiness, is vicious.
Now since every quality in ourselves or others,
which gives pleasure, always causes pride
or love; as every one, that produces uneasiness,
excites humility or hatred: It follows, that
these two particulars are to be considered
as equivalent, with regard to our mental
qualities, virtue and the power of producing
love or pride, vice and the power of producing
humility or hatred. In every case, therefore,
we must judge of the one by the other; and
may pronounce any quality of the mind virtuous,
which causes love or pride; and any one vicious,
which causes hatred or humility.
If any action be either virtuous or vicious,
it is only as a sign of some quality or character.
It must depend upon durable principles of
the mind, which extend over the whole conduct,
and enter into the personal character. Actions
themselves, not proceeding from any constant
principle, have no influence on love or hatred,
pride or humility; and consequently are never
considered in morality.
This reflection is self-evident, and deserves
to be attended to, as being of the utmost
importance in the present subject. We are
never to consider any single action in our
enquiries concerning the origin of morals;
but only the quality or character from which
the action proceeded. These alone are durable
enough to affect our sentiments concerning
the person. Actions are, indeed, better indications
of a character than words, or even wishes
and sentiments; but it is only so far as
they are such indications, that they are
attended with love or hatred, praise or blame.
To discover the true origin of morals, and
of that love or hatred, which arises from
mental qualities, we must take the matter
pretty deep, and compare some principles,
which have been already examined and explained.
We may begin with considering a-new the nature
and force of sympathy. The minds of all men
are similar in their feelings and operations;
nor can any one be actuated by any affection,
of which all others are not, in some degree,
susceptible. As in strings equally wound
up, the motion of one communicates itself
to the rest; so all the affections readily
pass from one person to another, and beget
correspondent movements in every human creature.
When I see the effects of passion in the
voice and gesture of any person, my mind
immediately passes from these effects to
their causes, and forms such a lively idea
of the passion, as is presently converted
into the passion itself. In like manner,
when I perceive the causes of any emotion,
my mind is conveyed to the effects, and is
actuated with a like emotion. Were I present
at any of the more terrible operations of
surgery, it is certain, that even before
it begun, the preparation of the instruments,
the laying of the bandages in order, the
heating of the irons, with all the signs
of anxiety and concern in the patient and
assistants, would have a great effect upon
my mind, and excite the strongest sentiments
of pity and terror. No passion of another
discovers itself immediately to the mind.
We are only sensible of its causes or effects.
From these we infer the passion: And consequently
these give rise to our sympathy.
Our sense of beauty depends very much on
this principle; and where any object has
atendency to produce pleasure in its possessor,
it is always regarded as beautiful; as every
object, that has a tendency to produce pain,
is disagreeable and deformed. Thus the conveniency
of a house, the fertility of a field, the
strength of a horse, the capacity, security,
and swift-sailing of a vessel, form the principal
beauty of these several objects. Here the
object, which is denominated beautiful, pleases
only by its tendency to produce a certain
effect. That effect is the pleasure or advantage
of some other person. Now the pleasure of
a stranger, for whom we have no friendship,
pleases us only by sympathy. To this principle,
therefore, is owing the beauty, which we
find in every thing that is useful. How considerable
a part this is of beauty can easily appear
upon reflection. Wherever an object has a
tendency to produce pleasure in the possessor,
or in other words, is the proper cause of
pleasure, it is sure to please the spectator,
by a delicate sympathy with the possessor.
Most of the works of art are esteemed beautiful,
in proportion to their fitness for the use
of man, and even many of the productions
of nature derive their beauty from that source.
Handsome and beautiful, on most occasions,
is nor an absolute but a relative quality,
and pleases us by nothing but its tendency
to produce an end that is agreeable.
[FN 25 Decentior equus cujus astricta sunt
ilia; sed idem velocior. Pulcher aspectu
sit athieta, cujus lacertos exercitatio expressit;
idem certamini paratior. Nunquam vero species
ab utilitate dividitur. Sed hoc quidem discernere,
modici judicii est. Quinct. lib. 8. (A horse
with narrow flanks looks more comely; It
also moves faster. An athlete whose muscles
have been developed by training presents
a handsome appearance; he is also better
prepared for the contest. Attractive appearance
is invariably associated with efficient functioning.
Yet it takes no outstanding powers of judgement
to wake this distinction.)] The same principle
produces, in many instances, our sentiments
of morals, as well as those of beauty. No
virtue is more esteemed than justice, and
no vice more detested than injustice; nor
are there any qualities, which go farther
to the fixing the character, either as amiable
or odious. Now justice is a moral virtue,
merely because it has that tendency to the
good of mankind; and, indeed, is nothing
but an artificial invention to that purpose.
The same may be said of allegiance, of the
laws of nations, of modesty, and of good-manners.
All these are mere human contrivances for
the interest of society. And since there
is a very strong sentiment of morals, which
in all nations, and all ages, has attended
them, we must allow, that the reflecting
on the tendency of characters and mental
qualities, is sufficient to give us the sentiments
of approbation and blame. Now as the means
to an end can only be agreeable, where the
end is agreeable; and as the good of society,
where our own interest is not concerned,
or that of our friends, pleases only by sympathy:
It follows, that sympathy is the source of
the esteem, which we pay to all the artificial
virtues.
Thus it appears, that sympathy is a very
powerful principle in human nature, that
it has a great influence on our taste of
beauty, and that it produces our sentiment
of morals in all the artificial virtues.
From thence we may presume, that it also
gives rise to many of the other virtues;
and that qualities acquire our approbation,
because of their tendency to the good of
mankind. This presumption must become a certainty,
when we find that most of those qualities,
which we naturally approve of, have actually
that tendency, and render a man a proper
member of society: While the qualities, which
we naturally disapprove of, have a contrary
tendency, and render any intercourse with
the person dangerous or disagreeable. For
having found, that such tendencies have force
enough to produce the strongest sentiment
of morals, we can never reasonably, in these
cases, look for any other cause of approbation
or blame; it being an inviolable maxim in
philosophy, that where any particular cause
is sufficient for an effect, we ought to
rest satisfied with it, and ought not to
multiply causes without necessity. We have
happily attained experiments in the artificial
virtues, where the tendency of qualities
to the good of society, is the sole cause
of our approbation, without any suspicion
of the concurrence of another principle.
From thence we learn the force of that principle.
And where that principle may take place,
and the quality approved of is really beneficial
to society, a true philosopher will never
require any other principle to account for
the strongest approbation and esteem.
That many of the natural virtues have this
tendency to the good of society, no one can
doubt of. Meekness, beneficence, charity,
generosity, clemency, moderation, equity
bear the greatest figure among the moral
qualities, and are commonly denominated the
social virtues, to mark their tendency to
the good of society. This goes so far, that
some philosophers have represented all moral
distinctions as the effect of artifice and
education, when skilful politicians endeavoured
to restrain the turbulent passions of men,
and make them operate to the public good,
by the notions of honour and shame. This
system, however, is nor consistent with experience.
For, first, there are other virtues and vices
beside those which have this tendency to
the public advantage and loss. Secondly,
had not men a natural sentiment of approbation
and blame, it coued never be excited by politicians;
nor would the words laudable and praise-worthy,
blameable and odious be any more intelligible,
than if they were a language perfectly known
to us, as we have already observed. But though
this system be erroneous, it may teach us,
that moral distinctions arise, in a great
measure, from the tendency of qualities and
characters to the interests of society, and
that it is our concern for that interest,
which makes us approve or disapprove of them.
Now we have no such extensive concern for
society but from sympathy; and consequently
it is that principle, which takes us so far
out of ourselves, as to give us the same
pleasure or uneasiness in the characters
of others, as if they had a tendency to our
own advantage or loss.
The only difference betwixt the natural virtues
and justice lies in this, that the good,
which results from the former, arises from
every single act, and is the object of some
natural passion: Whereas a single act of
justice, considered in itself, may often
be contrary to the public good; and it is
only the concurrence of mankind, in a general
scheme or system of action, which is advantageous.
When I relieve persons in distress, my natural
humanity is my motive; and so far as my succour
extends, so far have I promoted the happiness
of my fellow-creatures. But if we examine
all the questions, that come before any tribunal
of justice, we shall find, that, considering
each case apart, it would as often be an
instance of humanity to decide contrary to
the laws of justice as conformable them.
Judges take from a poor man to give to a
rich; they bestow on the dissolute the labour
of the industrious; and put into the hands
of the vicious the means of harming both
themselves and others. The whole scheme,
however, of law and justice is advantageous
to the society; and it was with a view to
this advantage, that men, by their voluntary
conventions, established it. After it is
once established by these conventions, it
is naturally attended with a strong sentiment
of morals; which can proceed from nothing
but our sympathy with the interests of society.
We need no other explication of that esteem,
which attends such of the natural virtues,
as have a tendency to the public good. I
must farther add, that there are several
circumstances, which render this hypothesis
much more probable with regard to the natural
than the artificial virtues. It is certain
that the imagination is more affected by
what is particular, than by what is general;
and that the sentiments are always moved
with difficulty, where their objects are,
in any degree, loose and undetermined: Now
every particular act of justice is not beneficial
to society, but the whole scheme or system:
And it may not, perhaps, be any individual
person for whom we are concerned, who receives
benefit from justice, but the whole society
alike. On the contrary, every particular
act of generosity, or relief of the industrious
and indigent, is beneficial; and is beneficial
to a particular person, who is not undeserving
of it. It is more natural, therefore, to
think, that the tendencies of the latter
virtue will affect our sentiments, and command
our approbation, than those of the former;
and therefore, since we find, that the approbation
of the former arises from their tendencies,
we may ascribe, with better reason, the same
cause to the approbation of the latter. In
any number of similar effects, if a cause
can be discovered for one, we ought to extend
that cause to all the other effects, which
can be accounted for by it: But much more,
if these other effects be attended with peculiar
circumstances, which facilitate the operation
of that cause.
Before I proceed farther, I must observe
two remarkable circumstances in this affair,
which may seem objections to the present
system. The first may be thus explained.
When any quality, or character, has a tendency
to the good of mankind, we are pleased with
it, and approve of it; because it presents
the lively idea of pleasure; which idea affects
us by sympathy, and is itself a kind of pleasure.
But as this sympathy is very variable, it
may be thought that our sentiments of morals
must admit of all the same variations. We
sympathize more with persons contiguous to
us, than with persons remote from us: With
our acquaintance, than with strangers: With
our countrymen, than with foreigners. But
notwithstanding this variation of our sympathy,
we give the same approbation to the same
moral qualities in China as in England. They
appear equally virtuous, and recommend themselves
equally to the esteem of a judicious spectator.
The sympathy varies without a variation in
our esteem. Our esteem, therefore, proceeds
not from sympathy.
To this I answer: The approbation of moral
qualities most certainly is not derived from
reason, or any comparison of ideas; but proceeds
entirely from a moral taste, and from certain
sentiments of pleasure or disgust, which
arise upon the contemplation and view of
particular qualities or characters. Now it
is evident, that those sentiments, whence-ever
they are derived, must vary according to
the distance or contiguity of the objects;
nor can I feel the same lively pleasure from
the virtues of a person, who lived in Greece
two thousand years ago, that I feel from
the virtues of a familiar friend and acquaintance.
Yet I do not say, that I esteem the one more
than the other: And therefore, if the variation
of the sentiment, without a variation of
the esteem, be an objection, it must have
equal force against every other system, as
against that of sympathy. But to consider
the matter a-right, it has no force at all;
and it is the easiest matter in the world
to account for it. Our situation, with regard
both to persons and things, is in continual
fluctuation; and a man, that lies at a distance
from us, may, in a little time, become a
familiar acquaintance. Besides, every particular
man has a peculiar position with regard to
others; and it is impossible we coued ever
converse together on any reasonable terms,
were each of us to consider characters and
persons, only as they appear from his peculiar
point of view. In order, therefore, to prevent
those continual contradictions, and arrive
at a more stable judgment of things, we fix
on some steady and general points of view;
and always, in our thoughts, place ourselves
in them, whatever may be our present situation.
In like manner, external beauty is determined
merely by pleasure; and it is evident, a
beautiful countenance cannot give so much
pleasure, when seen at the distance of twenty
paces, as when it is brought nearer us. We
say not, however, that it appears to us less
beautiful: Because we know what effect it
will have in such a position, and by that
reflection we correct its momentary appearance.
In general, all sentiments of blame or praise
are variable, according to our situation
of nearness or remoteness, with regard to
the person blamed or praised, and according
to the present disposition of our mind. But
these variations we regard not in our general
decision, but still apply the terms expressive
of our liking or dislike, in the same manner,
as if we remained in one point of view. Experience
soon teaches us this method of correcting
our sentiments, or at least, of correcting
our language, where the sentiments are more
stubborn and inalterable. Our servant, if
diligent and faithful, may excite stronger
sentiments of love and kindness than Marcus
Brutus, as represented in history; but we
say not upon that account, that the former
character is more laudable than the latter.
We know, that were we to approach equally
near to that renowned patriot, he would command
a much higher degree of affection and admiration.
Such corrections are common with regard to
all the senses; and indeed it were impossible
we could ever make use of language, or communicate
our sentiments to one another, did we not
correct the momentary appearances of things,
and overlook our present situation.
It is therefore from the influence of characters
and qualities, upon those who have an intercourse
with any person, that we blame or praise
him. We consider not whether the persons,
affected by the qualities, be our acquaintance
or strangers, countrymen or foreigners. Nay,
we over-look our own interest in those general
judgments; and blame not a man for opposing
us in any of our pretensions, when his own
interest is particularly concerned. We make
allowance for a certain degree of selfishness
in men; because we know it to be inseparable
from human nature, and inherent in our frame
and constitution. By this reflection we correct
those sentiments of blame, which so naturally
arise upon any opposition.
But however the general principle of our
blame or praise may be corrected by those
other principles, it is certain, they are
not altogether efficacious, nor do our passions
often correspond entirely to the present
theory. It is seldom men heartily love what
lies at a distance from them, and what no
way redounds to their particular benefit;
as it is no less rare to meet with persons,
who can pardon another any opposition he
makes to their interest, however justifiable
that opposition may be by the general rules
of morality. Here we are contented with saying,
that reason requires such an Impartial conduct,
but that it is seldom we can bring ourselves
to it, and that our passions do not readily
follow the determination of our judgment.
This language will be easily understood,
if we consider what we formerly said concerning
that reason, which is able to oppose our
passion; and which we have found to be nothing
but a general calm determination of the passions,
founded on some distant view or reflection.
When we form our judgments of persons, merely
from the tendency of their characters to
our own benefit, or to that of our friends,
we find so many contradictions to our sentiments
in society and conversation, and such an
uncertainty from the incessant changes of
our situation, that we seek some other standard
of merit and demerit, which may not admit
of so great variation. Being thus loosened
from our first station, we cannot afterwards
fix ourselves so commodiously by any means
as by a sympathy with those, who have any
commerce with the person we consider. This
is far from being as lively as when our own
interest is concerned, or that of our particular
friends; nor has it such an influence on
our love and hatred: But being equally conformable
to our calm and general principles, it is
said to have an equal authority over our
reason, and to command our judgment and opinion.
We blame equally a bad action, which we read
of in history, with one performed in our
neighbourhood the other day: The meaning
of which is, that we know from reflection,
that the former action would excite as strong
sentiments of disapprobation as the latter,
were it placed in the same position.
I now proceed to the second remarkable circumstance,
which I proposed to take notice of. Where
a person is possessed of a character, that
in its natural tendency is beneficial to
society, we esteem him virtuous, and are
delighted with the view of his character,
even though particular accidents prevent
its operation, and incapacitate him from
being serviceable to his friends and country.
Virtue in rags is still virtue; and the love,
which it procures, attends a man into a dungeon
or desart, where the virtue can no longer
be exerted in action, and is lost to all
the world. Now this may be esteemed an objection
to the present system. Sympathy interests
us in the good of mankind; and if sympathy
were the source of our esteem for virtue,
that sentiment of approbation coued only
take place, where the virtue actually attained
its end, and was beneficial to mankind. Where
it fails of its end, it is only an imperfect
means; and therefore can never acquire any
merit from that end. The goodness of an end
can bestow a merit on such means alone as
are compleat, and actually produce the end.
To this we may reply, that where any object,
in all its parts, is fitted to attain any
agreeable end, it naturally gives us pleasure,
and is esteemed beautiful, even though some
external circumstances be wanting to render
it altogether effectual. It is sufficient
if every thing be compleat in the object
itself. A house, that is contrived with great
judgment for all the commodities of life,
pleases us upon that account; though perhaps
we are sensible, that noone will ever dwell
in it. A fertile soil, and a happy climate,
delight us by a reflection on the happiness
which they would afford the inhabitants,
though at present the country be desart and
uninhabited. A man, whose limbs and shape
promise strength and activity, is esteemed
handsome, though condemned to perpetual imprisonment.
The imagination has a set of passions belonging
to it, upon which our sentiments of beauty
much depend. These passions are moved by
degrees of liveliness and strength, which
are inferior to belief, and independent of
the real existence of their objects. Where
a character is, in every respect, fitted
to be beneficial to society, the imagination
passes easily from the cause to the effect,
without considering that there are some circumstances
wanting to render the cause a complete one.
General rules create a species of probability,
which sometimes influences the judgment,
and always the imagination.
It is true, when the cause is compleat, and
a good disposition is attended with good
fortune, which renders it really beneficial
to society, it gives a stronger pleasure
to the spectator, and is attended with a
more lively sympathy. We are more affected
by it; and yet we do not say that it is more
virtuous, or that we esteem it more. We know,
that an alteration of fortune may render
the benevolent disposition entirely impotent;
and therefore we separate, as much as possible,
the fortune from the disposition. The case
is the same, as when we correct the different
sentiments of virtue, which proceed from
its different distances from ourselves. The
passions do not always follow our corrections;
but these corrections serve sufficiently
to regulate our abstract notions, and are
alone regarded, when we pronounce in general
concerning the degrees of vice and virtue.
It is observed by critics, that all words
or sentences, which are difficult to the
pronunciation, are disagreeable to the ear.
There is no difference, whether a man hear
them pronounced, or read them silently to
himself. When I run over a book with my eye,
I Imagine I hear it all; and also, by the
force of imagination, enter into the uneasiness,
which the delivery of it would give the speaker.
The uneasiness is not real; but as such a
composition of words has a natural tendency
to produce it, this is sufficient to affect
the mind with a painful sentiment, and render
the discourse harsh and disagreeable. It
is a similar case, where any real quality
is, by accidental circumstances, rendered
impotent, and is deprived of its natural
influence on society.
Upon these principles we may easily remove
any contradiction, which may appear to be
betwixt the extensive sympathy, on which
our sentiments of virtue depend, and that
limited generosity which I have frequently
observed to be natural to men, and which
justice and property suppose, according to
the precedent reasoning. My sympathy with
another may give me the sentiment of pain
and disapprobation, when any object is presented,
that has a tendency to give him uneasiness;
though I may not be willing to sacrifice
any thing of my own interest, or cross any
of my passions, for his satisfaction. A house
may displease me by being ill-contrived for
the convenience of the owner; and yet I may
refuse to give a shilling towards the rebuilding
of it. Sentiments must touch the heart, to
make them controul our passions: But they
need not extend beyond the imagination, to
make them influence our taste. When a building
seems clumsy and tottering to the eye, it
is ugly and disagreeable; though we be fully
assured of the solidity of the workmanship.
It is a kind of fear, which causes this sentiment
of disapprobation; but the passion is not
the same with that which we feel, when obliged
to stand under a wall, that we really think
tottering and insecure. The seeming tendencies
of objects affect the mind: And the emotions
they excite are of a like species with those,
which proceed from the real consequences
of objects, but their feeling is different.
Nay, these emotions are so different in their
feeling, that they may often be contrary,
without destroying each other; as when the
fortifications of a city belonging to an
enemy are esteemed beautiful upon account
of their strength, though we coued wish that
they were entirely destroyed. The imagination
adheres to the general views of things, and
distinguishes the feelings they produce,
from those which arise from our particular
and momentary situation.
If we examine the panegyrics that are commonly
made of great men, we shall find, that most
of the qualities, which are attributed to
them, may be divided into two kinds, viz.
such as make them perform their part in society;
and such as render them serviceable to themselves,
and enable them to promote their own interest.
Their prudence, temperance, frugality, industry,
assiduity, enterprize, dexterity, are celebrated,
as well as their generosity and humanity.
If we ever give an indulgence to any quality,
that disables a man from making a figure
in life, it is to that of indolence, which
is not supposed to deprive one of his parts
and capacity, but only suspends their exercise;
and that without any inconvenience to the
person himself, since it is, in some measure,
from his own choice. Yet indolence is always
allowed to be a fault, and a very great one,
if extreme: Nor do a man's friends ever acknowledge
him to be subject to it, but in order to
save his character in more material articles.
He coued make a figure, say they, if he pleased
to give application: His understanding is
sound, his conception quick, and his memory
tenacious; but he hates business, and is
indifferent about his fortune. And this a
man sometimes may make even a subject of
vanity; though with the air of confessing
a fault: Because he may think, that his incapacity
for business implies much more noble qualities;
such as a philosophical spirit, a fine taste,
a delicate wit, or a relish for pleasure
and society. But take any other case: Suppose
a quality, that without being an indication
of any other good qualities, incapacitates
a man always for business, and is destructive
to his interest; such as a blundering understanding,
and a wrong judgment of every thing in life;
inconstancy and irresolution; or a want of
address in the management of men and business:
These are all allowed to be imperfections
in a character; and many men would rather
acknowledge the greatest crimes, than have
it suspected, that they are, in any degree,
subject to them.
It is very happy, in our philosophical researches,
when we find the same phaenomenon diversified
by a variety of circumstances; and by discovering
what is common among them, can the better
assure ourselves of the truth of any hypothesis
we may make use of to explain it. Were nothing
esteemed virtue but what were beneficial
to society, I am persuaded, that the foregoing
explication of the moral sense ought still
to be received, and that upon sufficient
evidence: But this evidence must grow upon
us, when we find other kinds of virtue, which
will not admit of any explication except
from that hypothesis. Here is a man, who
is not remarkably defective in his social
qualities; but what principally recommends
him is his dexterity in business, by which
he has extricated himself from the greatest
difficulties, and conducted the most delicate
affairs with a singular address and prudence.
I find an esteem for him immediately to arise
in me: His company is a satisfaction to me;
and before I have any farther acquaintance
with him, I would rather do him a service
than another, whose character is in every
other respect equal, but is deficient in
that particular. In this case, the qualities
that please me are all considered as useful
to the person, and as having a tendency to
promote his interest and satisfaction. They
are only regarded as means to an end, and
please me in proportion to their fitness
for that end. The end, therefore, must be
agreeable to me. But what makes the end agreeable?
The person is a stranger: I am no way interested
in him, nor lie under any obligation to him:
His happiness concerns not me, farther than
the happiness of every human, and indeed
of every sensible creature: That is, it affects
me only by sympathy. From that principle,
whenever I discover his happiness and good,
whether in its causes or effects, I enter
so deeply into it, that it gives me a sensible
emotion. The appearance of qualities, that
have a tendency to promote it, have an agreeable
effect upon my imagination, and command my
love and esteem.
This theory may serve to explain, why the
same qualities, in all cases, produce both
pride and love, humility and hatred; and
the same man is always virtuous or vicious,
accomplished or despicable to others, who
is so to himself. A person, in whom we discover
any passion or habit, which originally is
only incommodious to himself, becomes always
disagreeable to us, merely on its account;
as on the other hand, one whose character
is only dangerous and disagreeable to others,
can never be satisfied with himself, as long
as he is sensible of that disadvantage. Nor
is this observable only with regard to characters
and manners, but may be remarked even in
the most minute circumstances. A violent
cough in another gives us uneasiness; though
in itself it does not in the least affect
us. A man will be mortified, if you tell
him he has a stinking breath; though it is
evidently no annoyance to himself. Our fancy
easily changes its situation; and either
surveying ourselves as we appear to others,
or considering others as they feel themselves,
we enter, by that means, into sentiments,
which no way belong to us, and in which nothing
but sympathy is able to interest us. And
this sympathy we sometimes carry so far,
as even to be displeased with a quality commodious
to us, merely because it displeases others,
and makes us disagreeable in their eyes;
though perhaps we never can have any interest
in rendering ourselves agreeable to them.
There have been many systems of morality
advanced by philosophers in all ages; but
if they are strictly examined, they may be
reduced to two, which alone merit our attention.
Moral good and evil are certainly distinguished
by our sentiments, not by reason: But these
sentiments may arise either from the mere
species or appearance of characters and passions,
or from reflections on their tendency to
the happiness of mankind, and of particular
persons. My opinion is, that both these causes
are intermixed in our judgments of morals;
after the same manner as they are in our
decisions concerning most kinds of external
beauty: Though I am also of opinion, that
reflections on the tendencies of actions
have by far the greatest influence, and determine
all the great lines of our duty. There are,
however, instances, in cases of less moment,
wherein this immediate taste or sentiment
produces our approbation. Wit, and a certain
easy and disengaged behaviour, are qualities
immediately agreeable to others, and command
their love and esteem. Some of these qualities
produce satisfaction in others by particular
original principles of human nature, which
cannot be accounted for: Others may be resolved
into principles, which are more general.
This will best appear upon a particular enquiry.
As some qualities acquire their merit from
their being immediately agreeable to others,
without any tendency to public interest;
so some are denominated virtuous from their
being immediately agreeable to the person
himself, who possesses them. Each of the
passions and operations of the mind has a
particular feeling, which must be either
agreeable or disagreeable. The first is virtuous,
the second vicious. This particular feeling
constitutes the very nature of the passion;
and therefore needs not be accounted for.
But however directly the distinction of vice
and virtue may seem to flow from the immediate
pleasure or uneasiness, which particular
qualities cause to ourselves or others; it
is easy to observe, that it has also a considerable
dependence on the principle of sympathy so
often insisted on. We approve of a person,
who is possessed of qualities immediately
agreeable to those, with whom he has any
commerce; though perhaps we ourselves never
reaped any pleasure from them. We also approve
of one, who is possessed of qualities, that
are immediately agreeable to himself; though
they be of no service to any mortal. To account
for this we must have recourse to the foregoing
principles.
Thus, to take a general review of the present
hypothesis: Every quality of the mind is
denominated virtuous, which gives pleasure
by the mere survey; as every quality, which
produces pain, is called vicious. This pleasure
and this pain may arise from four different
sources. For we reap a pleasure from the
view of a character, which is naturally fitted
to be useful to others, or to the person
himself, or which is agreeable to others,
or to the person himself. One may, perhaps,
be surprized. that amidst all these interests
and pleasures, we should forget our own,
which touch us so nearly on every other occasion.
But we shall easily satisfy ourselves on
this head, when we consider, that every particular
person s pleasure and interest being different,
it is impossible men coued ever agree in
their sentiments and judgments, unless they
chose some common point of view, from which
they might survey their object, and which
might cause it to appear the same to all
of them. Now in judging of characters, the
only interest or pleasure, which appears
the same to every spectator, is that of the
person himself, whose character is examined;
or that of persons, who have a connexion
with him. And though such interests and pleasures
touch us more faintly than our own, yet being
more constant and universal, they counter-ballance
the latter even in practice, and are alone
admitted in speculation as the standard of
virtue and morality. They alone produce that
particular feeling or sentiment, on which
moral distinctions depend.
As to the good or ill desert of virtue or
vice, it is an evident consequence of the
sentiments of pleasure or uneasiness. These
sentiments produce love or hatred; and love
or hatred, by the original constitution of
human passion, is attended with benevolence
or anger; that is, with a desire of making
happy the person we love, and miserable the
person we hate. We have treated of this more
fully on another occasion.
SECT. II OF GREATNESS OF MIND
It may now be proper to illustrate this general
system of morals, by applying it to particular
instances of virtue and vice, and shewing
how their merit or demerit arises from the
four sources here explained. We shall begin
with examining the passions of pride and
humility, and shall consider the vice or
virtue that lies in their excesses or just
proportion. An excessive pride or overweaning
conceit of ourselves is always esteemed vicious,
and is universally hated; as modesty, or
a just sense of our weakness, is esteemed
virtuous, and procures the good-will of every-one.
Of the four sources of moral distinctions,
this is to be ascribed to the third; viz,
the immediate agreeableness and disagreeableness
of a quality to others, without any reflections
on the tendency of that quality.
In order to prove this, we must have recourse
to two principles, which are very conspicuous
in human nature. The first of these is the
sympathy, and communication of sentiments
and passions above- mentioned. So close and
intimate is the correspondence of human souls,
that no sooner any person approaches me,
than he diffuses on me all his opinions,
and draws along my judgment in a greater
or lesser degree. And though, on many occasions,
my sympathy with him goes not so far as entirely
to change my sentiments, and way of thinking;
yet it seldom is so weak as not to disturb
the easy course of my thought, and give an
authority to that opinion, which is recommended
to me by his assent and approbation. Nor
is it any way material upon what subject
he and I employ our thoughts. Whether we
judge of an indifferent person, or of my
own character, my sympathy gives equal force
to his decision: And even his sentiments
of his own merit make me consider him in
the same light, in which he regards himself.
This principle of sympathy is of so powerful
and insinuating a nature, that it enters
into most of our sentiments and passions,
and often takes place under the appearance
of its contrary. For it is remarkable, that
when a person opposes me in any thing, which
I am strongly bent upon, and rouzes up my
passion by contradiction, I have always a
degree of sympathy with him, nor does my
commotion proceed from any other origin.
We may here observe an evident conflict or
rencounter of opposite principles and passions.
On the one side there is that passion or
sentiment, which is natural to me; and it
is observable, that the stronger this passion
is, the greater is the commotion. There must
also be some passion or sentiment on the
other side; and this passion can proceed
from nothing but sympathy. The sentiments
of others can never affect us, but by becoming,
in some measure, our own; in which case they
operate upon us, by opposing and encreasing
our passions, in the very same manner, as
if they had been originally derived from
our own temper and disposition. While they
remain concealed in the minds of others,
they can never have an influence upon us:
And even when they are known, if they went
no farther than the imagination, or conception;
that faculty is so accustomed to objects
of every different kind, that a mere idea,
though contrary to our sentiments and inclinations,
would never alone be able to affect us.
The second principle I shall take notice
of is that of comparison, or the variation
of our judgments concerning ob jects, according
to the proportion they bear to those with
which we compare them. We judge more, of
objects by comparison, than by their intrinsic
worth and value; and regard every thing as
mean, when set in opposition to what is superior
of the same kind. But no comparison is more
obvious than that with ourselves; and hence
it is that on all occasions it takes place,
and mixes with most of our passions. This
kind of comparison is directly contrary to
sympathy in its operation, as we have observed
in treating of com passion and malice. [Book
II. Part II. Sect. VIII.] IN ALL KINDS OF
COMPARISON AN OBJECT MAKES US ALWAYS RECEIVE
FROM ANOTHER, TO WHICH IT IS COMPARED, A
SENSATION CONTRARY TO WHAT ARISES FROM ITSELF
IN ITS DIRECT AND IMMEDIATE SURVEY. THE DIRECT
SURVEY OF ANOTHER'S PLEASURE NATURALLY GIVES
US PLEASURE; AND THEREFORE PRODUCES PAIN,
WHEN COMPARed WITH OUR OWN. HIS PAIN, CONSIDERED
IN ITSELF, IS PAIN FUL; BUT AUGMENTS THE
IDEA OF OUR OWN HAPPINESS, AND GIVES US PLEASURE.
Since then those principles of sympathy,
and a comparison with ourselves, are directly
contrary, it may be worth while to consider,
what general rules can be formed, beside
the particular temper of the person, for
the prevalence of the one or the other. Suppose
I am now in safety at land, and would willingly
reap some pleasure from this consideration:
I must think on the miserable condition of
those who are at sea in a storm, and must
endeavour to render this idea as strong and
lively as possible, in order to make me more
sensible of my own happiness. But whatever
pains I may take, the comparison will never
have an equal efficacy, as if I were really
on the shore [FN 26], and saw a ship at a
distance tossed by a tempest, and in danger
every moment of perishing on a rock or sand-bank.
But suppose this idea to become still more
lively. Suppose the ship to be driven so
near me, that I can perceive distinctly the
horror, painted on the countenance of the
seamen and passengers, hear their lamentable
cries, see the dearest friends give their
last adieu, or embrace with a resolution
to perish in each others arms: No man has
so savage a heart as to reap any pleasure
from such a spectacle, or withstand the motions
of the tenderest compassion and sympathy.
It is evident, therefore, there is a medium
in this case; and that if the idea be too
feint, it has no influence by comparison;
and on the other hand, if it be too strong,
it operates on us entirely by sympathy, which
is the contrary to comparison. Sympathy being
the conversion of an idea into an impression,
demands a greater force and vivacity in the
idea than is requisite to comparison.
[FN 26. Suave mari magno turbantibus aequora
ventis E terra magnum alterius spectare laborem;
Non quia vexari quenquam eat jucunda voluptas,
Sed quibus ipse malls caress qula cernere
sauv' est. LUCRET.
(There is something pleasant in watching,
from dry land, the great difficulties another
man is undergoing out on the high sea, with
the winds lashing the waters. This is not
because one derives delight from any man's
distress, but because it is pleasurable to
perceive from what troubles one is oneself
free.)] All this is easily applied to the
present subject. We sink very much in our
own eyes, when in the presence of a great
man, or one of a superior genius; and this
humility makes a considerable ingredient
in that respect, which we pay our superiors,
according to our foregoing reasonings on
that passion [Book II. Part II. Sect. X.].
Sometimes even envy and hatred arise from
the comparison; but in the greatest part
of men, it rests at respect and esteem. As
sympathy has such a powerful influence on
the human mind, it causes pride to have,
in some measure, the same effect as merit;
and by making us enter into those elevated
sentiments, which the proud man entertains
of himself, presents that comparison, which
is so mortifying and disagreeable. Our judgment
does not entirely accompany him in the flattering
conceit, in which he pleases himself; but
still is so shaken as to receive the idea
it presents, and to give it an influence
above the loose conceptions of the imagination.
A man, who, in an idle humour, would form
a notion of a person of a merit very much
superior to his own, would not be mortified
by that fiction: But when a man, whom we
are really persuaded to be of inferior merit,
is presented to us; if we observe in him
any extraordinary degree of pride and self-conceit;
the firm persuasion he has of his own merit,
takes hold of the imagination, and diminishes
us in our own eyes, in the same manner, as
if he were really possessed of all the good
qualities which he so liberally attributes
to himself. Our idea is here precisely in
that medium, which is requisite to make it
operate on us by comparison. Were it accompanied
with belief, and did the person appear to
have the same merit, which he assumes to
himself, it would have a contrary effect,
and would operate on us by sympathy. The
influence of that principle would then be
superior to that of comparison, contrary
to what happens where the person's merit
seems below his pretensions.
The necessary consequence of these principles
is, that pride, or an over-weaning conceit
of ourselves, must be vicious; since it causes
uneasiness in all men, and presents them
every moment with a disagreeable comparison.
It is a trite observation in philosophy,
and even in common life and conversation,
that it is our own pride, which makes us
so much displeased with the pride of other
people; and that vanity becomes insupportable
to us merely because we are vain. The gay
naturally associate themselves with the gay,
and the amorous with the amorous: But the
proud never can endure the proud, and rather
seek the company of those who are of an opposite
disposition. As we are, all of us, proud
in some degree, pride is universally blamed
and condemned by all mankind; as having a
natural tendency to cause uneasiness in others
by means of comparison. And this effect must
follow the more naturally, that those, who
have an ill-grounded conceit of themselves,
are for ever making those comparisons, nor
have they any other method of supporting
their vanity. A man of sense and merit is
pleased with himself, independent of all
foreign considerations: But a fool must always
find some person, that is more foolish, in
order to keep himself in good humour with
his own parts and understanding.
But though an over-weaning conceit of our
own merit be vicious and disagreeable, nothing
can be more laudable, than to have a value
for ourselves, where we really have qualities
that are valuable. The utility and advantage
of any quality to ourselves is a source of
virtue, as well as its agreeableness to others;
and it is certain, that nothing is more useful
to us in the conduct of life, than a due
degree of pride, which makes us sensible
of our own merit, and gives us a confidence
and assurance in all our projects and enterprizes.
Whatever capacity any one may be endowed
with, it is entirely useless to him, if he
be not acquainted with it, and form not designs
suitable to it. It is requisite on all occasions
to know our own force; and were it allowable
to err on either side, it would be more advantageous
to over-rate our merit, than to form ideas
of it, below its just standard. Fortune commonly
favours the bold and enterprizing; and nothing
inspires us with more boldness than a good
opinion of ourselves.
Add to this, that though pride, or self-applause,
be sometimes disagreeable to others, it is
always agreeable to ourselves; as on the
other hand, modesty, though it gives pleasure
to every one, who observes it, produces often
uneasiness in the person endowed with it.
Now it has been observed, that our own sensations
determine the vice and virtue of any quality,
as well as those sensations, which it may
excite in others.
Thus self-satisfaction and vanity may not
only be allowable, but requisite in a character.
It is, however, certain, that good-breeding
and decency require that we should avoid
all signs and expressions, which tend directly
to show that passion. We have, all of us,
a wonderful partiality for ourselves, and
were we always to give vent to our sentiments
in this particular, we should mutually cause
the greatest indignation in each other, not
only by the immediate presence of so disagreeable
a subject of comparison, but also by the
contrariety of our judgments. In like manner,
therefore, as we establish the laws of nature,
in order to secure property in society, and
prevent the opposition of self-interest;
we establish the rules of good-breeding,
in order to prevent the opposition of men's
pride, and render conversation agreeable
and inoffensive. Nothing is more disagreeable
than a man's over-weaning conceit of himself:
Every one almost has a strong propensity
to this vice: No one can well distinguish
in himself betwixt the vice and virtue, or
be certain, that his esteem of his own merit
is well-founded: For these reasons, all direct
expressions of this passion are condemned;
nor do we make any exception to this rule
in favour of men of sense and merit. They
are not allowed to do themselves justice
openly, in words, no more than other people;
and even if they show a reserve and secret
doubt in doing themselves justice in their
own thoughts, they will be more applauded.
That impertinent, and almost universal propensity
of men, to over-value themselves, has given
us such a prejudice against self-applause,
that we are apt to condemn it, by a general
rule, wherever we meet with it; and it is
with some difficulty we give a privilege
to men of sense, even in their most secret
thoughts. At least, it must be owned, that
some disguise in this particular is absolutely
requisite; and that if we harbour pride in
our breasts, we must carry a fair outside,
and have the appearance of modesty and mutual
deference in all our conduct and behaviour.
We must, on every occasion, be ready to prefer
others to ourselves; to treat them with a
kind of deference, even though they be our
equals; to seem always the lowest and least
in the company, where we are not very much
distinguished above them: And if we observe
these rules in our conduct, men will have
more indulgence for our secret sentiments,
when we discover them in an oblique manner.
I believe no one, who has any practice of
the world, and can penetrate into the inward
sentiments of men, will assert, that the
humility, which good-breeding and decency
require of us, goes beyond the outside, or
that a thorough sincerity in this particular
is esteemed a real part of our duty. On the
contrary, we may observe, that a genuine
and hearty pride, or self-esteem, if well
concealed and well founded, is essential
to the character of a man of honour, and
that there is no quality of the mind, which
is more indispensibly requisite to procure
the esteem and approbation of mankind. There
are certain deferences and mutual submissions,
which custom requires of the different ranks
of men towards each other; and whoever exceeds
in this particular, if through interest,
is accused of meanness; if through ignorance,
of simplicity. It is necessary, therefore,
to know our rank and station in the world,
whether it be fixed by our birth, fortune,
employments, talents or reputation. It is
necessary to feel the sentiment and passion
of pride in conformity to it, and to regulate
our actions accordingly. And should it be
said, that prudence may suffice to regulate
our actions in this particular, without any
real pride, I would observe, that here the
object of prudence is to conform our actions
to the general usage and custom; and, that
it is impossible those tacit airs of superiority
should ever have been established and authorized
by custom, unless men were generally proud,
and unless that passion were generally approved,
when well-grounded.
If we pass from common life and conversation
to history, this reasoning acquires new force,
when we observe, that all those great actions
and sentiments, which have become the admiration
of mankind, are founded on nothing but pride
and self-esteem. Go, says Alexander the Great
to his soldiers, when they refused to follow
him to the Indies, go tell your countrymen,
that you left Alexander corn pleating the
conquest of the world. This passage was always
particularly admired by the prince of Conde,
as we learn from St Evremond.
"ALEXANDER," said that prince,
"abandoned by his soldiers, among barbarians,
not yet fully subdued, felt in himself such
a dignity of right and of empire, that he
coued not believe it possible any one coued
refuse to obey him. Whether in Europe or
in Asia, among Greeks or Persians, all was
indifferent to him: Wherever he found men,
he fancied he found subjects."
In general we may observe, that whatever
we call heroic virtue, and admire under the
character of greatness and elevation of mind,
is either nothing but a steady and wellestablished
pride and self-esteem, or partakes largely
of that passion. Courage, intrepidity, ambition,
love of glory, magnanimity, and all the other
shining virtues of that kind, have plainly
a strong mixture of self-esteem in them,
and derive a great part of their merit from
that origin. Accordingly we find, that many
religious declaimers decry those virtues
as purely pagan and natural, and represent
to us the excellency of the Christian religion,
which places humility in the rank of virtues,
and corrects the judgment of the world, and
even of philosophers, who so generally admire
all the efforts of pride and ambition. Whether
this virtue of humility has been rightly
understood, I shall not pretend to determine.
I am content with the concession, that the
world naturally esteems a well-regulated
pride, which secretly animates our conduct,
without breaking out into such indecent expressions
of vanity, as many offend the vanity of others.
The merit of pride or self-esteem is derived
from two circumstances, viz, its utility
and its agreeableness to ourselves; by which
it capacitates us for business, and, at the
same time, gives us an immediate satisfaction.
When it goes beyond its just bounds, it loses
the first advantage, and even becomes prejudicial;
which is the reason why we condemn an extravagant
pride and ambition, however regulated by
the decorums of good-breeding and politeness.
But as such a passion is still agreeable,
and conveys an elevated and sublime sensation
to the person, who is actuated by it, the
sympathy with that satisfaction diminishes
considerably the blame, which naturally attends
its dangerous influence on his conduct and
behaviour. Accordingly we may observe, that
an excessive courage and magnanimity, especially
when it displays itself under the frowns
of fortune, contributes in a great measure,
to the character of a hero, and will render
a person the admiration of posterity; at
the same time, that it ruins his affairs,
and leads him into dangers and difficulties,
with which otherwise he would never have
been acquainted.
Heroism, or military glory, is much admired
by the generality of mankind. They consider
it as the most sublime kind of merit. Men
of cool reflection are not so sanguine in
their praises of it. The infinite confusions
and disorder, which it has caused in the
world, diminish much of its merit in their
eyes. When they would oppose the popular
notions on this head, they always paint out
the evils, which this supposed virtue has
produced in human society; the subversion
of empires, the devastation of provinces,
the sack of cities. As long as these are
present to us, we are more inclined to hate
than admire the ambition of heroes. But when
we fix our view on the person himself, who
is the author of all this mischief, there
is something so dazzling in his character,
the mere contemplation of it so elevates
the mind, that we cannot refuse it our admiration.
The pain, which we receive from its tendency
to the prejudice of society, is over-powered
by a stronger and more immediate sympathy.
Thus our explication of the merit or demerit,
which attends the degrees of pride or self-esteem,
may serve as a strong argument for the preceding
hypothesis, by shewing the effects of those
principles above explained in all the variations
of our judgments concerning that passion.
Nor will this reasoning be advantageous to
us only by shewing, that the distinction
of vice and virtue arises from the four principles
of the advantage and of the pleasure of the
person himself, and of others: But may also
afford us a strong proof of some under-parts
of that hypothesis.
No one, who duly considers of this matter,
will make any scruple of allowing, that any
piece of in-breeding, or any expression of
pride and haughtiness, is displeasing to
us, merely because it shocks our own pride,
and leads us by sympathy into a comparison,
which causes the disagreeable passion of
humility. Now as an insolence of this kind
is blamed even in a person who has always
been civil to ourselves in particular; nay,
in one, whose name is only known to us in
history; it follows, that our disapprobation
proceeds from a sympathy with others, and
from the reflection, that such a character
is highly displeasing and odious to every
one, who converses or has any intercourse
with the person possest of it. We sympathize
with those people in their uneasiness; and
as their uneasiness proceeds in part from
a sympathy with the person who insults them,
we may here observe a double rebound of the
sympathy; which is a principle very similar
to what we have observed. [Book II. Part
II. Sect. V.]
SECT. III OF GOODNESS AND BENEVOLENCE
Having thus explained the origin of that
praise and approbation, which attends every
thing we call great in human affections;
we now proceed to give an account of their
goodness, and shew whence its merit is derived.
When experience has once given us a competent
knowledge of human affairs, and has taught
us the proportion they bear to human passion,
we perceive, that the generosity of men is
very limited, and that it seldom extends
beyond their friends and family, or, at most,
beyond their native country. Being thus acquainted
with the nature of man, we expect not any
impossibilities from him; but confine our
view to that narrow circle, in which any
person moves, in order to form a judgment
of his moral character. When the natural
tendency of his passions leads him to be
serviceable and useful within his sphere,
we approve of his character, and love his
person, by a sympathy with the sentiments
of those, who have a more particular connexion
with him. We are quickly obliged to forget
our own interest in our judgments of this
kind, by reason of the perpetual contradictions,
we meet with in society and conversation,
from persons that are not placed in the same
situation, and have not the same interest
with ourselves. The only point of view, in
which our sentiments concur with those of
others, is, when we consider the tendency
of any passion to the advantage or harm of
those, who have any immediate connexion or
intercourse with the person possessed of
it. And though this advantage or harm be
often very remote from ourselves, yet sometimes
it is very near us, and interests us strongly
by sympathy. This concern we readily extend
to other cases, that are resembling; and
when these are very remote, our sympathy
is proportionably weaker, and our praise
or blame fainter and more doubtful. The case
is here the same as in our judgments concerning
external bodies. All objects seem to diminish
by their distance: But though the appearance
of objects to our senses be the original
standard, by which we judge of them, yet
we do not say, that they actually diminish
by the distance; but correcting the appearance
by reflection, arrive at a more constant
and established judgment concerning them.
In like manner, though sympathy be much fainter
than our concern for ourselves, and a sympathy
with persons remote from us much fainter
than that with persons near and contiguous;
yet we neglect all these differences in our
calm judgments concerning the characters
of men. Besides, that we ourselves often
change our situation in this particular,
we every day meet with persons, who are in
a different situation from ourselves, and
who coued never converse with us on any reasonable
terms, were we to remain constantly in that
situation and point of view, which is peculiar
to us. The intercourse of sentiments, therefore,
in society and conversation, makes us form
some general inalterable standard, by which
we may approve or disapprove of characters
and manners. And though the heart does not
always take part with those general notions,
or regulate its love and hatred by them,
yet are they sufficient for discourse, and
serve all our purposes m company, in the
pulpit, on the theatre, and in the schools.
From these principles we may easily account
for that merit, which is commonly ascribed
to generosity, humanity, compassion, gratitude,
friendship, fidelity, zeal, disinterestedness,
liberality, and all those other qualities,
which form the character of good and benevolent.
A propensity to the tender passions makes
a man agreeable and useful in all the parts
of life; and gives a just direction to all
his other quailties, which otherwise may
become prejudicial to society. Courage and
ambition, when not regulated by benevolence,
are fit only to make a tyrant and public
robber. It is the same case with judgment
and capacity, and all the qualities of that
kind. They are indifferent in themselves
to the interests of society, and have a tendency
to the good or ill of mankind, according
as they are directed by these other passions.
As Love is immediately agreeable to the person,
who is actuated by it, and hatred immediately
disagreeable; this may also be a considerable
reason, why we praise all the passions that
partake of the former, and blame all those
that have any considerable share of the latter.
It is certain we are infinitely touched with
a tender sentiment, as well as with a great
one. The tears naturally start in our eyes
at the conception of it; nor can we forbear
giving a loose to the same tenderness towards
the person who exerts it. All this seems
to me a proof, that our approbation has,
in those cases, an origin different from
the prospect of utility and advantage, either
to ourselves or others. To which we may add,
that men naturally, without reflection, approve
of that character, which is most like their
own. The man of a mild disposition and tender
affections, in forming a notion of the most
perfect virtue, mixes in it more of benevolence
and humanity, than the man of courage and
enterprize, who naturally looks upon a certain
elevation of mind as the most accomplished
character. This must evidently proceed from
an immediate sympathy, which men have with
characters similar to their own. They enter
with more warmth into such sentiments, and
feel more sensibly the pleasure, which arises
from them.
It is remarkable, that nothing touches a
man of humanity more than any instance of
extraordinary delicacy in love or friendship,
where a person is attentive to the smallest
concerns of his friend, and is willing to
sacrifice to them the most considerable interest
of his own. Such delicacies have little influence
on society; because they make us regard the
greatest trifles: But they are the more engaging,
the more minute the concern is, and are a
proof of the highest merit in any one, who
is capable of them. The passions are so contagious,
that they pass with the greatest facility
from one person to another, and produce correspondent
movements in all human breasts. Where friendship
appears in very signal instances, my heart
catches the same passion, and is warmed by
those warm sentiments, that display themselves
before me. Such agreeable movements must
give me an affection to every one that excites
them. This is the case with every thing that
is agreeable in any person. The transition
from pleasure to love is easy: But the transition
must here be still more easy; since the agreeable
sentiment, which is excited by sympathy,
is love itself; and there is nothing required
but to change the object.
Hence the peculiar merit of benevolence in
all its shapes and appearances. Hence even
its weaknesses are virtuous and amiable;
and a person, whose grief upon the loss of
a friend were excessive, would be esteemed
upon that account. His tenderness bestows
a merit, as it does a pleasure, on his melancholy.
We are not, however, to imagine, that all
the angry passions are vicious, though they
are disagreeable. There is a certain indulgence
due to human nature in this respect. Anger
and hatred are passions inherent in Our very
frame and constitutions. The want of them,
on some occasions, may even be a proof of
weakness and imbecillity. And where they
appear only in a low degree, we not only
excuse them because they are natural; but
even bestow our applauses on them, because
they are inferior to what appears in the
greatest part of mankind.
Where these angry passions rise up to cruelty,
they form the most detested of all vices.
All the pity and concern which we have for
the miserable sufferers by this vice, turns
against the person guilty of it, and produces
a stronger hatred than we are sensible of
on any other occasion. Even when the vice
of inhumanity rises not to this extreme degree,
our sentiments concerning it are very much
influenced by reflections on the harm that
results from it. And we may observe in general,
that if we can find any quality in a person,
which renders him incommodious to those,
who live and converse with him, we always
allow it to be a fault or blemish, without
any farther examination. On the other hand,
when we enumerate the good qualities of any
person, we always mention those parts of
his character, which render him a safe companion,
an easy friend, a gentle master, an agreeable
husband, or an indulgent father. We consider
him with all his relations in society; and
love or hate him, according as he affects
those, who have any immediate intercourse
with him. And it is a most certain rule,
that if there be no relation of life, in
which I coued not wish to stand to a particular
person, his character must so far be allowed
to be perfect. If he be as little wanting
to himself as to others, his character is
entirely perfect. This is the ultimate test
of merit and virtue.
SECT. IV OF NATURAL ABILITIES
No distinction is more usual in all systems
of ethics, than that betwixt natural abilities
and moral virtues; where the former are placed
on the same footing with bodily endowments,
and are supposed to have no merit or moral
worth annexed to them. Whoever considers
the matter accurately, will find, that a
dispute upon this head would be merely a
dispute of words, and that though these qualities
are not altogether of the same kind, yet
they agree in the most material circumstances.
They are both of them equally mental qualities:
And both of them equally produce pleasure;
and have of course an equal tendency to procure
the love and esteem of mankind. There are
few, who are not as jealous of their character,
with regard to sense and knowledge, as to
honour and courage; and much more than with
regard to temperance and sobriety. Men are
even afraid of passing for goodnatured; lest
that should be taken for want of understanding:
And often boast of more debauches than they
have been really engaged in, to give themselves
airs of fire and spirit. In short, the figure
a man makes in the world, the reception he
meets with in company, the esteem paid him
by his acquaintance; all these advantages
depend almost as much upon his good sense
and judgment, as upon any other part of his
character. Let a man have the best intentions
in the world, and be the farthest from all
injustice and violence, he will never be
able to make himself be much regarded without
a moderate share, at least, of parts and
understanding. Since then natural abilities,
though, perhaps, inferior, yet are on the
same footing, both as to their causes and
effects, with those qualities which we call
moral virtues, why should we make any distinction
betwixt them?
Though we refuse to natural abilities the
title of virtues, we must allow, that they
procure the love and esteem of mankind; that
they give a new lustre to the other virtues;
and that a man possessed of them is much
more intitled to our good-will and services,
than one entirely void of them. It may, indeed,
be pretended that the sentiment of approbation,
which those qualities produce, besides its
being inferior, is also somewhat different
from that, which attends the other virtues.
But this, in my opinion, is not a sufficient
reason for excluding them from the catalogue
of virtues. Each of the virtues, even benevolence,
justice, gratitude, integrity, excites a
different sentiment or feeling in the spectator.
The characters of Caesar and Cato, as drawn
by Sallust, are both of them virtuous, in
the strictest sense of the word; but in a
different way: Nor are the sentiments entirely
the same, which arise from them. The one
produces love; the other esteem: The one
is amiable; the other awful: We could wish
to meet with the one character in a friend;
the other character we would be ambitious
of in ourselves. In like manner, the approbation
which attends natural abilities, may be somewhat
different to the feeling from that, which
arises from the other virtues, without making
them entirely of a different species. And
indeed we may observe, that the natural abilities,
no more than the other virtues, produce not,
all of them, the same kind of approbation.
Good sense and genius beget esteem: Wit and
humour excite love.
[FN 27 Love and esteem are at the bottom
the same passions, and arise from like causes.
The qualities, that produce both, are agreeable,
and give pleasure. But where this pleasure
is severe and serious; or where its object
is great, and makes a strong impression;
or where it produces any degree of humility
and awe: In all these cases, the passion,
which arises from the pleasure, is more properly
denominated esteem than love. Benevolence
attends both: But is connected with love
in a more eminent degree.] Those, who represent
the distinction betwixt natural abilities
and moral virtues as very material, may say,
that the former are entirely involuntary,
and have therefore no merit attending them,
as having no dependance on liberty and free-will.
But to this I answer, first, that many of
those qualities, which all moralists, especially
the antients, comprehend under the title
of moral virtues, are equally involuntary
and necessary, with the qualities of the
judgment and imagination. Of this nature
are constancy, fortitude, magnanimity; and,
in short, all the qualities which form the
great man. I might say the same, in some
degree, of the others; it being almost impossible
for the mind to change its character in any
considerable article, or cure itself of a
passionate or splenetic temper, when they
are natural to it. The greater degree there
is of these blameable qualities, the more
vicious they become, and yet they are the
less voluntary. Secondly, I would have anyone
give me a reason, why virtue and vice may
not be involuntary, as well as beauty and
deformity. These moral distinctions arise
from the natural distinctions of pain and
pleasure; and when we receive those feelings
from the general consideration of any quality
or character, we denominate it vicious or
virtuous. Now I believe no one will assert,
that a quality can never produce pleasure
or pain to the person who considers it, unless
it be perfectly voluntary in the person who
possesses it. Thirdly, As to free-will, we
have shewn that it has no place with regard
to the actions, no more than the qualities
of men. It is not a just consequence, that
what is voluntary is free. Our actions are
more voluntary than our judgments; but we
have not more liberty in the one than in
the other.
But though this distinction betwixt voluntary
and involuntary be not sufficient to justify
the distinction betwixt natural abilities
and moral virtues, yet the former distinction
will afford us a plausible reason, why moralists
have invented the latter. Men have observed,
that though natural abilities and moral qualities
be in the main on the same footing, there
is, however, this difference betwixt them,
that the former are almost invariable by
any art or industry; while the latter, or
at least, the actions, that proceed from
them, may be changed by the motives of rewards
and punishments, praise and blame. Hence
legislators, and divines, and moralists,
have principally applied themselves to the
regulating these voluntary actions, and have
endeavoured to produce additional motives,
for being virtuous in that particular. They
knew, that to punish a man for folly, or
exhort him to be prudent and sagacious, would
have but little effect; though the same punishments
and exhortations, with regard to justice
and injustice, might have a considerable
influence. But as men, in common life and
conversation, do not carry those ends in
view, but naturally praise or blame whatever
pleases or displeases them, they do not seem
much to regard this distinction, but consider
prudence under the character of virtue as
well as benevolence, and penetration as well
as justice. Nay, we find, that all moralists,
whose judgment is not perverted by a strict
adherence to a system, enter into the same
way of thinking; and that the antient moralists
in particular made no scruple of placing
prudence at the head of the cardinal virtues.
There is a sentiment of esteem and approbation,
which may be excited, in some degree, by
any faculty of the mind, in its perfect state
and condition; and to account for this sentiment
is the business of Philosophers. It belongs
to Grammarians to examine what qualities
are entitled to the denomination of virtue;
nor will they find, upon trial, that this
is so easy a task, as at first sight they
may be apt to imagine.
The principal reason why natural abilities
are esteemed, is because of their tendency
to be useful to the person, who is possessed
of them. It is impossible to execute any
design with success, where it is not conducted
with prudence and discretion; nor will the
goodness of our intentions alone suffice
to procure us a happy issue to our enterprizes.
Men are superior to beasts principally by
the superiority of their reason; and they
are the degrees of the same faculty, which
set such an infinite difference betwixt one
man and another. All the advantages of art
are owing to human reason; and where fortune
is not very capricious, the most considerable
part of these advantages must fall to the
share of the prudent and sagacious.
When it is asked, whether a quick or a slow
apprehension be most valuable? whether one,
that at first view penetrates into a subject,
but can perform nothing upon study; or a
contrary character, which must work out every
thing by dint of application? whether a clear
head, or a copious invention? whether a profound
genius, or a sure judgment? in short, what
character, or peculiar understanding, is
more excellent than another? It is evident
we can answer none of these questions, without
considering which of those qualities capacitates
a man best for the world, and carries him
farthest in any of his undertakings.
There are many other qualities of the mind,
whose merit is derived from the same origin,
industry, perseverance, patience, activity,
vigilance, application, constancy, with other
virtues of that kind, which it will be easy
to recollect, are esteemed valuable upon
no other account, than their advantage in
the conduct of life. It is the same case
with temperance, frugality, economy, resolution:
As on the other hand, prodigality, luxury,
irresolution, uncertainty, are vicious, merely
because they draw ruin upon us, and incapacitate
us for business and action.
As wisdom and good-sense are valued, because
they are useful to the person possessed of
them; so wit and eloquence are valued, because
they are immediately agreeable to others.
On the other hand, good humour is loved and
esteemed, because it is immediately agreeable
to the person himself. It is evident, that
the conversation of a man of wit is very
satisfactory; as a chearful good-humoured
companion diffuses a joy over the whole company,
from a sympathy with his gaiety. These qualities,
therefore, being agreeable, they naturally
beget love and esteem, and answer to all
the characters of virtue.
It is difficult to tell, on many occasions,
what it is that renders one man's conversation
so agreeable and entertaining, and another's
so insipid and distasteful. As conversation
is a transcript of the mind as well as books,
the same qualities, which render the one
valuable, must give us an esteem for the
other. This we shall consider afterwards.
In the mean time it may be affirmed in general,
that all the merit a man may derive from
his conversation (which, no doubt, may be
very considerable) arises from nothing but
the pleasure it conveys to those who are
present.
In this view, cleanliness is also to be regarded
as a virtue; since it naturally renders us
agreeable to others, and is a very considerable
source of love and affection. No one will
deny, that a negligence in this particular
is a fault; and as faults are nothing but
smaller vices, and this fault can have no
other origin than the uneasy sensation, which
it excites in others, we may in this instance,
seemingly so trivial, dearly discover the
origin of the moral distinction of vice and
virtue in other instances.
Besides all those qualities, which render
a person lovely or valuable, there is also
a certain JE-NE-SCAI-QUOI of agreeable and
handsome, that concurs to the same effect.
In this case, as well as in that of wit and
eloquence, we must have recourse to a certain
sense, which acts without reflection, and
regards not the tendencies of qualities and
characters. Some moralists account for all
the sentiments of virtue by this sense. Their
hypothesis is very plausible. Nothing but
a particular enquiry can give the preference
to any other hypothesis. When we find, that
almost all the virtues have such particular
tendencies; and also find, that these tendencies
are sufficient alone to give a strong sentiment
of approbation: We cannot doubt, after this,
that qualities are approved of, in proportion
to the advantage, which results from them.
The decorum or indecorum of a quality, with
regard to the age, or character, or station,
contributes also to its praise or blame.
This decorum depends, in a great measure,
upon experience. It is usual to see men lose
their levity, as they advance in years. Such
a degree of gravity, therefore, and such
years, are connected together in our thoughts.
When we observe them separated in any person's
character, this imposes a kind of violence
on our imagination, and is disagreeable.
That faculty of the soul, which, of all others,
is of the least consequence to the character,
and has the least virtue or vice in its several
degrees, at the same time, that it admits
of a great variety of degrees, is the memory.
Unless it rise up to that stupendous height
as to surprize us, or sink so low as, in
some measure, to affect the judgment, we
commonly take no notice of its variations,
nor ever mention them to the praise or dispraise
of any person. It is so far from being a
virtue to have a good memory, that men generally
affect to complain of a bad one; and endeavouring
to persuade the world, that what they say
is entirely of their own invention, sacrifice
it to the praise of genius and judgment.
Yet to consider the matter abstractedly,
it would be difficult to give a reason, why
the faculty of recalling past ideas with
truth and clearness, should not have as much
merit in it, as the faculty of placing our
present ideas, in such an order, as to form
true propositions and opinions. The reason
of the difference certainly must be, that
the memory is exerted without any sensation
of pleasure or pain; and in all its middling
degrees serves almost equally well in business
and affairs. But the least variations in
the judgment are sensibly felt in their consequences;
while at the same time that faculty is never
exerted in any eminent degree, without an
extraordinary delight and satisfaction. The
sympathy with this utility and pleasure bestows
a merit on the understanding; and the absence
of it makes us consider the memory as a faculty
very indifferent to blame or praise.
Before I leave this subject of natural abilities,
I must observe, that, perhaps, one source
of the esteem and affection, which attends
them, is derived from the importance and
weight, which they bestow on the person possessed
of them. He becomes of greater consequence
in life. His resolutions and actions affect
a greater number of his fellow-creatures.
Both his friendship and enmity are of moment.
And it is easy to observe, that whoever is
elevated, after this manner, above the rest
of mankind, must excite in us the sentiments
of esteem and approbation. Whatever is important
engages our attention, fixes our thought,
and is contemplated with satisfaction. The
histories of kingdoms are more interesting
than domestic stories: The histories of great
empires more than those of small cities and
principalities: And the histories of wars
and revolutions more than those of peace
and order. We sympathize with the persons
that suffer, in all the various sentiments
which belong to their fortunes. The mind
is occupied by the multitude of the objects,
and by the strong passions, that display
themselves. And this occupation or agitation
of the mind is commonly agreeable and amusing.
The same theory accounts for the esteem and
regard we pay to men of extraordinary parts
and abilities. The good and ill of multitudes
are connected with their actions. Whatever
they undertake is important, and challenges
our attention. Nothing is to be over-looked
and despised, that regards them. And where
any person can excite these sentiments, he
soon acquires our esteem; unless other circumstances
of his character render him odious and disagreeable.
SECT. V SOME FARTHER REFLECTIONS CONCERNING
THE NATURAL VIRTUES
It has been observed, in treating of the
passions, that pride and humility, love and
hatred, are excited by any advantages or
disadvantages of the mind, body, or fortune;
and that these advantages or disadvantages
have that effect by producing a separate
impression of pain or pleasure. The pain
or pleasure, which arises from the general
survey or view of any action or quality of
the mind, constitutes its vice or virtue,
and gives rise to our approbation or blame,
which is nothing but a fainter and more imperceptible
love or hatred. We have assigned four different
sources of this pain and pleasure; and in
order to justify more fully that hypothesis,
it may here be proper to observe, that the
advantages or disadvantages of the body and
of fortune, produce a pain or pleasure from
the very same principles. The tendency of
any object to be useful to the person possess
d of it, or to others; to convey pleasure
to him or to others; all these circumstances
convey an immediate pleasure to the person,
who considers the object, and command his
love and approbation.
To begin with the advantages of the body;
we may observe a phaenomenon, which might
appear somewhat trivial and ludicrous, if
any thing coued be trivial, which fortified
a conclusion of such importance, or ludicrous,
which was employed in a philosophical reasoning.
It is a general remark, that those we call
good women's men, who have either signalized
themselves by their amorous exploits, or
whose make of body promises any extraordinary
vigour of that kind, are well received by
the fair sex, and naturally engage the affections
even of those, whose virtue prevents any
design of ever giving employment to those
talents. Here it is evident, that the ability
of such a person to give enjoyment, is the
real source of that love and esteem he meets
with among the females; at the same time
that the women, who love and esteem him,
have no prospect of receiving that enjoyment
themselves, and can only be affected by means
of their sympathy with one, that has a commerce
of love with him. This instance is singular,
and merits our attention.
Another source of the pleasure we receive
from considering bodily advantages, is their
utility to the person himself, who is possessed
of them. It is certain, that a considerable
part of the beauty of men, as well as of
other animals, consists in such a conformation
of members, as we find by experience to be
attended with strength and agility, and to
capacitate the creature for any action or
exercise. Broad shoulders, a lank belly,
firm joints, taper legs; all these are beautiful
in our species because they are signs of
force and vigour, which being advantages
we naturally sympathize with, they convey
to the beholder a share of that satisfaction
they produce in the possessor.
So far as to the utility, which may attend
any quality of the body. As to the immediate
pleasure, it is certain, that an air of health,
as well as of strength and agility, makes
a considerable part of beauty; and that a
sickly air in another is always disagreeable,
upon account of that idea of pain and uneasiness,
which it conveys to us. On the other hand,
we are pleased with the regularity of our
own features, though it be neither useful
to ourselves nor others; and it is necessary
at a distance, to make it convey to us any
satisfaction. We commonly consider ourselves
as we appear in the eyes of others, and sympathize
with the advantageous sentiments they entertain
with regard to us.
How far the advantages of fortune produce
esteem and approbation from the same principles,
we may satisfy ourselves by reflecting on
our precedent reasoning on that subject.
We have observed, that our approbation of
those, who are possess d of the advantages
of fortune, may be ascribed to three different
causes. First, To that immediate pleasure,
which a rich man gives us, by the view of
the beautiful cloaths, equipage, gardens,
or houses, which he possesses. Secondly,
To the advantage, which we hope to reap from
him by his generosity and liberality. Thirdly,
To the pleasure and advantage, which he himself
reaps from his possessions, and which produce
an agreeable sympathy in us. Whether we ascribe
our esteem of the rich and great to one or
all of these causes, we may clearly see the
traces of those principles, which give rise
to the sense of vice and virtue. I believe
most people, at first sight, will be inclined
to ascribe our esteem of the rich to self-interest,
and the prospect of advantage. But as it
is certain, that our esteem or deference
extends beyond any prospect of advantage
to ourselves, it is evident, that that sentiment
must proceed from a sympathy with those,
who are dependent on the person we esteem
and respect, and who have an immediate connexion
with him. We consider him as a person capable
of contributing to the happiness or enjoyment
of his fellow-creatures, whose sentiments,
with regard to him, we naturally embrace.
And this consideration will serve to justify
my hypothesis in preferring the third principle
to the other two, and ascribing our esteem
of the rich to a sympathy with the pleasure
and advantage, which they themselves receive
from their possessions. For as even the other
two principles cannot operate to a due extent,
or account for all the phaenomena, without
having recourse to a sympathy of one kind
or other; it is much more natural to chuse
that sympathy, which is immediate and direct,
than that which is remote and indirect. To
which we may add, that where the riches or
power are very great, and render the person
considerable and important in the world,
the esteem attending them, may, in part,
be ascribed to another source, distinct from
these three, viz. their interesting the mind
by a prospect of the multitude, and importance
of their consequences: Though, in order to
account for the operation of this principle,
we must also have recourse to sympathy; as
we have observed in the preceding section.
It may not be amiss, on this occasion, to
remark the flexibility of our sentiments,
and the several changes they so readily receive
from the objects, with which they are conjoined.
All the sentiments of approbation, which
attend any particular species of objects,
have a great resemblance to each other, though
derived from different sources; and, on the
other hand, those sentiments, when directed
to different objects, are different to the
feeling, though derived from the same source.
Thus the beauty of all visible objects causes
a pleasure pretty much the same, though it
be sometimes derived from the mere species
and appearance of the objects; sometimes
from sympathy, and an idea of their utility.
In like manner, whenever we survey the actions
and characters of men, without any particular
interest in them, the pleasure, or pain,
which arises from the survey (with some minute
differences) is, in the main, of the same
kind, though perhaps there be a great diversity
in the causes, from which it is derived.
On the other hand, a convenient house, and
a virtuous character, cause not the same
feeling of approbation; even though the source
of our approbation be the same, and flow
from sympathy and an idea of their utility.
There is something very inexplicable in this
variation of our feelings; but it is what
we have experience of with regard to all
our passions and sentiments.
SECT. VI CONCLUSION OF THIS BOOK
Thus upon the whole I am hopeful, that nothing
is wanting to an accurate proof of this system
of ethics. We are certain, that sympathy
is a very powerful principle in human nature.
We are also certain, that it has a great
influence on our sense of beauty, when we
regard external objects, as well as when
we judge of morals. We find, that it has
force sufficient to give us the strongest
sentiments of approbation, when it operates
alone, without the concurrence of any other
principle; as in the cases of justice, allegiance,
chastity, and good-manners. We may observe,
that all the circumstances requisite for
its operation are found in most of the virtues;
which have, for the most part, a tendency
to the good of society, or to that of the
person possessed of them. If we compare all
these circumstances, we shall not doubt,
that sympathy is the chief source of moral
distinctions; especially when we reflect,
that no objection can be raised against this
hypothesis in one case, which will not extend
to all cases. Justice is certainly approved
of for no other reason, than because it has
a tendency to the public good: And the public
good is indifferent to us, except so far
as sympathy interests us in it. We may presume
the like with regard to all the other virtues,
which have a like tendency to the public
good. They must derive all their merit from
our sympathy with those, who reap any advantage
from them: As the virtues, which have a tendency
to the good of the person possessed of them,
derive their merit from our sympathy with
him.
Most people will readily allow, that the
useful qualities of the mind are virtuous,
because of their utility. This way of thinking
is so natural, and occurs on so many occasions,
that few will make any scruple of admitting
it. Now this being once admitted, the force
of sympathy must necessarily be acknowledged.
Virtue is considered as means to an end.
Means to an end are only valued so far as
the end is valued. But the happiness of strangers
affects us by sympathy alone. To that principle,
therefore, we are to ascribe the sentiment
of approbation, which arises from the survey
of all those virtues, that are useful to
society, or to the person possessed of them.
These form the most considerable part of
morality.
Were it proper in such a subject to bribe
the reader's assent, or employ any thing
but solid argument, we are here abundantly
supplied with topics to engage the affections.
All lovers of virtue (and such we all are
in speculation, however we may degenerate
in practice) must certainly be pleased to
see moral distinctions derived from so noble
a source, which gives us a just notion both
of the generosity and capacity of human nature.
It requires but very little knowledge of
human affairs to perceive, that a sense of
morals is a principle inherent in the soul,
and one of the most powerful that enters
into the composition. But this sense must
certainly acquire new force, when reflecting
on itself, it approves of those principles,
from whence it is derived, and finds nothing
but what is great and good in its rise and
origin. Those who resolve the sense of morals
into original instincts of the human mind,
may defend the cause of virtue with sufficient
authority; but want the advantage, which
those possess, who account for that sense
by an extensive sympathy with mankind. According
to their system, not only virtue must be
approved of, but also the sense of virtue:
And not only that sense, but also the principles,
from whence it is derived. So that nothing
is presented on any side, but what is laudable
and good.
This observation may be extended to justice,
and the other virtues of that kind. Though
justice be artificial, the sense of its morality
is natural. It is the combination of men,
in a system of conduct, which renders any
act of justice beneficial to society. But
when once it has that tendency, we naturally
approve of it; and if we did not so, it is
impossible any combination or convention
coued ever produce that sentiment.
Most of the inventions of men are subject
to change. They depend upon humour and caprice.
They have a vogue for a time, and then sink
into oblivion. It may, perhaps, be apprehended,
that if justice were allowed to be a human
invention, it must be placed on the same
footing. But the cases are widely different.
The interest, on which justice is founded,
is the greatest imaginable, and extends to
all times and places. It cannot possibly
be served by any other invention. It is obvious,
and discovers itself on the very first formation
of society. All these causes render the rules
of justice stedfast and immutable; at least,
as immutable as human nature. And if they
were founded on original instincts, coued
they have any greater stability?
The same system may help us to form a just
notion of the happiness, as well as of the
dignity of virtue, and may interest every
principle of our nature in the embracing
and cherishing that noble quality. Who indeed
does not feel an accession of alacrity in
his pursuits of knowledge and ability of
every kind, when he considers, that besides
the advantage, which immediately result from
these acquisitions, they also give him a
new lustre in the eyes of mankind, and are
universally attended with esteem and approbation?
And who can think any advantages of fortune
a sufficient compensation for the least breach
of the social virtues, when he considers,
that not only his character with regard to
others, but also his peace and inward satisfaction
entirely depend upon his strict observance
of them; and that a mind will never be able
to bear its own survey, that has been wanting
in its part to mankind and society? But I
forbear insisting on this subject. Such reflections
require a work a-part, very different from
the genius of the present. The anatomist
ought never to emulate the painter; nor in
his accurate dissections and portraitures
of the smaller parts of the human body, pretend
to give his figures any graceful and engaging
attitude or expression. There is even something
hideous, or at least minute in the views
of things, which he presents; and it is necessary
the objects should be set more at a distance,
and be more covered up from sight, to make
them engaging to the eye and imagination.
An anatomist, however, is admirably fitted
to give advice to a painter; and it is even
impracticable to excel in the latter art,
without the assistance of the former. We
must have an exact knowledge of the parts,
their situation and connexion, before we
can design with any elegance or correctness.
And thus the most abstract speculations concerning
human nature, however cold and unentertaining,
become subservient to practical morality;
and may render this latter science more correct
in its precepts, and more persuasive in its
exhortations.
APPENDIX
There is nothing I would more willingly lay
hold of, than an opportunity of confessing
my errors; and should esteem such a return
to truth and reason to be more honourable
than the most unerring judgment. A man, who
is free from mistakes, can pretend to no
praises, except from the justness of his
understanding: But a man, who corrects his
mistakes, shews at once the justness of his
understanding, and the candour and ingenuity
of his temper. I have not yet been so fortunate
as to discover any very considerable mistakes
in the reasonings delivered in the preceding
volumes, except on one article: But I have
found by experience, that some of my expressions
have not been so well chosen, as to guard
against all mistakes in the readers; and
it is chiefly to remedy this defect, I have
subjoined the following appendix.
We can never be induced to believe any matter
of fact, except where its cause, or its effect,
is present to us; but what the nature is
of that belief, which arises from the relation
of cause and effect, few have had the curiosity
to ask themselves. In my opinion, this dilemma
is inevitable. Either the belief is some
new idea, such as that of reality or existence,
which we join to the simple conception of
an object, or it is merely a peculiar feeling
or sentiment. That it is not a new idea,
annexed to the simple conception, may be
evinced from these two arguments. First,
We have no abstract idea of existence, distinguishable
and separable from the idea of particular
objects. It is impossible, therefore, that
this idea of existence can be annexed to
the idea of any object, or form the difference
betwixt a simple conception and belief. Secondly,
The mind has the command over all its ideas,
and can separate, unite, mix, and vary them,
as it pleases; so that if belief consisted
merely in a new idea, annexed to the conception,
it would be in a man's power to believe what
he pleased. We may, therefore, conclude,
that belief consists merely in a certain
feeling or sentiment; in something, that
depends not on the will, but must arise from
certain determinate causes and principles,
of which we are not masters. When we are
convinced of any matter of fact, we do nothing
but conceive it, along with a certain feeling,
different from what attends the mere reveries
of the imagination. And when we express our
incredulity concerning any fact, we mean,
that the arguments for the fact produce not
that feeling. Did not the belief consist
in a sentiment different from our mere conception,
whatever objects were presented by the wildest
imagination, would be on an equal footing
with the most established truths founded
on history and experience. There is nothing
but the feeling, or sentiment, to distinguish
the one from the other.
This, therefore, being regarded as an undoubted
truth, that belief is nothing but a peculiar
feeling, different from the simple conception,
the next question, that naturally occurs,
is, what is the nature of this feeling, or
sentiment, and whether it be analogous to
any other sentiment of the human mind? This
question is important. For if it be not analogous
to any other sentiment, we must despair of
explaining its causes, and must consider
it as an original principle of the human
mind. If it be analogous, we may hope to
explain its causes from analogy, and trace
it up to more general principles. Now that
there is a greater firmness and solidity
in the conceptions, which are the objects
of conviction and assurance, than in the
loose and indolent reveries of a castle-builder,
every one will readily own. They strike upon
us with more force; they are more present
to us; the mind has a firmer hold of them,
and is more actuated and moved by them. It
acquiesces in them; and, in a manner, fixes
and reposes itself on them. In short, they
approach nearer to the impressions, which
are immediately present to us; and are therefore
analogous to many other operations of the
mind.
There is not, in my opinion, any possibility
of evading this conclusion, but by asserting,
that belief, beside the simple conception,
consists in some impression or feeling, distinguishable
from the conception. It does not modify the
conception, and render it more present and
intense: It is only annexed to it, after
the same manner that will and desire are
annexed to particular conceptions of good
and pleasure. But the following considerations
will, I hope, be sufficient to remove this
hypothesis. First, It is directly contrary
to experience, and our immediate consciousness.
All men have ever allowed reasoning to be
merely an operation of our thoughts or ideas;
and however those ideas may be varied to
the feeling, there is nothing ever enters
into our conclusions but ideas, or our fainter
conceptions. For instance; I hear at present
a person's voice, whom I am acquainted with;
and this sound comes from the next room.
This impression of my senses immediately
conveys my thoughts to the person, along
with all the surrounding objects. I paint
them out to myself as existent at present,
with the same qualities and relations, that
I formerly knew them possessed of. These
ideas take faster hold of my mind, than the
ideas of an inchanted castle. They are different
to the feeling; but there is no distinct
or separate impression attending them. It
is the same case when I recollect the several
incidents of a journey, or the events of
any history. Every particular fact is there
the object of belief. Its idea is modified
differently from the loose reveries of a
castle-builder: But no distinct impression
attends every distinct idea, or conception
of matter of fact. This is the subject of
plain experience. If ever this experience
can be disputed on any occasion, it is when
the mind has been agitated with doubts and
difficulties; and afterwards, upon taking
the object in a new point of view, or being
presented with a new argument, fixes and
reposes itself in one settled conclusion
and belief. In this case there is a feeling
distinct and separate from the conception.
The passage from doubt and agitation to tranquility
and repose, conveys a satisfaction and pleasure
to the mind. But take any other case. Suppose
I see the legs and thighs of a person in
motion, while some interposed object conceals
the rest of his body. Here it is certain,
the imagination spreads out the whole figure.
I give him a head and shoulders, and breast
and neck. These members I conceive and believe
him to be possessed of. Nothing can be more
evident, than that this whole operation is
performed by the thought or imagination alone.
The transition is immediate. The ideas presently
strike us. Their customary connexion with
the present impression, varies them and modifies
them in a certain manner, but produces no
act of the mind, distinct from this peculiarity
of conception. Let any one examine his own
mind, and he will evidently find this to
be the truth.
Secondly, Whatever may be the case, with
regard to this distinct impression, it must
be allowed, that the mind has a firmer hold,
or more steady conception of what it takes
to be matter of fact, than of fictions. Why
then look any farther, or multiply suppositions
without necessity?
Thirdly, We can explain the causes of the
firm conception, but not those of any separate
impression. And not only so, but the causes
of the firm conception exhaust the whole
subject, and nothing is left to produce any
other effect. An inference concerning a matter
of fact is nothing but the idea of an object,
that is frequently conjoined, or is associated
with a present impression. This is the whole
of it. Every part is requisite to explain,
from analogy, the more steady conception;
and nothing remains capable of producing
any distinct impression.
Fourthly, The effects of belief, in influencing
the passions and imagination, can all be
explained from the firm conception; and there
is no occasion to have recourse to any other
principle. These arguments, with many others,
enumerated in the foregoing volumes, sufficiently
prove, that belief only modifies the idea
or conception; and renders it different to
the feeling, without producing any distinct
impression. Thus upon a general view of the
subject, there appear to be two questions
of importance, which we may venture to recommend
to the consideration of philosophers, Whether
there be any thing to distinguish belief
from the simple conception beside the feeling
of sentiment? And, Whether this feeling be
any thing but a firmer conception, or a faster
hold, that we take of the object?
If, upon impartial enquiry, the same conclusion,
that I have formed, be assented to by philosophers,
the next business is to examine the analogy,
which there is betwixt belief, and other
acts of the mind, and find the cause of the
firmness and strength of conception: And
this I do not esteem a difficult task. The
transition from a present impression, always
enlivens and strengthens any idea. When any
object is presented, the idea of its usual
attendant immediately strikes us, as something
real and solid. It is felt, rather than conceived,
and approaches the impression, from which
it is derived, in its force and influence.
This I have proved at large. I cannot add
any new arguments.
I had entertained some hopes, that however
deficient our theory of the intellectual
world might be, it would be free from those
contradictions, and absurdities, which seem
to attend every explication, that human reason
can give of the material world. But upon
a more strict review of the section concerning
personal identity, I find myself involved
in such a labyrinth, that, I must confess,
I neither know how to correct my former opinions,
nor how to render them consistent. If this
be not a good general reason for scepticism,
it is at least a sufficient one (if I were
not already abundantly supplied) for me to
entertain a diffidence and modesty in all
my decisions. I shall propose the arguments
on both sides, beginning with those that
induced me to deny the strict and proper
identity and simplicity of a self or thinking
being.
When we talk of self or substance, we must
have an idea annexed to these terms, otherwise
they are altogether unintelligible. Every
idea is derived from preceding impressions;
and we have no impression of self or substance,
as something simple and individual. We have,
therefore, no idea of them in that sense.
Whatever is distinct, is distinguishable;
and whatever is distinguishable, is separable
by the thought or imagination. All perceptions
are distinct. They are, therefore, distinguishable,
and separable, and may be conceived as separately
existent, and may exist separately, without
any contradiction or absurdity.
When I view this table and that chimney,
nothing is present to me but particular perceptions,
which are of a like nature with all the other
perceptions. This is the doctrine of philosophers.
But this table, which is present to me, and
the chimney, may and do exist separately.
This is the doctrine of the vulgar, and implies
no contradiction. There is no contradiction,
therefore, in extending the same doctrine
to all the perceptions.
In general, the following reasoning seems
satisfactory. All ideas are borrowed from
preceding perceptions. Our ideas of objects,
therefore, are derived from that source.
Consequently no proposition can be intelligible
or consistent with regard to objects, which
is not so with regard to perceptions. But
it is intelligible and consistent to say,
that objects exist distinct and independent,
without any common simple substance or subject
of inhesion. This proposition, therefore,
can never be absurd with regard to perceptions.
When I turn my reflection on myself, I never
can perceive this self without some one or
more perceptions; nor can I ever perceive
any thing but the perceptions. It is the
composition of these, therefore, which forms
the self. We can conceive a thinking being
to have either many or few perceptions. Suppose
the mind to be reduced even below the life
of an oyster. Suppose it to have only one
perception, as of thirst or hunger. Consider
it in that situation. Do you conceive any
thing but merely that perception? Have you
any notion of self or substance? If not,
the addition of other perceptions can never
give you that notion.
The annihilation, which some people suppose
to follow upon death, and which entirely
destroys this self, is nothing but an extinction
of all particular perceptions; love and hatred,
pain and pleasure, thought and sensation.
These therefore must be the same with self;
since the one cannot survive the other.
Is self the same with substance? If it be,
how can that question have place, concerning
the subsistence of self, under a change of
substance? If they be distinct, what is the
difference betwixt them? For my part, I have
a notion of neither, when conceived distinct
from particular perceptions.
Philosophers begin to be reconciled to the
principle, that we have no idea of external
substance, distinct from the ideas of particular
qualities. This must pave the way for a like
principle with regard to the mind, that we
have no notion of it, distinct from the particular
perceptions.
So far I seem to be attended with sufficient
evidence. But having thus loosened all our
particular perceptions, when I proceed to
explain the principle of connexion, which
binds them together, and makes us attribute
to them a real simplicity and identity; I
am sensible, that my account is very defective,
and that nothing but the seeming evidence
of the precedent reasonings coued have induced
me to receive it. If perceptions are distinct
existences, they form a whole only by being
connected together. But no connexions among
distinct existences are ever discoverable
by human understanding. We only feel a connexion
or determination of the thought, to pass
from one object to another. It follows, therefore,
that the thought alone finds personal identity,
when reflecting on the train of past perceptions,
that compose a mind, the ideas of them are
felt to be connected together, and naturally
introduce each other. However extraordinary
this conclusion may seem, it need not surprize
us. Most philosophers seem inclined to think,
that personal identity arises from consciousness;
and consciousness is nothing but a reflected
thought or perception. The present philosophy,
therefore, has so far a promising aspect.
But all my hopes vanish, when I come to explain
the principles, that unite our successive
perceptions in our thought or consciousness.
I cannot discover any theory, which gives
me satisfaction on this head.
In short there are two principles, which
I cannot render consistent; nor is it in
my power to renounce either of them, viz,
that all our distinct perceptions are distinct
existences, and that the mind never perceives
any real connexion among distinct existences.
Did our perceptions either inhere in something
simple and individual, or did the mind perceive
some real connexion among them, there would
be no difficulty in the case. For my part,
I must plead the privilege of a sceptic,
and confess, that this difficulty is too
hard for my understanding. I pretend not,
however, to pronounce it absolutely insuperable.
Others, perhaps, or myself, upon more mature
reflections, may discover some hypothesis,
that will reconcile those contradictions.
I shall also take this opportunity of confessing
two other errors of less importance, which
more mature reflection has discovered to
me in my reasoning. The first may be found
in Vol. I. page 106. where I say, that the
distance betwixt two bodies is known, among
other things, by the angles, which the rays
of light flowing from the bodies make with
each other. It is certain, that these angles
are not known to the mind, and consequently
can never discover the distance. The second
error may be found in Vol. I. page 144 where
I say, that two ideas of the same object
can only be different by their different
degrees of force and vivacity. I believe
there are other differences among ideas,
which cannot properly be comprehended under
these terms. Had I said, that two ideas of
the same object can only be different by
their different feeling, I should have been
nearer the truth.
End
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